^{page 341 note 2} The Work of the Holy Ghost in Our Salvation (1863 ed.; repr. Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1979), p. 5.Google Scholar

^{page 342 note 3} PG 26.581A-C. Trans. Shapland, C. R. B., The Letters of Saint Athanasius Concerning the Holy Spirit (London: Epworth Press, 1951), p. 121, revised.Google Scholar

^{page 343 note 4} See the fuller discussion of Athanasius' use of these texts by Haykin, Michael A. G., ‘“The Spirit of God”: The Exegesis of I Cor. 2.10–12 by Origen and Athanasius’, Scottish Journal of Theology, 35 (1982), 521–526.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 343 note 5} Cf. the similar conclusions reached by Hilary of Poitiers writing at roughly the same time in internal exile in Asia Minor: On the Trinity 12.55 [Corpus Christanorum, Series Latina, vol. LXIIA, 625].

^{page 343 note 6} On Gregory of Nyssas' role in shaping the third article of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed, see the literature cited below in n. 38.

^{page 344 note 7} On this aspect of Eunomius' theology, see Abramowski, Luise, ‘Eunomios’, Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 6 (1966), 946 Google Scholar; Meredith, Anthony, ‘Orthodoxy, Heresy and Philosophy in the Latter Half of the Fourth Century’, The Heythrop Journal, 16 (1975), 13, 19–20.Google Scholar

^{page 344 note 8} Sources Chrétiennes, vol. 299, p. 220. It should be noted that Basil has ‘the Spirit who is from God’ (from I Cor. 2.12) instead of ‘the Spirit of God’.

^{page 344 note 9} Cf. Letter 236.1 (Courtonne, III, 48), where Basil gives the orthodox interpretation of Matt. 11.27.

^{page 344 note 10} Sources Chrétiennes, vol. 305, p. 160.

^{page 345 note 11} Ibid., p. 168.

^{page 345 note 12} For this interpretation of the framework of On the Holy Spirit, see Dörries, Hermann, De Spiritu Sancto, (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1956), pp. 81–93 Google Scholar; Hauschild, W. D., ‘Die Pneumatomachen. Eine Untersuchung zur Dogmengeschichte des vierten Jahrhunderts’ (Unpublished theological dissertation, University of Hamburg, 1967), pp. 39–43.Google Scholar

^{page 346 note 13} Johnston, C. F. H., ed., The Book of Saint Basil the Great, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappodocia, On the Holy Spirit (Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1892), p. 101.Google Scholar

^{page 347 note 14} Cf. the same conclusion reached in Letter 251.4 (Courtonne, III, 92).

^{page 347 note 15} The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition (100–600), vol. 1 of his The Christian Tradition (Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 214–215 Google Scholar. Heising, Alkuin [‘Der Heilige Geist und die Heiligung der Engel in der Pneumatologie des Basilius von Cäsarea’, Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie, 87 (1965), 293, n. 159Google Scholar] suggests that Basil's high praise for I Cor. 2.11 may stem from his experiences as an ascetic. To be sure, Basil's religious experience cannot be discounted in any consideration of his theology and exegesis. Nonetheless, this reason does not account for the little use which Basil makes of the Pauline text in On the Holy Spirit.

^{page 347 note 16} Cf., for example, Letter 125.1 (Courtonne, II, 31); 126 (Courtonne, II, 35); 207.1 (Courtonne II, 184); 210. 3–6 (Courtonne, II, 204–206); 226.4 (Courtonne, III, 28); 265.2 (Courtonne III, 128). See also the remarks of Verhees, J. J., ‘Mitteilbarkeit Gottes in der Dynamik von Sein und Wirken nach der Trinitätstheologie des Basilius des Grossen’, Ostkirchliche Studien, 27 (1978), 10–12, 22–23.Google Scholar

^{page 347 note 17} ‘Heilige Geist’, p. 285, nn. 122, 124; 286, n. 128; 289–290.

^{page 347 note 18} Ibid., p. 289–290.

^{page 347 note 19} See Haykin, , ‘Spirit of God’, p. 521–526.Google Scholar

^{page 348 note 20} Letter 207.1 (Courtonne II, 184). On the struggle between Basil and Atarbius, see Daniélou, Jean, ‘ L'Adversus Arium et Sabellium de Grégoire de Nysse et l'origénisme cappadocien’, Recherches de Science Religieuse, 54 (1966), 63–66 Google Scholar; Abramowski, Luise, ‘Das Bekenntnis des Gregor Thaumaturgus bei Gregor von Nyssa und das Problem seiner Echtheit’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 87 (1976), 153–160.Google Scholar

^{page 348 note 21} Letter 210.3 (Courtonne, II, 192). Atarbius claimed that in teaching such concepts he was heir to the thought of Gregory Thaumaturgus, whose episcopal seat he occupied. But to Basil, Atarbius was an heir not to the revered Gregory, but to Sabellius!

^{page 348 note 22} Courtonne, II, 184.

^{page 348 note 23} Letter 263.5 (Courtonne, III, 125).

^{page 348 note 24} ‘Ps-Athanasius, Contra Sabellianos, and Basil of Caesarea, Contra Sabellianos et Arium et Anomoeos: Analysis and Comparison’, Vigiliae Christianae, 40 (1986)Google Scholar, passim.

^{page 348 note 25} Homily 24.1 (PG 31.601 A).

^{page 349 note 26} Basil refers to this open letter of Eustathius in Letter 244.5 (Courtonne, III, 78); 131 (Courtonne, II, 44–46).

^{page 349 note 27} Basil refers to these statements in Letter 129.1 (Courtonne, II, 40).

^{page 349 note 28} On the Holy Spirit 26.63 (Johnston, p. 122).

^{page 350 note 29} Against Eunomius 3.6, 7 (Sources Chrétiennes, vol. 305, p. 168, 174).

^{page 350 note 30} Letter 125.3 (Courtonne, II, 34).

^{page 350 note 31} For a discussion of the date of this homily see the Appendix: The Dating of Basil's Homily 24.

^{page 350 note 32} Homily 24.6 (PG 31.612B-613A).

^{page 351 note 33} Homily 24.7 (PG 31.616B, C).

^{page 352 note 34} Holl, Karl, Amphilochius von Ikonium und seine Verhaltnisse zu den grossen Kappadoziern (1904 ed.; rpt. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1969), p. 139.Google Scholar

^{page 353 note 35} Johnston, p. 93.

^{page 353 note 36} For further discussion, see Pruche, Benoît, ed. and trans., Basile de Césarée Sur le Saim-Esprit (2nd ed.; Paris; Les Éditions du Cerf, 1968), pp. 206–217 Google Scholar, passim. Pruche suggests that Basil's use of this analogy is bold compared to Athanasius' express reluctance to discuss the mode of the Spirit's existence. However, Athanasius does not entirely overlook this question (see Haykin, , ‘Spirit of God’, p. 526)Google Scholar. Moreover, Basil is quick to check his ‘boldness’ with the term ‘ineffable’, as Pruche notes (Saint-Esprit pp. 215–216).

^{page 354 note 37} Das Konzil von Konstaminopel und sein Symbol (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1965)Google Scholar. By the time of the Council of Constantinople Eustathius of Sebaste was dead and Eleusius of Cyzicus had assumed leadership of the Pneumatomachi in Asia Minor. Unlike many of his fellow Homoiousians, Eleusius had never accepted the Nicene Creed. It was probably under his direction that a synod was held at Antioch in Caria in 378, where the Pneumatomachi formally indicated their support for the socalled Second Creed of Antioch and their repudiation of the Nicene Creed. This intransigent hostility to the Nicene Creed was probably a major cause for the ultimate failure of the orthodox overture to the Pneumatomachi at Constantinople in 381 (thus Ritter, Konzil p. 77, n. 3). For further discussion of Eleusius' career, see de Riedmatten, Henri, ‘Eleusius de Cyzique’, Dictionnaire d'Hisioire et de Géographie Ecclésiastique, XV (1963), 144–145.Google Scholar

^{page 354 note 38} For the recent discussion of Nyssa's role in this regard, see Jaeger, Werner, Gregor von Nyssa's Lehre vom Heiligen Geist, ed. Dörries, Hermann (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1966), pp. 51–77 Google Scholar; May, Gerhard, ‘Die Datierung der Rede “In suam ordinationem” des Gregor von Nyssa und die Verhandlungen mit den Pneumatomachen auf dem Konzil von Konstantinopel 381’, Vigiliae Christianae, 23 (1969), 54–57 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Staats, Reinhart, ‘Die Basilianische Verherrlichung des Heiligen Geistes auf dem Konzil zu Konstantinopel 381’, Kerygma und Dogma, 25 (1979), 242–243.Google Scholar

^{page 354 note 39} Staats, Reinhart, ‘The Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed as a Foundation for Church Unity? Protestant Thoughts on its Centenary, 1981’, trans. O'Leary, Joseph, The Irish Theological Quarterly, 48 (1981), 215.Google Scholar

^{page 355 note 40} de Halleux, André, ‘La Profession de l'Esprit-Saint dans le symbole de Constantinople’, Revue Théologique de Louvain, 10 (1979), 32–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 355 note 41} McClendon, James Wm., ‘Some Reflections on the Future of Trinitarianism’, Review and Expositor, 63 (1966), 155.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 355 note 42} Homily 24.41–7 (PG 31.608C-617B).

^{page 356 note 43} Holy Spirit, pp. 111–112.

^{page 356 note 44} La Prédication des pères Cappadociens ([Paris]: Presses Universitaires de France, [1968]), pp. 87–88.Google Scholar

^{page 356 note 45} For ὑπ⋯στασις, see, for instance, Letter 125.1 (Courtonne, II, 31–32); 210.3, 5 (Courtonne, II, 192, 196); 214.3.4 (Courtonne, II, 204–206); 226.4 (Courtonne, III, 28); for πρ⋯σωπου see Letter 52.3 (Courtonne, I, 135–136); 214.3 (Courtonne, I, 204–205); for ⋯κπορεὑεσθαι, see Letter 125.3 (Courtonne, II, 34).

^{page 357 note 46} De Spiritu Sancto, pp. 96–97.