Portions of this article were presented at the Thirty-eighth National Convention of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies (Washington, D.C., November 2006). 1 wish to thank the two anonymous referees for their insightful and constructive comments on a draft of this essay. I also offer my sincerest gratitude to Michelle E. Fino, Irina Del Genio, Ky Krauthamer, and Roman Vassilenko.

1. See “Kazakh Official to Borat: Come Visit,” Associated Press, 19 October 2006.

2. William Cook, “After Ali,” Independent on Sunday, 22 August 2004, 19.

3. I use “Kazakhstani” to refer to the government and population of the country of Kazakhstan; I use “Kazakh” specifically in reference to the Turco-Mongol ethnic group that is the titular majority in Kazakhstan. Nearly half of the country's population is, in fact, non- Kazakh and includes Slavs, Germans, and Uzbeks among some 100 other nationalities.

4. This essay focuses exclusively on Kazakhstan's national branding efforts in western Europe and North America. Kazakhstan's two largest neighbors, Russia and China, are of key importance to the government's international image promotion; the Borat controversy has had no impact on these relationships, however. The film was barred from Russian theaters and had little resonance in the Pacific Rim.

5. Kenneth Boulding distinguishes between elites, “the small group of people who make the actual decisions which lead to war or peace, the making or breaking of treaties, the invasions or withdrawals, alliances, and enmities which make up the major events of international relations,” and the masses, “ordinary people who are deeply affected by these decisions but who take little or no direct part in making them“; Boulding, Kenneth E., “National Images and International Systems,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 3, no. 2 (June 1959): 121 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6. Five weeks of fieldwork in Kazakhstan (October-November 2002) as well as fifty Internet-based interviews conducted between January 2002 and December 2004 provided the core data for my dissertation. My thesis explored the impact of mass-mediation— specifically Internet use—on the national identity of Kazakhstan's population in the wake of the country's independence. Robert A. Saunders, “Unweaving the Web of Identity“ (PhD diss., Rutgers University, 2005).

7. I conducted open-ended, qualitative interviews with a dozen Kazakhstanis living in the United States ranging in age from eighteen to forty-five. Using a similar methodology, I interviewed some twenty Americans who had adopted Kazakhstani children since 2000; these respondents were between the age of thirty-five and fifty-five. These data were collected between November 2002 and May 2007.

8. See Rusciano, Frank Louis, “The Construction of National Identity—A 23-Nation Study,” Political Research Quarterly 56, no. 3 (September 2003): 361-66.Google Scholar

9. Nye, Joseph S. Jr, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York, 2004), 11–15.Google Scholar

10. Rusciano, “Construction of National Identity,” 361.

11. See Keohane, Robert, After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton, 1984), 116 Google Scholar; and Holsti, Ole R., “The Belief System and National Images: A Case Study,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 6, no. 3 (September 1962): 244-52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. Kotler, Philip and Gertner, David, “Country as Brand, Product, and Beyond: A Place Marketing and Brand Management Perspective,” Journal of Brand Management 9, nos. 4–5 (April 2002): 251 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. Cited in Ingeborg Astrid Kleppe et al., “Country Images in Marketing Strategies: Conceptual Issues and an Empirical Asian Illustration,” Journal of Brand Management 10, no. 1 (September 2002): 62.

14. See Ham, Peter van, “The Rise of the Brand State: The Postmodern Politics of Image and Reputation,” Foreign Affairs 80, no. 5 (September-October 2001): 2–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15. Peterson, J. E., “Qatar and the World: Branding for a Micro-State,” Middle East Journal, 60, no. 4 (Autumn 2006): 746.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16. Anholt, Simon, “Foreword,” Journal ofBrand Management 9, nos. 4 - 5 (April 2002): 233 Google ScholarPubMed; see also, Anholt, Simon, Competitive Identity: The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions (New York, 2007).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. Simon Anholt, “Anholt-GMI Nation Brands Index: Second Quarter, 2005,” at www.gmi-mr.com/gmipoll/docs/NBI_Q2_2005.pdf (last consulted 1 November 2007).

18. Jorge de Vicente, “State Branding in the 21st Century” (MA thesis, The Fletcher School of Diplomacy at Tufts University, 2004), 1.

19. Papadopoulos, Nicolas and Heslop, Louise, “Country Equity and Country Branding: Problems and Prospects,” Journal of Brand Management 9, nos. 4 - 5 (April 2002): 296.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. de Vicente, “State Branding,” 4.

21. Jaworski, Stefan Paul and Fosher, Don, “National Brand Identity and Its Effect on Corporate Brands: The Nation Brand Effect (NBE),” Multinational Business Review 11, no. 2 (Fall 2003): 99–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22. Grimes, William, ‘Japan as the ‘Indispensable Nation’ in Asia: A Financial Brand for the 21st Century,” Asia-Pacific Review 12, no. 1 (May 2005): 40–54 Google Scholar.

23. In 1991, the Soviet Union's fifteen socialist republics gained independence. Since that time, certain breakaway regions have claimed sovereignty, e.g., Transnistria, Abkhazia, Chechnia, but have failed to secure international recognition as independent states.

24. Lebedenko, Vladimir, “Russia's National Identity and Image-Building,” International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations bd, no. 4 (September-October 2004): 71.Google Scholar

25. Ibid., 71-77.

26. The use of the informal “Stans” reflects Kazakhstan's own branding strategy and is regularly used by diplomatic personnel in formal settings, including public statements and press interviews. In a 2005 interview with National Public Radio, Kazakhstan's press secretary in the United States stated, “Every Stan is very different and Kazakhstan right now is a Stan like no other“; see Madeleine Brand, “Kazakhstan Not Laughing at TV's 'Ali G,’ “ Day to Day, NPR, 17 November 2005.

27. Roman Vassilenko, Embassy of the Republic of Kazakhstan, interview, Washington, D.C., 13 April 2007.

28. Stephen Kotkin described the region as a “dreadful checkerboard of parasitic states and statelets, government-led extortion rackets and gangs in power, mass refugee camps, and shadow economies.” Kotkin, Stephen, “Trashcanistan,” New Republic 226, no. 14 (15 April 2002): 27 Google Scholar. See also, Ro'i, Yaacov, “Introduction,” in Ro'i, Y., ed., Democracy and Pluralism in Muslim Eurasia (London, 2004).Google Scholar

29. Vassilenko, interview, Washington, D.C., 13 April 2007.

30. “By the Horns,” New Republic 235, no. 16 (16 October 2006): 7.

31. Baron Cohen developed the Borat persona for his 30-minute sketch comedy/ interview parody program Da Ali G Show, which first aired in the United Kingdom in 2000. The premium American cable channel Home Box Office subsequently picked up the series and aired two six-episode seasons beginning in February 2003. Like Baron Cohen's other personae, the gangster rapper Ali G and the Austrian fashionista Bruno, Borat claims to be a reporter. This methodological device allows him to make outrageous claims and ask offensive questions of unsuspecting Britons and Americans.

32. Although the country does have much to brag about, there is a growing gap between rich and poor, the countryside remains underdeveloped, and ethnically charged clashes are not unknown. It is important to note that the shots of Borat's hometown were filmed in a trash-strewn village in Romania, a country that is now part of the European Union.

33. The organization that manages Kazakhstan's theaters did not buy or show the film in the country. Vassilenko explains, “I suspect they made this decision without seeing the film and based their decision on the current media outcry associated with the depiction of Kazakhstan. I doubt, however, that they would have changed their minds upon seeing the film. It offers nothing to a Kazakh audience. It would not be funny. It would be lost in translation—both literally and figuratively. Not only the issues associated with Sacha Baron Cohen's speech which uses Polish, Hebrew, and gibberish or [his co-star Ken Davitian's] use of Armenian. The jokes are based on a sophisticated understanding of the nuances of American culture. The movie offends particular layers and groups within the U.S. population. It would not be appealing given the mentality of Kazakhs.” Vassilenko, interview, Washington, D.C., 13 April 2007.

34. John Harris, “When Ali G Went to Kazakhstan,” Independent, 26 April 2000, 1.

35. In the tradition of international relations writing, I use “Astana,” the capital of Kazakhstan, to refer to the country's political establishment.

36. Borat Sagdiyev, “Hear IS wat Thay Say,” Official Borat web site, 2005, at http:// www.borat.tv (accessed 2 February 2006; no longer available).

37. Baron Cohen responded to this condemnation in character. Filmed against the backdrop of a Kazakhstani flag, Borat issued a video press release via his web site supporting “his” government's decision to “sue this Jew.” In response, KazNIC, the government agency that manages Internet domains, removed Borat's web site, borat.kz, from the country's servers, forcing it be relocated to die. tv domain. The imbroglio soon made international headlines. American media personalities joked that Baron Cohen was lucky Kazakhstan had given up its nuclear arsenal or those weapons might be trained on him. See “War of Words: Kazakhstan vs. Sacha Baron Cohen,” Good Morning America, ABC News transcripts, 16 November 2005.

38. The foreign currency firm Travelex was recently forced to increase its reservoir of the tenge, Kazakhstan's currency, to accommodate the increased demand by British travelers. See Laura Bly, “Finding the Real Kazakhstan,” USA Today, 17 November 2006.

39. Andy Lea, “Come Home Borat, All Is Forgiven,” Daily Star, 20 November 2005.

40. I owe this insight to one of my anonymous reviewers.

41. “By the Horns,” 7.

42. Goldstein, Richard, “The Tao of Borat,” Nation 283, no. 17 (20 November 2006): 8.Google Scholar

43. Vassilenko, interview, Washington, D.C., 13 April 2007.

44. In my interviews with Kazakhstanis in the diaspora and parents of children adopted from Kazakhstan, respondents regularly told me that they often found that “average“ Americans thought Baron Cohen had made up the country for his comedy act and were surprised to learn of its existence.

45. Sapabek Asip-uly quoted in “Kazakhs Warm to Borat's Humour,” CBC web site, 24 November 2006 at http://www.cbc.ca/arts/film/story/2006/ll/24/borat-kazakh.html (last consulted 1 November 2007).

46. Gauhar Abdygaliyeva, “My ‘Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan,'” Washington Post, 8 November 2006. In the film, the country's name is mentioned forty-one times and its pale blue flag adorned with the Golden Eagle appears frequently.

47. Daughter of Kazakhstan's President Defends Borat,” CBC web site, 21 April 2006 at http://www.cbc.ca/story/arts/national/2006/04/21/borat-kazakhstan-defence.html?ref=rss (last consulted 1 November 2007).

48. In the United States, Baron Cohen won the prestigious Golden Globe for Best Actor. Following a Vienna screening, the movie reviewer for Kazakhstan's leading weekly Karavan declared it the “best film of the year.” See “Borat ‘Best Film’ of Year: Kazakh Reviewer,” CBC web site, 19 November 2006, at http://www.cbc.ca/arts/film/story/2006/ 11/19/borat-kazakhstan-review.html (last consulted 1 November 2007).

49. The social networking site MySpace, which is currently the world's fourth most popular English-language web site, used Borat to launch its new “Black Carpet” service, which allows selected MySpace members to prescreen movies. Both MySpace and Twentieth Century Fox are owned by Rupert Murdoch's News Corp.

50. The massacre occurred when Uzbek security forces fired on a group of protestors in the eastern city of Andijan on 13 May 2005. Government figures state that 187 people were killed, but other sources suggest that die number of dead was in the hundreds. Tashkent refused to allow an international investigation into the event, prompting international condemnation. In response, the Karimov government ordered the closing of the US airbase at Karshi-Khanabad and reoriented its foreign policy toward Russia and China. Kazakhstan's excellent relations with the United States, territorial disputes with Uzbekistan, cross-border trade problems, and Kazakhstan's disaffected Uzbek minority all contribute to a less than perfect bilateral relationship between Astana and Tashkent.

51. Vassilenko, interview, Washington, D.C., 13 April 2007.

52. Ibid.

53. In this regard, the date 2030 can be found in numerous, high-profile locations in Kazakhstan; in fact, it is visible at night from almost everywhere in the country's largest city, Almaty. This is the year in which President Nazarbayev expects the country to successfully achieve “First World” status. It is also an integral part of Kazakhstan's internal branding effort to become the “Snow Leopard of Asia,” i.e., an economic trailblazer following the Asian Tiger model of South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan. See Nursultan Nazarbayev, “Kazakhstan 2030: Prosperity, Security and Ever Growing Welfare of All the Kazakhstanis,” at www.kazakhembus.com/Kazakhstan2030.html (last consulted 5 November 2007).

54. Tim Cornwell, “Wish You Were Here, Mr Borat,” Scotsman, 20 October 2006, at news.scotsman.com/uk.cfm?id=1552572006 (last consulted 1 November 2007).

55. See Erlan Idrissov, “Offensive and Unfair: Sacha Baron Cohen Exploits the West's Ignorance of Kazakhstan,” Guardian, 4 October 2006, 25; and Erlan Idrissov, “We Survived Stalin and We Can Certainly Overcome Borat's Slurs,” Times, 4 November 2006, at www. timesonline.co.uk/article/06-2436462,00.html (last consulted 17 November 2006).

56. Idrissov, “We Survived Stalin.“

57. As the parent of a child born in Kazakhstan, I have seen the predominant American response to the initial mention of Kazakhstan shift from “Kazakhstan … where is that?” to “Kazakhstan … Oh, where Borat is from.“

58. “A New Sort of Beauty Contest: National Branding,” Economist 381, no. 8503 (11 November 2006): 68.

59. Jeremy Kahn, “A Brand-New Approach,” Foreign Policy 157 (November-December 2006): 92.

60. See Robert, Saunders A., “In Defence of Kazakshilik: Kazakhstan's War on Sacha Baron Cohen,” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14, no. 3 (May-June 2007): 225-55.Google Scholar

61. Kotler and Gertner, “Country as Brand,” 251.

62. Martinovic, Stjepo, “Branding Hrvatska—A Mixed Blessing That Might Succeed,“ Journal of Brand Management 9, nos. 4-5 (April 2002): 315.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

63. Wang, Jian, “Localising Public Diplomacy: The Role of Sub-National Actors in Nation Branding,” Place Branding 2, no. 1 (January 2006): 33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

64. Vassilenko, interview, Washington, D.C., 13 April 2007.

65. Vassilenko introduced the term brand into our discussion and, not surprisingly, his recognition of the importance of a positive national brand permeated the entire interview from that point forward. When I asked if he wished Baron Cohen had never come up with the character of Borat, he quickly responded in the negative. He smiled and after a long pause told me, “I am planning to write a book on my experiences with Borat.” Ibid.

66. Anholt, Simon, “Nation Branding: A Continuing Theme,” Journal of Brand Management 10, no. 1 (September 2002): 60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

67. The “supermarket” image comes from Anholt: “It does sometimes seem as if globalization is turning the world into a giant supermarket where nations are nothing more than products on the shelf, frantically trying to attract the attention of each passing customer.“ Anholt, “Foreword,” 234.

68. Idrissov, “Offensive and Unfair,” 25.

69. Initially, the unnamed character who would become Borat hailed from Moldova. In 1998, Baron Cohen appeared on BBC's Comedy Nation as Kristo reporting for the fictional “Albanian Televiska.” See Neil Strauss, “The Man behind the Mustache,” Rolling Stone, no. 1014 (30 November 2006): 58-70; and Robert A. Saunders, The Many Faces of Sacha Baron Cohen: Politics, Ethnic Pantomime, and the Battle over Borat (Lanham, Md., 2008).

70. Embassy of Kazakhstan to the United States and Canada (EKUC), “Our Take on Borat,” Kazakhstan News Bulletin 6, no. 38 (27 October 2006).

71. EKUC, “Take That, Borat: Sayat Announces Tours to ‘Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan,' ” Kazakhstan Neivs Bulletin 6, no. 39 (2 November 2006): 1.

72. Ibid., 1.

73. EKUC, “Steppe Magazine Press Release Nov 2006,” e-mail communication, 6 November 2006.

74. EKUC, “Kazakh President Laughs off ‘Borat’ Controversy,” Kazakhstan News Bulletin 6, no. 42 (22 November 2006): 1.

75. Nursultan Nazarbayev, “Who Needs Borat?” Spectator, 25 November 2006, www. spectator.co.uk/archive/features/26538/who-needs-borat.thtml?SelectedIssueDate= 25+November+2006 (last consulted 7 November 2007).

76. Ham, Peter van, “Branding European Power,” Place Branding 1, no. 2 (March 2005): 122.Google Scholar

77. Anholt quoted in Oliver Burkeman, “Problem with Your Country's Image? Mr Anholt Can Help,” Guardian, 11 November 2006, 1.

78. Gilmore, Fiona, “A Country—Can It Be Repositioned? Spain—The Success Story of Country Branding,” Journal of Brand Management 9, nos. 4 - 5 (April 2002): 282.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

79. Prior to Borat, these families had developed their skills by disabusing the uninitiated of the notion that Kazakhstan was a hotbed of Islamic terrorism, the prevailing corrigendum before Baron Cohen's rise to global stardom.

80. His wife, Dariga Nazarbayeva, reportedly divorced him via fax during the very public spat. At the time this article was being written, Aliyev remained in Austria fighting an extradition request by Kazakhstan.