1 Jagić, V., “Hrvatska glagolska književnost, ” in Vodnik's, Poxnjest hrvatske književnosti (Zagreb, 1913), pp. 9–60 Google Scholar.

2 Šišić, F., Povijest Hruata u vrijeme narodnih vladara (Zagreb, 1925)Google Scholar. About King Zvonimir (1076-89) and his violent death, see the recent study by Stipe Gunja£a, “Kako i gdje je svrSio hrvatski kralj Dimitrije Zvonimir, ” Rad, 288 (1952), 205-324.

3 G. Novak, , Prošlost Dalmacije, I (Zagreb, 1944), 115–16 Google Scholar; Kostrenčić, M., “Postanak dalmatinskih sredovječnih gradova, ” in Šišićev Zbornik (Zagreb, 1929), pp. 113–19 Google Scholar; idem, “Slobode dalmatinskih gradova po tipu trogirskom, ” Rad, 239 (1930), 56-150.

4 Karaman, LJ., Eseji i clanci (Zagreb, 1939), pp. 40–49 Google Scholar. Cvito Fiskovic, , “Nasi primorski umjetnici od 9 do 19 stoljeca,” Hrvatsko Kolo, No. 2, 1948, pp. 241–65Google Scholar.

5 The well-known architect T. G. Jackson writes that this portal is “a work which in simplicity of conception, combined with richness of detail, and marvelous finish of execution, has never been surpassed in romanesque or Gothic art, ” in his book Dalmatia, the Quarnero and lstria, II (Oxford, 1887), 111. Radovan's carvings reflect the abundant joy of life; cf. Fisković, “Naši primorski umjetnici…, ” p. 248.

6 Cf. Petar Skok's numerous studies, especially his article “O simbiozi i nestanku starih Romana u Dalmaciji i na Primorju u svijetlu onomastike, ” Razprave, IV (Ljubljana, 1928), 1-42, and his book, Slavenstvo i romanstvo na Jadranskim otocima: Toponomastička ispitivanja (Zagreb, 1950), Vol. I-II.

7 Cf. Viktor Novak, , “The Slavonic-Latin Symbiosis in Dalmatia During the Middle Ages,” Slavonic and East European Review, XXXII, No. 78 (December, 1953), 17 Google Scholar.

8 According to the chronicle of one of the participants in this crusade, Geoffrey de Villehardouin, the Doge himself called Zadar “Jadres en Esclavonie“; cf. P. Skok, , Tri starofrancuske hronike o Zadru u godini 1202 (Zagreb, 1951), p. 84 Google Scholar.

9 For almost every Dalmatian town, simply from evidence based on personal and family names, it is possible to reconstruct a picture of Croatian penetration. Cf. Grga Novak, , ProHost Dalmacije, I (Zagreb, 1944), 175–80 Google Scholar (chap, viii: “Pohrvacivanje dalmatinskih romanskih gradova”).

10 Benedetto Ramberti, secretary to the Venetian Senate, passing through Dubrovnik on his way to Turkey in 1534, noticed that all the women in Dubrovnik spoke Croatian and their husbands Croatian and Italian; cf. V. Novak, “The Slavonic-Latin Symbiosis in Dalmatia … , “ p. 19; about Ramberti see Jorjo Tadić, Promet putnika u starom Dubrovniku (Dubrovnik, 1939), pp. 212-13, and P. Matković in Rad, 56 (1881), 203-32. The Venetian Giovanni B. Giustiniano informed his government in 1553 that in Split, Trogir, Šibenik, Zadar, and Dubrovnik all the common people spoke Croatian; see Commissiones et relationes Venetae, II, ed. Š. Ljubić (Zagreb, 1877), 190-271. About Split he said that all its customs are Slavic and that the language of the people “is so sweet and gentle that it is the first among all the Dalmatian dialects, as the language of Tuscany is the fine flower of Italian speech” (p. 215).

11 In an appeal, sent to the Pope from Dalmatia in 1604, probably by P. Katic\ it is stated that only a small number of Croats know Italian, and they are mostly merchants and noblemen, “but the common people, the young people, nuns, noble women, and monks cannot utter one word in Italian, ” in Lj. Karaman's Dalmacija kroz vjekove u historiji umjetnosti (Split, 1934), p. 132, n. 2; M Vanino, , “Dalmacija zahtijeva biskupe vjeSte hrv. jeziku,” Croatia sacra, III (Zagreb, 1933), 94 Google Scholar.

12 M. Perojević, , Petar Kružić, kapetan i knez grada Klisa (Zagreb, 1931), pp. 180–209 Google Scholar.

13 A national poet commented on the daily reality: S krvi ručak, a s krvi večera svak krvave žvače zalogaje, krvavim se rukama umivamo (“Blood with our dinner, blood with our supper; all the food we eat is soaked in blood. When we wash our faces, our hands are covered with blood.“) Fisković, “Naši primorski umjetnici…, ” p. 259.

14 Dubrovnik paid the tribute first to the Venetians (1205-1358), then to the Hungaro- Croatian kings (until 1526), and finally to the Turkish sultans.

15 “Hrvatskih ter kruna gradov se svih zove, ” wrote Ivan Vidali from Korčula, in 1564; Stari pisci hrvatski, V, 352. Lodovico Beccadelli (1501-72), leaving Dubrovnik where he functioned as the archbishop for a decade, calls Dubrovnik “specchio dllliria e suo pregio maggiore“; see

16 Josip Torbarina, , Italian Influence on the Poets of the Ragusan Republic (London, 1931), p. 51 Google Scholar.

17 I do not intend to enter here into a discussion of the significance of the Italian Renaissance in the history of Western Europe; I prefer to refer to the two last chapters in Ferguson's, W. K. The Renaissance in Historical Thought (Boston, 1948), pp. 290–385 Google Scholar. The Dalmatian Latin poets, at least from the religious point of view, should be considered as the continuators of the Middle Ages.

18 Cf. an exhaustive, interesting but very controversial article by Giovanni Maver, , “La letteratura croata in rapporto alia letteratura italiana,” Italia e Croazia (Rome, 1942-XX), pp. 455–522Google Scholar. Also M Deanovic, , “Les influences italiennes sur l'ancienne literature Yougoslave du littoral adriatique,” Revue de literature comparee, XIV (1934), 30–52 Google Scholar. Josip Torbarina, Italian Influence on the Poets of the Ragusan Republic, Part I: “Relations between Dubrovnik and Italy, ” pp. 19-87; Jorjo Tadić, Promet putnika u starom Dubrovniku, p. 207.

19 A. Cronia, , Storia della letteratura serbo-croata (Milan, 1956)Google Scholar, rightly says: “Sopra tutto a Padova, dove intere generazioni di Dalmati si temprarono e si immortalarono passando dal banco dello scolaro alia cattedra del maestro” (p. 34).

20 B. Croce, Poesia popolare e poesia d'arte, in the chapter “La poesia Latina, ” states: “La lingua latina fu, tra l'altro, per secoli, un modo di scambio nella repubblica letterarioscientifica, e anche nel mondo della politica” (3rd ed.; Bari, 1952), p. 439.

21 Nessuno infatti di questi autori negó la propria nazionalitá croata…” Franjo Trogračić, , Storia della letteratura croata (Rome, 1953), pp. 119–20 Google Scholar.

22 Cf. Torbarina, J. , Italian Influence … , passim, especially p. 50 Google Scholar, where the archbishop Beccadelli is quoted: “Questo è un paese da Schiavoni cioè da robusti, e non da par nostri deboli.”

23 Cf. M. Kombol, , Poviest hrv. književnosti (Zagreb, 1945), pp. 58–74 Google Scholar (“Humanizam i njegovi odjeci“); Kadić, Ante “Croatian Renaissance, ” Studies in the Renaissance, VI (1959), 29–33 Google Scholar.

24 Grga Novak, its modern editor (Zagreb, 1951), gives a first-class account of Dalmatia and Hvar during the first half of the sixteenth century. Novak's study is followed by Pribojevic's Latin text and a translation into Croatian by Veljko Gortan.

25 De, origine successibusque Slavorum (Zagreb, 1951), p. 58 Google Scholar.

26 Zabughin, V., Storia del Rinascimento cristiano in Italia (Milan, 1924), p. 236–38.Google Scholar

27 This poem enjoyed a third edition at Basel in 1538. Cf. Korbler, Dj., “Jakov Bunić Dubrovčanin: Latinski pjesnik,” Rad, 180 (1910), 58–134 Google Scholar.

28 Rački, F., “Iz djela E. L. Crijevića dubrovčanina,” Starine, IV (1872), 155–200 Google Scholar; G. N. Sola, , “Aelii Lampridii Cervini Operum latinorum pars prior,” Archivio storico per la Dalmazia, XVI-XIX (1934)Google Scholar.

29 Among the humanists Crijević was not an exception. Croatian poetical language was still rudimentary (“nostra tempestate scythica lingua utimur, ” Crijević) if compared with the Italian of Dante and Petrarch; nevertheless, Francesco F. Sabino, in 1536, called the Italian language “linguam non vulgarem, sed immundam, non barbaram, sed ipsam barbariem” (cf. Kombol, op. cit., p. 67). Many humanists were of the same opinion; cf. W. K. Ferguson, , The Renaissance in Historical Thought, p. 21.Google Scholar

30 Šišgorić's De situ Illyriae et civitate Sibenici a. 1487 was published by M. Šrepel in Gradja za povijest književnosti hrv., II (1899), 1-12. In his extremely interesting last chapter, 17 (“De moribus quibusdam Sibenici“), appears this sentence concerning folk love poems: “Petulans deinde iuventus, cupidinibusque capta, voce valens amatorium carmen tale noctu decantant quale vix cultus Tibullus aut blandus Propertius aut lascivus Licoridis Gallus aut Lesbia Sappho decantaret” (in Gradja, II, 11).

31 In the same chapter about popular customs, Šišgorić declares: “Siquidem proverbiis Illyricis utuntur, quae nos dicteria diximus, et ex lingua vernacula in latinum vertimus.“ It is a pity that this unique translation is lost.

32 Branko Vodnik, , Povijest hrvatske knjižexmosti (Zagreb, 1913), p. 77.Google Scholar

33 An incomplete selection of Pannonius’ elegies and epigrams (Pjesme i epigrami, Zagreb, 1951) was edited by the Yugoslav Academy in a series entitled Hrvatski Latinisti (Croatian Latinists). The text of Pannonius’ elegies and epigrams is printed together with facing translations of all the poems into Croatian by the poet Nikola Sop. An excellent preface by the late Mihovil Kombol describes the poet's political services to the court of King Mathias, and gives an evaluation of his place among Neo-Latin poets. Kombol considers Pannonius’ highest poetic achievement his third, tenth, and fourteenth elegies (Pjesme i epigrami, p. xvi). Today, in Yugoslavia the verses are much quoted in which Pannonius ridiculed those who went to Rome during the jubilee year of 1450 (“Deridet euntes Romam ad Jubilaeum“): Nescio, credulitas haec si sua proderit ipsis, Hoc scio, Pontifici proderit ilia satis. Cf. Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, IV (Zagreb, 1960), 462; it is to be found translated into Croatian, Antologija svjetske lirike (Zagreb, 1956), p. 136.

34 Typical of CesmicM are his compact and very picturesque verses about the Bosnian landscape: Pars fuit Illyrici, quam nunc vocat incola Bosnam, Dura, sed argenti munere dives humus. Non illic virides spacioso margine campi, Nee sata qui multo foenore reddat ager. Sed rigidi montes, sed saxa minantia coelo, Castella et summis imposita alta jugis . .. Cf. Pjesme i epigrami, pp. 36 and 322. This same text was translated into English and published in the magazine Yugoslavia, in the issue devoted to Bosnia and Herzegovina (No. 7, 1953, p. 3).

35 Ante Kadić, , “Croatian Renaissance,” Studies in the Renaissance, VI (1959), 34–35 Google Scholar.

36 See Zbornik Marka Marulića 1450-1950 (Zagreb, 1950); M. Kombol's Introduction to Judita, ed. V. Štefanić (Zagreb, 1950), p p . 9-22; Cvito Fisković, “Prilog životopisu Marka Marulića Pečenica, ” in Republika, VI (1950), 186-204. The name of Marko Marulić is to be found in very few encyclopedias, either European or American. Therefore, one welcomes the article by Mirko Usmiani, in Harvard Slavic Studies, III (1957), 1-48, which is devoted entirely to the biography of Marulić.

37 Mirko Deanović rightly observes that none of these Italian humanists left significant traces in Marulić's works (in Revue de lit. comparée, 1934, p . 40).

38 Petar Kolendić, Maruliieva oporuka (Split, 1934). It is obvious from his testament that Marulić's interest in literature in Italian was extremely limited; he translated into Latin Petrarch's poem “Vergine bella.“

39 Marulić's words in his famous poem “ In somnium diurnum”; cf. Zbornik, p. 8.

40 Ksenija Atanasijević, , Penseurs Yougoslaves (Belgrade, 1937), p p . 19–43 Google Scholar.

41 Animadversio in eos qui beatum Hieronymum Italum esse contendunt; see I. Lucić, , De regno Dalmatiae (Amstelodami, 1666)Google Scholar, which also includes Marulić's translation into Latin Regum Dalmatiae et Croatiae gesta.

42 Some of his other Latin books, listed in order of their importance, are the following: Evangelistarium (Venice, 1516); Quinquaginta parabolae (Venice, 1510); De humilitate et gloria Christi (Venice, 1519). These Latin works were the reason for his glory as “fidei propugnator acerrimus, princeps suae aetatis philosophus, sacrarum literarum scientia nemini secundus” or “post divum Hieronymum Dalmatiae secunda gloria“; cf. Ježić, Hrvatska knjžievnost, p. 71. Some of Marulić's Latin poems were published by M. Šrepel in Gradja, 2 (1899), 13-42.

43 Ante Kadić, , “St. Francis Xavier and Marko Marulić,” Slavic and East European Journal, Spring, 1961, pp. 12–15 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fran jo Galinec, , “Marulić kao teološki ugled i knjžievni izvor,” Vrela i prinosi, V (Zagreb, 1935), 79–92 Google Scholar.

44 Here is one of his shorter Latin poems (Zbornik, p. 10): Quaeris cur conjunx quae te dilexerat olim Nunc fugit et duris litibus exagitat. Verius haud quicquam possum tibi dicere, Marce: Dilexit iuvenem, nunc fugit ilia senem. Omnibus hoc vitium est miseros odere maritos, Aetas longa quibus languida membra facit. Vis tu pace frui, cum sit tibi Candida barba, I procul, atque alio vivere disce loco.

45 By M. Srepel, in Gradja, 4 (1904), 189-215.

46 Usmiani states that “Marulić was the first humanist to compose a poem of such size and scope, and the only one who chose his hero from the Old Testament, ” in Harvard Slavic Studies, III, 1.

47 Badalić, in Davidias, pp. 9, 278.

48 Franjo Fancev, , Gradja za pjesnički leksikon hrv. jezika, in Gradja, 15 (1940), 182–200 Google Scholar.

49 Cf. Kombol, Poviest hrv. knjizevnosti, pp. 82-87, and especially Petar Skok, “O stilu Maruliteve Judite , “ in Zbornik, pp. 165-241, where he affirms that Marulić's originality is to be found mostly in his style.

50 Marulić”, , Judita, ed. Kušar, Marcel with Introduction by Kasandrić, P. (Zagreb, 1901)Google Scholar; idem, Judita, ed. V. Stefanic with Introduction by M. Kombol (Zagreb, 1951).

51 Milan ReŠetar, , ed., Pjesme šiŠka Menčetića, Džore Držića i ostale pjesme Ranjinina zbornika (Zagreb, 1937)Google Scholar, with a magnificent introduction.

52 Torbarina , Italian Influence on the Poets of the Ragusan Republic, pp. 91-137; it should be pointed out, nevertheless, that an old theory of Jagić (“Trubaduri i najstariji hrvatski lirici, ” Rad, 9, 1869, 203-33) was taken over by M Murko, , “Nekoliko rije£i o prvim dubrovačkim pjesnicima,” in Rešetarov zbornik (Dubrovnik, 1931), pp. 233–43 Google Scholar, who claims that the first Dubrovnik poets were influenced by troubadours through the intermediary of Naples.

53 Cf. Dragoljub Pavlović\ Dubrovačka poezija (2nd ed.; Belgrade, 1956), pp. 60-62, 193-98.

54 Grga Novak, , Hvar (Belgrade, 1924)Google Scholar, passim; B. Vodnik, , Povijest hrvatske knjiievnosti, pp. 113–16Google Scholar.

55 Giovanni Maver, , Letteratura serbo-croata (Milan, 1960), p . 117Google Scholar.

56 The Ribanje, which was published by š. Ljubić in 1874, in the collection Stari pisci hrvatski, has appeared again (Zagreb, 1953) in the series of old Croatian authors, photostatically reproduced by the Yugoslav Academy from the early edition. Cf. also Ribanje i ribarsko prigovaranje, ed. Ramiro Bujas (Zagreb, 1951).

57 The fishermen are not real; they are “completely distorted, ” according to Marin Franičević, because they are portrayed obedient and faithful to their master. What about the “class struggle“? Cf. Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, s.v. Hektorović, III (1958), 667.

58 Cf. Subotić, Dragutin, Yugoslav Popular Ballads (Cambridge, 1932), p. 147 Google Scholar; Munro, H. and Kershaw Chadwick, N., The Growth of Literature (Cambridge, 1936), II, 300 Google Scholar; Matija Murko, , Tragom srpskohrvatske narodne epike (Zagreb, 1951), I–II Google Scholar, passim.

59 M. A. Petković, , Dubrovacke maskerate (Belgrade, 1950), pp. 29–94 Google Scholar; Cronia, Storia delta letteratura serbo-croata, p. 46.

60 Trogrančić, Letteratura croata, pp. 74-77.

61 Cf. Rešetar, Djela Marina Držića, pp. lxxxiv-lxxxvii.

62 Before the Council of T r e n t the general situation among the lower Catholic clergy i n Dubrovnik was a rather dubious one from a moral point of view. See A. Theiner, , Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, II (Zagreb, 1875), 330–36 Google Scholar. Visitator apostolicus exponit statum reipublicae ragusinae rationemque reform - ationis: “II clero ha molti preti di mala vita, per il piú ignoranti, concubinari o al men con donne suspetosissime in casa, poverissimi per il piú servono alii nobili nelle cose profane e vile“; Tomo Matić, “Vjera i crkva, ” Rad, 231 (1925), 250-83; Ivan Vitezić, , La prima visita apostolica postridentina in Dalmazia (Rome, 1957), pp. 29–34 Google Scholar.

63 In Djela Marina Držića, Stari pisci hrvatski, VII, ed. Milan Rešetar (Zagreb, 1930), p. cxxvii; Marin Držić, ed. Miroslav Pantić (Belgrade, 1958), p. 60. e*

64 C Jireček, , “Beiträge zur ragusanischen Literaturgeschichte,” Archiv för slavische Philologie, XXI (1899), 483–93Google Scholar; Jorjo Tadić, , Promet putnika u starom Dubrovniku, p. 292 Google Scholar.

65 Rešetar, in Djela Marina Držića, p. Hi, n. 1.

66 Ibid., pp. lv-lix.

67 “Messer Marino Raugeo rectore di Sapientia che intervenne ala comedia si citi e si riprenda in collegio, ” the National Archives of Siena, Balia, 123 (formerly 99), carta 39b-40b. P. Skok was the first who wrote (Razprave, 1930, pp. 39-41) about Držić's presence at a performance of a comedy prohibited by the censor. We now know that on February 9, 1542, Držić was not a simple spectator at all, but acted the role of the lover (“Magnificus Rector Sapientie qui amasium in ea comedia egit, ” Fondo del Capitano di Giustizia [Capitaneus iusticie Senarum], registro 58, p. 69).

68 The notarial protocols for the years 1541-45 related to the University of Siena, now kept in the archives of the “Curia arcivescovile, ” have been examined by Dr. Ubaldo Morandi (an archivist in Siena), but there he found no indication that Držić obtained a laurea.

69 Torbarina, Italian Influence on the Poets of the Ragusan Republic, pp. 138-39; Arturo Cronia, “II petrarchismo nel Cinquecento serbo-croato, ” Studi Petrarcheschi, I (1948), 242-45 (“Ben poco resta, comunque, di suo, di sentito e di spontaneo nel Darsa“).

70 Jorjo Tadić, , Dubrovački portreti (Belgrade, 1948), pp. 101–11 Google Scholar; Rešetar, Djela Marina Dršića, pp. lxi-lxvi.

71 These letters were discovered by the late Professor Jean Dayre (“Marin Držić conspirant á Florence, ” Revue des études slaves, X, 76-80; Dubrovačke studije, pp. 19-23) and published by Rešetar in Djela Marina Drue“a, pp. lxvi-lxxiv, cxxxi-cxlvii. The first letter (dated July 2, 1566) is now catalogued in Miscellanea Medicea, filza 54 (formerly 77), fasc.(“Lettera di Marino Darsa Raguseo del 1566 lunga, e molto singolare e originale al Granduca Cosimo primo nella quale gli propone la maniera di impradonirsi della Repubblica di Ragusa, e nella quale spiega le cose del governo presente“); the second (July 3), the third (July 23), and the fourth (August 28) are kept in Mediceo, filza 522 (formerly Carteggio universale, filza 192).

72 Jorjo Tadic, , Dubrovački portreti, pp. 124–25.Google Scholar

73 Stari pisci hrvatski, VII, p . lxxiv.

74 Revue des etudes slaves, X, 30; Dubrovačke studije, pp. 22-23.

75 Marin Držić pjesnik dubrovačke sirotinje (Zagreb, 1950); also in Hrvatsko Kolo, Nos. 2-3, 1949, pp. 312-43.

76 Dragoljub Pavlović, “Novi podaci za biografiju Marina Držića, ” in Iz knjizevne i kulturne istorije Dubrovnika (Sarajevo, 1955), now reprinted in Marin Držić, ed. Pantić, p. 120 (“Padre Marino Darsa, capellano del rev. mo patriarca di questa citta di Venezia“).

77 Ante Kadić, “ Marin Držić, Croatian Renaissance Playwright, ” Comparative Literature, Fall, 1959, p p . 349-50.

78 This view is so common in Italy that even a scholar like Arturo Cronia, in his survey of Serbo-Croatian literature, writes about Držić: “Scarsa la originalita, ch£ quasi tutto, dalla tipologia alia fraseologia, è esunto dall’ italiano, ” Letteratura serbo-croata (Milan, 1956), pp. 57–58; cf. also his article, “Per una retta interpretazione di Marino Darsa, ” Rivista di letterature moderne, IV (1956), 203.

79 Djela Marina Drziia, ed. Rešetar, p. 105.

80 Because Creizenach made some ambiguous statements about Držić's Plakir (in Geschichte des neueren Drama, II, 479-90), many Yugoslavs assume that there was a real similarity between Držić's Plakir and Shakespeare's A Midsummer Night's Dream. Some critics believe that Shakespeare in writing this play used an unknown Italian source. Did Držić” use the same source? Perhaps an Italian original could be discovered.

81 Dragoljub Pavlović, “Komedija u našoj renesansnoj književnosti, ” in Marin Držić, ed. Pantic, p. 211.

82 Pavle Popović found Omakala a “comic character“; he nevertheless observed that her criticism of Ragusan ladies is serious, though it may have provoked laughter (“Jedna pastorala Marina Držića, ” Godišnjica Nikole Čupita, XLIV, 219-33, reprinted in Marin Držić, ed. Pantić, pp. 169-71).

83 “II ne copie pas ses modèles, il les adapte, au contraire, afin que ce cadre puisse rèondre aux exigences locales de Raguse et c'est ainsi qu'il crèe ses pièces originales, des tableaux riches et vivants, chroniques dramatisèes de sa ville natale.” Mirko Deanović, “Les influences italiennes sur l'ancienne literature Yougoslave du littoral adriatique,” Revue de lit. comparee, XIV (1934), 46.

84 Rešetar, Djela Marina Držića, p. 47. The dissoluteness of the young Ragusans is considered by some critics as implied social criticism; cf. Kombol, , Novela od Stanca (Zagreb, 1949), pp. 42–43 Google Scholar, and Švelec, F., “Neke misli o Držićevoj Noveli od Stanca,” Republika, 1954, p. 638 Google Scholar.

85 See Petar Kolendic, , “Premijera Držićeva Dunda Maroja,” Glas, 1951, p. 53 Google Scholar.

86 Milan Bogdanovic, Stari i novi, IV, 188; Eli Finci, “Marin Držić: Dundo Maroje, , “Knjizexmost, Nos. 7-8, 1949, p p . 112–17Google Scholar; Vise manje od iivota (Belgrade, 1955), pp. 21-30; Zivko Jelicic, , “Ljudi nazbilj i ljudi nahvao u Drzlicevoj komediji,” reprinted from Moguinosti, Nos. 8-9, 1957 Google Scholar.

87 Djela Marina Držića, , ed. Rešetar, pp. 256-58; Dundo Maroje (Belgrade, 1951), pp. 20–22 Google Scholar

88 Dragoljub Pavlović, , lz knjiiexme i kulturne istorije Dubrovnika, p. 18 Google Scholar. J. Marchiori, “Riflessi del teatro italiano nel Dundo Maroje, ” p. 25; Kombol, , Poviest hrv. književnosti, p. 104.Google Scholar

89 In Rivista di letterature moderne, 1953, p. 203. “Cambiate la vernice a tale scena, cambiate il nome a tale personaggio raguseo, cambiate la forma a tale allusione alia societa ragusea, e avrete il corrispondente italiano.“

90 “Riflessi del teatro italiano nel Dundo Maroje di Marino Darsa, ” Rivista Dalmatica, Nos. 2-3, 1958.

91 Cf. Franjo švelec in his recent and most detailed study, “Dundo Maroje u raspravi Jolande Marchiori, ” Zadarska revija, Nos. 3-4, 1960.

92 Besides Calandria (which was printed in Siena in 1521) Držić could have seen Gfingannati, the best Sienese play; an interesting comparative study could be written on external similarities between Držić's work and Gl'ingannati. Cf. Sanesi, Ireneo, Comedie del Cinquecento, I (Bari, 1912), 409 Google Scholar; Mario Apollonio, , Storia del teatro italiano, II (Firenze, 1951), 158–63 Google Scholar. Luigi Russo writes about Calandria: “La leggerezza gioiosa che percorre la Calandria è testimonianza di ispirazione genuina, ma non di ispirazione profonda,” Commedie Fiorentine del ‘500 (Firenze, 1939), p. 193.

93 “Sva je ukradena iz njekoga libra starijeg neg je staros—iz Plauta, ” Djela Marina Držića, ed. Rešetar, p. 200.

94 “Skup Marina Držića prema Plautovoj Aululariji, ” Rad, 99 (1890), 185-237.

95 “Die Aulularia des Plautus in einer südslavischen Umarbeitung aus der Mittel des XVI. Jahrhunderts, ” in Festschrift Johannes Vahlen (Berlin, 1900), p. 637; translated into Croatian by M. Kombol, , Izabrani kraii spisi Vatroslava Jagića (Zagreb, 1948), p. 352 Google Scholar.

96 “Problem odnosa Držićeva teatra prema talijanskoj književnosti, ” Zadarska revija, No. 1, 1958, pp. 10-28 (“The author concludes that Držić's Skup, based on Plautus’ theme, is an independently constructed play, linked with the Italian playwrights only by use of the same technique—at that time generally used in European drama—and by the common source for the basic plot taken from Plautus, ” p. 29).

97 Milan Rešetar, , “Jezik Marina Držića,” Rad, 248 (1933), 99–100 Google Scholar; Vera Javarek rightly says: “Every one of the many and diverse minor characters has his appropriate style of speech, ” Slavonic and East European Review, No. 88, 1958, p p . 155-56.

98 The Planine were photostatically reproduced by the Yugoslav Academy (Zagreb, 1952).

99 V., Štefanić, Planine (Zagreb, 1942), pp. 10–19 Google Scholar; Gojko Ružičić, , “Jezik Petra Zoranića,” Jižnoslovenski filolog, X–XI Google Scholar.

100 cf. Fischer-Galati, Stephen, Ottoman Imperialism and German Protestantism (Cambridge, 1959)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

101 Cf. Horvat, Josip, Kultura Hrvata kroz 1000 godina, I (Zagreb, 1939), 338 Google Scholar.

102 M Kombol, , “Dinko Ranjina i talijanski petrarkisti,” in Gradja, 11 (1932), 64–94 Google Scholar; Torbarina, Italian Influence … , pp. 142-97.

103 jean Dayre, , Dubrovačke studije (Zagreb, 1938), pp. 73–88 Google Scholar.

104 Jorjo Tadić, Dubrovački portreti (Belgrade, 1948), pp. 316-48; Torbarina, “Tassovi soneti i madrigali u čast Cvijete Zuzorić’ in Hrvatsko Kolo, XXI (1940), 69-96; Ante Kadić, “Cvijeta Zuzorić, legenda i stvarnost, ” in Hrvatska Revija, V, No. 3 (1955), 285-90.

105 M Kombol, , “Talijanski utjecaji u Zlataridevoj lirici,” Rad, 247 (1933), 212–51Google Scholar; cf. also Vaillant, André, La langue de Dominko Zlatarić (Paris, 1928)Google Scholar.

106 Torbarina, Italian Influence…, pp. 202-25.

107 In 1942, in the notorious collection of articles Italia e Croatia, which celebrated the annexation of Dalmatia, Giovanni Maver wrote: “La letteratura dalmato-ragusea in lingua croata non ha, di fronte all'italiana, che una sola differenza essenziale—la lingua“ (p. 485; cf. also p. 481). In his recent book, Letteratura serbo-croata (Milan, 1960), he is more subtle, circumspect, and less biased (cf. pp. 115-16).

108 A. Cronia, , La for tuna del Petrarca fra gli Slavi meridionali, in Annali delta Cattedra Petrarchesca, Vol. IV, 1932, and also in a separate book (Arezzo, 1933)Google Scholar.