Special appreciation is owed to the History Department, the College of Arts and Sciences, and the Research Council at the University of South Alabama for funding the research that led to this article. I would also like to express my deepest gratitude to Larry E. Holmes and the anonymous reviewers for Slavic Review whose thoughtful criticism provided indispensable guidance. Of course, the views expressed in this article, as well as any remaining shortcomings, are my own.

1. For a discussion of how Nicholas I's personal religiosity influenced his stance toward the Holy Places conflict leading up to the war, see David Goldfrank, “The Holy Sepulcher and the Origin of the Crimean War,” in Eric Lohr and Marshall Poe, eds., The Military and Society in Russia, 1450-1917 (London, 2002), 491-505. For a description of Alexander II's perception of the Crimean War as a holy war, see Mosse, W. E., “How Russia Made Peace September 1855 to April 1856,” Cambridge Historical Journal 11, no. 3 (1955): 300–301 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an analysis of holy war propaganda, see Norris, Stephen M., A War of Images: Russian Popular Prints, Wartime Culture, and National Identity, 1812-1945 (DeKalb, 2006), 63–69 and 80-106Google Scholar; Robson, Roy R., Solovki: The Story of Russia Told through Its Most Remarkable Islands (New Haven, 2004), 155-69Google Scholar; and Mara Kozelsky, “Christianizing Crimea: Church Scholarship, ‘Russian Athos,’ and Religious Patriotism of the Crimean War” (PhD diss., University of Rochester, 2004).

2. For standard discussions of the estimated population and alternative statistics, see Khanatskii, K. V., ed., Pamiatnaia kniga Tavricheskoi gubernii, izdannaia tavricheskim gubernskimstatisticheskomkomitetom (Simferopol', 1867), 416-36Google Scholar; Markevich, Arsenii, “Pereseleniia krymskikh tatar vTurtsiiu v sviazi s dvizheniem naseleniia v Krymu,” Izvestiia Akademiia Nauk SSSR, otd. gumanitarnykh nauk, vol. 1 (1928): 375–405 and vol. 2 (1929): 1-16Google Scholar; Fisher, Alan W., “Emigration of Muslims from the Russian Empire in the Years after the Crimean War,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte OsteuropasZb, no. 3 (1987): 356-71.Google Scholar

3. Both Willis Brooks and Robert Crews note that the Crimean War marked a turning point in policy toward Russian Muslims. Brooks, Willis, “Russia's Conquest and Pacification of the Caucasus: Relocation Becomes a Pogrom in the Post-Crimean War Period,” Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (1995): 682-83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Crews, Robert D., For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia (Cambridge, Mass., 2006), 300–311.Google Scholar

4. A handful of articles on this subject take a variety of perspectives on the causes of the 1860s migration. These articles do not explore the war itself in any depth and are written without use of archival sources. See Fisher, “Emigration of Muslims,” and Brian Williams, “Hijra and Forced Migration from Nineteenth-Century Russia to the Ottoman Empire,” Cahiers du mondeRusse 41, no. 1 (January-March 2000): 79-108; Mark Pinson, Demographic Warfare—An Aspect of Ottoman and Russian Policy, 1854-1866 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970); see also the review article in Bekirova, Gul'nara, Krym i krymskie tatary, XIXXX veka (Moscow, 2005), 11–13.Google Scholar

5. It is a cliché in European diplomatic history that extensive literature has been devoted to the Crimean War. Yet, this is most certainly untrue from the Russian perspective, which has seen only two English-language monographs: David M. Goldfrank, The Origins of the Crimean War (New York, 1994) and John Shelton Curtiss, Russia's Crimean War (Durham, 1979). The only serious monograph about Crimea during the Crimean War was written over one hundred years ago by Arsenii Markevich based on the archival files that he himself organized. Markevich did, however, pay attention to the charges against Tatars. Arsenii Markevich, Tavricheskaia guberniia vo vremia krymskoi voiny po arkhivnym materialam (1905; reprint, Simferopol', 1994), 15-22.

6. Historians have struggled endlessly to find the right terms to describe and delineate the distinctions between genocide, ethnic cleansing, and forced migrations. For extended discussions of terminology, see Norman Naimark, Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 2001), on “ethnic cleansing” and “genocide“ (2-5); Steven Béla Várdy, T. HuntTooley, and Agnes Huszar Vardy, eds., Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth Century Europe (Boulder, Colo., 2003), 2-6; Martin, Terry, “The Origins of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing,” Journal of Modern History 70, no. 4 (1998): 813-61CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as well as many other sources listed in the notes of this article.

7. Recently Robert Crews has told us that “The Tsarist state's commitment to ruling through religious practices and institutions and the policing of orthodoxy—the confessionalization of the population of the empire—allowed the state to govern with less violence, and with a greater degree of consensus, than historians have previously imagined.“ Crews, For Prophet and Tsar, 8.

8. Paul Werth, At the Margins of Orthodoxy: Mission, Governance, and Confessional Politics in Russia's Volga-Kama Region, 1827-1905 (Ithaca, 2002); Nicholas Breyfogle, Heretics and Colonizers: Forging Russia's Empire in the South Caucasus (Ithaca, 2005); Austin Jersild, Orientalism and Empire: North Caucasus Mountain Peoples and the Georgian Frontier, 1845- 1917 (Montreal, 2002); Robert P. Geraci and Michael Khodarkovsky, Of Religion and Empire: Missions, Conversion, and Tolerance in Tsarist Russia (Ithaca, 2001); Barbara Skinner, “The Irreparable Church Schism: Russian Orthodox Identity and Its Historical Encounter with Catholicism,” in Ransel, David L. and Shalcross, Bozena, eds., Polish Encounters, Russian Identity (Bloomington, 2001), 20–36 Google Scholar; Weeks, Theodore, Nation and State in Late Imperial Russia: Nationalism and Russification on the Western Frontier, 1863-1914 (DeKalb, 1996).Google Scholar

9. For literature specifically pertaining to debates about religion and identity in Crimea in the decades following annexation and in the years before the war, see Kozelsky, “Christianizing Crimea“; for debates about Tatar juridical status, rights, and privileges, see Kelly O'Neill, “Between Subversion and Submission: The Integration of the Crimean Khanate in the Russian Empire, 1783-1853” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2006).

10. See also Cathy Carmichael, “'Neither Serbs, Nor Turks, Neither Water Nor Wine, but Odious Renegades': The Ethnic Cleansing of Slav Muslims and Its Role in Serbian and Montenegrin Discourses since 1800,” Vardy, Tooley, and Vardy, eds., Ethnic Cleansing, 113-32.

11. Peter Gatrell, A Whole Empire Walking: Refugees in Russia during World War I (Bloomington, 1999); and Baron, Nick and Gatrell, Peter, eds., Homelands: War, Population and Statehood in Eastern Europe and Russia, 1918-1924 (London, 2004).Google Scholar

12. Peter Gatrell, “War Population Displacement and State Formation in the Russian Borderlands, 1914-24,” in Baron and Gatrell, eds., Homelands, 12.

13. Pavel Polian makes a distinction, for example, between “repressive migrations“ and “non-repressive” migrations, and lists several variants of each. Polian, Against Their Will: The History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR (Budapest, 2004), 43-47. An excellent review of the literature on genocide, ethnic cleansing, and forced migrations (including a discussion of the literature's deficiencies) can be found in Mark Mazower, “Violence and the State in the Twentieth Century,” American Historical Review 107, no. 4 (October 2002): 1158-78.

14. On one end of the spectrum is Eric Hobsbawm, who has argued that “there was no comparison between the casual and intermittent savagery of the pogroms and what was to come a generation later.” On the other, is Daniel Goldhagen whose controversial study of grassroots antisemitism views the Holocaust as the inevitable expression of nineteenthcentury ideas. Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991 (New York, 1996), 120; Daniel Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York, 1996). Andrew Bell-Fialkoff's odd study of edinic cleansing (which advocates “preventative population resettlement“) begins with the Assyrians. See Andrew Bell-Fialkoff, Ethnic Cleansing (New York, 1996). See also Ian Kershaw, “War and Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe,” Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (2005): 107-23; Naimark, Fires of Hatred.

15. Kershaw, “War and Political Violence,” 108.

16. See also Smith's, Stephen thoughtful “Comment on Kershaw,” Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (2005): 124-30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. Amir Weiner, for example, has argued that Soviet twentieth-century population policies were in part a product of unique “historical biases,” a point that is commonly acknowledged in the literature of deportations but rarely analyzed in depth. For Weiner's treatment, see “Nothing but Certainty,” Slavic Review 61, no. 1 (Spring 2002): 46. For more on the Soviet deportations, see, among others, Robert Conquest, The Nation Killers: The Soviet Deportations of Nationalities (New York, 1970); Isabelle Kreindler, “The Soviet Deported Nationalities: A Summary and an Update,” Soviet Studies 38, no. 3 (1986): 387-405; Michael Gelb, “An Early Soviet Ethnic Deportation: The Far-Eastern Koreans,” Russian Review 54, no. 3 (July 1995): 389-412; N. F. Bugai, L. Beriia—/. Stalinu “Soglasno vashemu ukazaniiu” (Moscow, 1995); Martin, “Origins of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing“; Polian, Against Their Will.

18. Fisher, “Emigration of Muslims“; and Brooks, “Russia's Conquestand Pacification.“

19. For statements connecting the Crimean War population transfer to the history of population movements in the Middle East and the Balkans, see Fisher, “Emigration of Muslims,” 356; Williams, “Hijra and Forced Migration,” 79-108. Mark Pinson, on the other hand, specifically investigated the population exchanges between the Russian and Ottoman empires following the Crimean War. Pinson, Demographic Warfare.

20. Fisher, “Emigration of Muslims,” 362.

21. Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv v Avtonomnoi Respublike Krym (GAARK), f. 26, op. 4. Additional information about the cases against the Crimean Tatars can be found in the microfilmed collection from the holdings of the Voenno-uchenyi arkhiv at the Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi voenno-istoricheskii arkhiv in Moscow: The Crimean (Eastern) War, 1853- 1856, with an introduction by David M. Goldfrank (Woodbridge, Conn., 2004). This collection is the focus of my on-going research.

22. The only full-length English-language studies of intelligence during the Nicolaevan era were written decades ago without access to archival files and do not provide any meaningful reference to the Crimean War: Sydney Monas, The Third Section: Police and Society in Russia under Nicholas I (Cambridge, Mass., 1961); P. S. Squire, The ThirdDepartment: The Establishment and Practices of the Political Police in the Russia of Nicholas I (London, 1968). Russian-language publications do not really address the Crimean War either. See, for example, Chukarev, A. G., Tainaia politsiia Rossii, 1825-1855 gg. (Moscow, 2005).Google Scholar For an analysis of the security police following the reign of Nicholas I, see Jonathan W. Daly, Autocracy underSiege: Security Police and Opposition inRussia, 1866-1905 (DeKalb, 1998) and other works by the same author

23. Peter Holquist, “Information Is the Alpha and Omega of Our Work: Bolshevik Surveillance in Its Pan-European Context/'/owrwa/ of Modern History 69, no. 3 (September 1997): 416. Others have made similar points about the unreliability of denunciations. Squire notes that up to 90 percent of volunteer denunciations to the Third Section were proven false, while Jeffrey Burds has explored how peasants used denunciations to control change in the village. See Squire, Third Department, 195; Burds, Jeffrey, “A Culture of Denunciation: Peasant Labor Migration and Religious Anathematization in Rural Russia, 1860-1905,” Journal of Modern History 68, no. 4 (December 1996): 786–818.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24. ‘Vysochaishii manifest ot 20 Oktiabria 1853 ob ob'iavlenii voiny Porte,” in N. Dubrovin, ed., Materialy dlia istorii krymskoi voiny i Oborony Sevastopolia: Sbornik izdavaemyi komitetompo ustroistvu Sevastopol'skago muzeia, 5 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1871-74), 1:129-31.

25. Ibid., 1:129. 26. Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Odesskago oblast’ (GAOO), f. 1, op. 172, d. 69, 1. 1 (the appearance of the military in the Kherson, Tauride, and Bessarabian districts).

27. Markevich, Tavricheskaia guberniia vo vremia krymskoi voiny, 8-9.

28. Ibid., 9-10.

29. “Vozvanie tavricheskago muftia Seid'-Dzhelil'-Efendiia vsemu musul'manskomu dukhovenstvu i narodu, v Tavricheskoi gubernii obitaiushchim,” in Dubrovin, ed., Materialy dlia istorii krymskoi voiny, 1:252.

30. Markevich, Tavricheskaia guberniia vo vremia krymskoi voiny, 12. 31. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1715,11. 1-3 (returning to the native land). 32. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1452, 11. 1-26 (the aristocrat Upton suspected of a relationship with the enemy).

33. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1498,11. 1-51 (exiling various unauthorized Jews from the Crimean peninsula).

34. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1448, 11. 1-2 (watching for the appearance of the spy Braun); see also GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1446 (searching for Jews).

35. Squire, Third Department, 215-23.

36. Winfried Baumgart, The Crimean War: 1853-1856 (London, 1999), 116.

37. Nikolai Mikhno, “Iz zapisok chinovnika o krymskoi voine,” in Dubrovin, ed., Materialy dlia istorii krymskoi voiny, 3:7.

38. Father Superior Nikolai to Archbishop Innokentii, 16 October 1854, Rossiiskaia natsional'naia biblioteka (RNB), f. 313 (personal fond of Archbishop Innokentii), d. 44, 1.72.

39. Father Superior Nikolai to Archbishop Innokentii, 24 September 1854, RNB, f. 313, d. 44,1. 54.

40. Mikhno, “Iz zapisok chinovnika o krymskoi voine,” 38.

41. Ibid., 39.

42. The eminent Russian historian of the Crimean War, E. V. Tarle, blames Prince Menshikov directly for Russia's failure to meet the Allies with proper preparation. E. V. Tarle, Krymskaia voina (Moscow, 2003), 104-5.

43. Vozgrin, V. E., Istoricheskie sudby krymskihh tatar (Moscow, 1992), 324-30.Google Scholar There are numerous cases in the archives and eyewitness accounts of clashes between Tatars and Cossacks during the war. For the accusation implicating Tatars, see GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1694, 11. 1-2 (Tatars accused of burning a wounded Cossack during the war in Crimea).

44. Khakan Kyrymly, “O krymskotatarskikh voiskakh v sostave osmanskoi armii v period krymskoi voiny,” Golos Kryma, 31 October 2003, 7.

45. Ibid.

46. Shirokorad, A. B., Russko-turetskie voiny: 1676-1918 (Moscow, 2000), 453-54.Google Scholar

47. Kyrymly, “O krymskotatarskikh voiskakh,” 7.

48. Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv (RGIA), f. 796, op. 135, d. 1729, 1. 1 (petition to travel through the diocese).

49. Archbishop Innokentii, “Slovo pri poseshchenii pastvy,” Karasubazar Cathedral, 17 September 1854, Sochineniia Innokentiia Arkhiepiskopa Khersonskago i Tavricheskago, 11 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1908), 2:239.

50. Archbishop Innokentii, “Slovo po sluchaiu nashestviia inoplemennikov,” St. Aleksandr Nevskii Sobor, 15 September 1854, Sochineniia, 2:229, 230.

51. RGIA, f. 796, op. 137, d. 408,11. 2 -3 (permitting Archbishop Innokentii and a few religious people to wear medals in recognition of their protection of Sevastopol’).

52. For additional anecdotal evidence revealing the religious dimension of the war, see “Tri razskaza Odesskago Protiereia A. A. Solov'eva, peredal A. I. Rubanovskago,” in KliersonesskiiEparkhal'nyie Vedomosti, 1904, no. 9 (supplement): 265.

53. “Postanovlenie tavricheskago magomanskago dukhovnago pravleniia ot 6-go oktiabria,” in Dubrovin, ed., Materialy dlia istorii krymskoi voiny, 4:17-18.

54. “Proshenie deputatov nogaiskago plemeni, ot 12-go oktiabria,” in Dubrovin, ed., Materialy dlia istorii krymskoi voiny, 4:18-19.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 4:20.

57. After all, Adlerberg remained in his post well after Menshikov was relieved of his responsibilities in Crimea. Markevich, “Pereseleniia krymskikh tatar,” 393. See also B. M. Vol'fson, “Emigratsiia krymskikh tatar v 1860 g.,” Istoricheskie zapiski, 1940, no. 9: 187.

58. “Adlerberg, Count Nikolai Vladimirovich,” Russkii biograftcheskii slovar’ (New York, 1962), 1:78.

59. The Greeks in the Balaklava battalion descended primarily from those Greeks who had participated in the Russo-Turkish wars under Catherine II. They performed various military maneuvers throughout the end of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth century, including putting down Tatar resistance after the annexation. “Balaklava,“ Novorossiiskii kalendar’ na 1846 (Odessa, 1845), 338-42. See also, O. A. Gabrielian, S. A. Efimov, V G. Garubin, et al., Krymskie repatriany: Deportatsiia, vozvrashchenie, i obustroistvo (Simferopol', 1998); Marianna Abdullaeva, “Sviasheniki Parafii grekiv krimu na prikintsi XVIII na pochafku XX St.,” Podvizhniki i metsinati: Gretz'ki pidpriemtsi ta gromands'ki diiachi v Ukraini XWI-XIXst. (Kyiv, 2001).

60. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1472 (report from the Tatar Aisha about the ill will of a few Tatars near Alushta). It is not clear how many cases during the war resulted from Crimean Tatar accusations. What is clear, however, is that Aisha was not the only Tatar informant. See, for example, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1456 (the Tatar A.S. and his relationship with the enemy).

61. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1472.

62. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1449,11. 13-14 (the arrest of Tatars).

63. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1685 (the liberation from arrest and judgment of one accused of having a relationship with the enemy); GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1673, 11. 1-7 (sending a deputy to the founding of an evidentiary commission in Perekop against the Tatars).

64. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1644 (the appearance of Tatar spies in our chief military circles serving the enemy).

65. For the robbing of churches during the war, see Kozelsky, “Christianizing Crimea“; for the importance of this theme in wartime broadsides, see Norris, War of Images.

66. Mikhno, “Iz zapisok chinovnika o krymskoi voine,” 9, 25.

67. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1587 (Mur'za Biaralanov's return from captivity).

68. Shirokorod, Russko-turetskie voiny, 453-56.

69. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1493,11. 1, 16, 29 (about the Tatars).

70. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1638, 11. 1-2 (about the appearance of spies from Poland).

71. Ibid., 2.

72. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1522, 1. 12 (about measures concerning Tatars having relationships with the enemy).

73. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1522,11. 12-13,14.

74. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1495,11. 4-5.

75. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1673,11. 1-7; f. 26, op. 4, d. 1685,1. 1.

76. The most likely spelling of this suspect's last name was Chelebi, not Chilibi. “Chilibi“ was most commonly used in official reports, however.

77. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1449,11. 6-29.

78. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1472,11. 1-28.

79. Mosse, “How Russia Made Peace,” 304.

80. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1495,1. 11.

81. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1579,1. 4.

82. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1605,1. 1 (Tatars giving secrets to the enemy and leaving the borders).

83. Ibid., 3.

84. See, for example, Pereira, Norman, Tsar-Liberator: Alexander II of Russia, 1818- 1881 (Newtonville, Mass., 1983)Google Scholar; and Mosse, W. E., Alexander II and the Modernization of Russia (London, 1992)Google Scholar.

85. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1685,1. 65. Emphasis added. Although the Tatars declined under Mikhail Vorontsov, the bureaucrat did subscribe to toleration and often intervened on their behalf. An elderly man when the war broke out, Vorontsov retired from his post at the turn of 1855. See Anthony L. H. Rhinelander, Prince Michael Vorontsov: Viceroy to the Tsar (Montreal, 1990).

86. The only monograph-length study of the Treaty of Paris to my knowledge was written by a scholar of the Crimean War, Winfried Baumgart. Baumgart did not, however, discuss the refugees from the war, a question that was in fact very important for the peace process and the war's aftermath. Winfried Baumgart, The Peace of Paris, 1856: Studies in War, Diplomacy, and Peacemaking, trans. Ann Pottinger Saab (Oxford, 1981).

87. “Traktat zakluchenyi v parizhe 18 (30) Marta 1856,” in Tarle, Krymskaia voina, (unpaginated).

88. Nina Noskova, Krymskie bolgary v XTV-nachale XX v.: Istoriia i kul'tura (Simferopol', 2002), 36-37.

89. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1685, 1. 65.

90. Ibid., 11. 83-84.

91. Ibid.

92. GAARK, f. 26, op. 4, d. 1585, 11. 14-19 (compilation of a list of all Tatars returning from the enemy).

93. James. H. Meyer, “Immigration, Return, and the Politics of Citizenship: Russian Muslims in the Ottoman Empire, 1860-1914,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 39 (2007): 15-32.

94. Baumgart, Crimean War, 215-16; Curtiss, Russia's Crimean War, 470.

95. RGIA, f. 796, op. 138, d. 647,1. 7.

96. Markevich, Tavricheskaiaguberniia vo vremia krymskoi voiny, 214-17.

97. Ibid., 218.

98. Prince Vorontsov to Archbishop Innokentii, 12 July 1848, RNB, f. 313, d. 42,1.129.

99. Archbishop Innokentii to Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich, Odessa, 20June 1852, Russkaia starina, vol. 25 (1879): 368-69.

100. GAOO, f. 37, op. 1, d. 1790, 1. 8 (establishing an Orthodox hierarchy in Tauride). Catherine II experimented with having an Orthodox bishop in Crimea to meet the needs of Greeks who lived on the peninsula before annexation, but this office was abolished before the end of the eighteenth century.

101. Rev. Thos. Milner, M.A. F.R.A.S., The Crimea, Its Ancient and Modern History: The Khans, the Sultans, and the Czars. With Notices of Its Scenery and Population (London, 1855), 367.

102. Xavier Hommaire de Hell, Travels in the Steppes of the Caspian Sea, the Crimea and the Caucasus (London, 1847), 423. For a Russian reflection on the decline of the Tatars before and during the war, see E. Totleben, “O vyselenii tatar iz Kryma v 1860 gody,” Russkaia starina, vol. 78 (1893): 531-50.

103. See G. P. Levitskii, “Pereselenie Tatar iz Kryma v Turtsiiu,” Vestnik Evropy, 1882, no. 5: 606-8.

104. “Vyselenie Tatar iz Tavricheskoi gubernii,” Pamiatnaia kniga (Simferopol', 1867), 416-33.

105. Ibraim Abdullaev, “Postup’ Kresnostsev v Krymu,” Golos Kryma, 24 November 2000, 4.

106. “Vyselenie Tatar iz Tavricheskoi gubernii,” 416-33.

107. Tatar immigration to the Ottoman empire was disasterous. One historian notes that in the course often months in a later stage of the emigration from Russia, Tatars died from cholera and malaria and that, out of 1,500 families, only 600 survived. The Tatars' repeated requests to return met with mixed responses from the Russian authorities. See Vol'fson, “Emigratsiia krymskikh tatar,” 190-91.

108. This story has been told by others, most notably Mark Pinson and Kemal Karpat. See Pinson, Demographic Warfare; Pinson, “Ottoman Colonization of the Crimean Tatars in Bulgaria, 1854-1862,” in Proceedings of the Seventh Congress of the Tiirk Tarih Kurumu (Ankara, 1970); and Pinson, “Russian Policy and the Emigration of the Crimean Tatars to the Ottoman Empire, 1854-1862” (2 parts), in Guney Dogu Avrupa ArastirmalariDergisi (1972): 37-55 and (1973/74): 101-14; as well as Kemal H. Karpat, Ottoman Population, 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics (Madison, 1985) and other works by die same author.

109. Mazower, “Violence and the State,” 1160.

110. Polian, Against Their Will, 46.

111. Idil Izmirli, “Regionalism and the Crimean Tatar Political Factor in the 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election,” Journal of Central Asia and the Caucasus 1, no. 1 (April 2006): 138-52; and Izmirili, “Return to the Golden Cradle: An Overview of Post- Return Dynamics and Resetdement Angst of Crimean Tatars in Crimea,” in Buckley, Cynthia and Ruble, Blair A., eds., Migration, Homeland, and Belonging in Eurasia (Baltimore, Md., 2008)Google Scholar.

112. Ibraim Abdullaev, “Otgoloski kolonial'noi voinyi,” Golos Kryma, 17 October 2003, 7.1 thank Kemal Gafarov for introducing me to Abdullaev's excellent body of work.

113. Articles on the war cover a variety of issues. See, for example, Khakan Kyrymly, “O krymskotatarskikh voiskakh“; Gul'nara Abdullaeva, “Krymskie tatary v krymskoi voine 1853-1856,” Advet, no. 2 (354) (15 February 2005); Abdullaev, “Postup’ Kresnostsev v Krymu,” 4.

114. Aleksei Gaivoronskii, “Vekovaia mechta tsarizma,” Polustrov, no. 15 (16 May 2003); see also RefatKutiev, “Istoricheskie aspekty deportatsii krymskotatarskogo naroda,“ Golos Kryma, 14 May 2004.