¹ See Heyd, Michael, Between Orthodoxy and the Enlightenment: Jean-Robert Chouet and the Introduction of Cartesian Science at the Academy of Geneva (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1982)Google Scholar.

² The only complete biography on Jean-Alphonse Turrettini is de Budé, Eugène, Vie de J. A. Turrettini, théologien genevois (1671–1737) (Lausanne: Georges Bridel, 1880)Google Scholar. Theological analyses include Beardslee, John W., ‘Theological Developments at Geneva under Francis and Jean-Alphonse Turretini’ (Ph.D. dissertation: Yale University, 1956)Google Scholar; Klauber, Martin I., ‘The Context and Development of the Views of Jean-Alphonse Turrettini (1671–1737) on Religious Authority’ (Ph.D. dissertation: University of Wisconsin-Maidson, 1987)Google Scholar. See also Heyd, Michael, ‘Un role nouveau pour la science: Jean Alphonse Turrettini et les débuts de la théologie naturelle à Genève’ Revue de théologie et philosophie 112 (1982): 25–42Google Scholar; Klauber, Martin I. and Sunshine, Glenn S., ‘Jean-Alphonse Turrettini in Biblical Accommodation: Calvinist or Socinian?’ Calvin Theological Journal (April, 1990): 7–27Google Scholar.

³ The Helvetic Formula Consensus was initiated in 1675 primarily by three Swiss Reformed theologians, Lucas Gernler, Johann Heinrich Heidegger and François Turrettini in response to the modified position of the Academy of Saumur to the canons of the Synod of Dort. The most notable of the Saumur theologians was Moīse Amyraut (1596–1664) who proposed a concept called ‘hypothetical universalism’ that moderated, in theory, the Reformed doctrine of limited atonement as defined at the Synod of Dort. He maintained that God's redemptive plan includes all men, but cannot be fulfilled unless men believe. Since they cannot believe without the power of the Holy Spirit, a second, limited election is necessary for the elect. The basis for such an election is hidden in the counsel of God. Since his concept of hypothetical universalism provided for the salvation of the elect alone, Amyraut believed that his theory would bridge the gap between Reformed and Remonstrant. The majority of Reformed theologians, however, rejected his system as the first step toward Arminianism. Only the elect, however, would partake of the benefits of Christ's vicariousatonement. See Grohman, Donald D., ‘The Genevan Reaction to the Saumur Doctrine of Hypothetical Universalism: 1635–1685’ (Ph.D. dissertation: Knox College, Toronto, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁴ On the Saumur Academy see Bourchenin, Pierre. D., Études sur les académies protestantes en France aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Paris: Grassert, 1882)Google Scholar; Merzeau, E., L'Académie protestante de Saumur (1604–1685) (Alençon: Guy, 1908)Google Scholar; Prost, Joseph, La philosophie à l'Académie protestante de Saumur (Paris: ‘La Cause’, 1933)Google Scholar; Kretzer, Hartmut, Calvinismus und franzosische Monarchie in 17. Jahrhundert (Berlin: Drunker & Humblot, 1975)Google Scholar; LaPlanche, François, LÉcriture, le sacré et l'histoire: érudits et politiques protestantes devant la Bible en France au XVIIe siècle (Amsterdam: Holland University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

⁵ On Tronchin see Rex, Walter, Essays on Pierre Bayle and Religious Controversy (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1965)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rex, , ‘Pierre Bayle, Louis Tronchin et la querelle des donatistes: Etude d'un document inédit du XVIIe siècle’ Bulletin de la Sociéte de l'histoire du protestantisme français 105 (1959): 97–121Google Scholar; Klauber, Martin I., ‘Reason, Revelation and Cartesianism: Louis Tronchin and Enlightened Orthodoxy in late Seventeenth-Century Geneva’ Church History 59 (September, 1990): 326–339CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ On Chouet see Heyd, Between Orthodoxy and the Enlightenment, de Budé, Eugène, Vie de Jean-Robet Chouet, professeur et magistrat genévois (1647–1731) (Genève: Reymond et Cie, 1899)Google Scholar.

⁷ Borgeaud, Charles, Histoire de l'université Genève: L'Académie de Calvin, 1559–1798 (Genève: George & CO., 1900). p. 164Google Scholar.

⁸ Heyd, . Between Orthodoxy and the Enlightenment, pp. 205–235Google Scholar.

⁹ Ibid., pp. 25–27.

¹⁰ Beardslee, , ‘Theological Developments’, p. 164Google Scholar.

¹¹ See among others McLachlan, John H.. Socinianism in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1951)Google Scholar; Bredvold, Louis A., The intellectual Milieu of John Dryden: Studies in Some Aspects of Seventeenth-Century Thought (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1934)Google Scholar.

¹² Heyd, , ‘Un Role nouveau pour la science’, p.26Google Scholar.

¹³ Adams, Leonard, ed. William Wake's Gallican Correspondence and Related Documents, 1716–17312 vols;. (New York: Peter Lang, 1988), 1:308–309Google Scholar.

¹⁴ The complete English translation of Spinoza's Tractatus theologico-politicus is contained in: de Spinoza, Benedict, The Chief Works of Benedict de Spinoza, 2 vols., ed. Elwes, R. J. M. (London: George Bell and Sons, 1883)Google Scholar. As a result of the anti-Christian content of Spinoza's writings, Roman Catholic authorities in France suppressed the publication and dissemination of his works, especially the Tractatus. Consequently, book sellers from Holland began to smuggle Spinoza's tomes into France under false book covers. The Reformed Church was also suspicious of Spinoza's works. Vernière points out that there was only three options in responding to Spinoza's theories denying the supernatural elements of Scripture. one could burn all the copies of the Tractatus; one could refute Spinoza point by point; or else one could grant Spinoza some ground on which he was obviously correct while defending those areas where Spinoza could be refuted, areas in which Spinoza's theories challenged the ‘essentials’ of the Christian faith. This last option was the one chosen by Vernière, Turrettini. Paul, Spinoza et la pensée française avant la révolution, 2 vols, (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France), 1:67Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Such accusations were especially widespread in England because of LeClerc's treatise on biblical inspiration which was translated into English and widely circulated. As a result of his denial of the divine inspiration of the majority of the Bible, LeClerc found it impossible to obtain an academic or clerical post in England in spile of his later affirmations of orthodoxy. On LeClerc's views on biblical inspiration see his Five Letters Concerning the Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures (London, 1690)Google Scholar; Roth, Jean, ‘Le “Traité l'inspiration” de jean LeClerc’, Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuse 36 (1956): 50–60Google Scholar; It is possible that the Five Letters were translated by John Locke according to the card catalogue in the British Museum. Locke was well versed in LeClerc's writings and followed LeClerc's running dialogue that lasted from 1685–1687 with the French Oratorian priest and noted biblical critic, Richard Simon. See Woodbridge, John, Biblical Authority: A Critique of the Rogers/McKim Proposal (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1982), p. 198Google Scholar.

¹⁶ ‘II n'est pas impossible que, soit ici, soit à Paris, il [;LeClerc's nephew] ait élé un peu gâte stur le sujet de la Religion; car il n'y a que trop d'esprits libertins, qui parlent cavalierement de ces matières, souvent même sans s&être donné la moindre peine de les étudier.’ LeClerc, to Turrettini, , manuscrits français, vol. 481, 25 March 1718, fol. 296vGoogle Scholar. The manuscrits français contain the majority ol the correspondence of Turrettini and are housed in the Biblio thè que publique et universitaire at the Université de Genève.

¹⁷ LeClerc himself was often called a Socinian and in several of his early trealises, he had denied the divine inspiration of much of Scripture. LeClerc, to Turrettini, , manuscrits français. vol. 481, 29 November 1726, fol. 320vGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ On Ostervald see Grétillat, Robert, Jean-Frédéric. Osterwald: 1663–1747 (Neuchâtel: paul Attinger, 1904)Google Scholar: Von Allmen, Jean-Jacques, L'Eglise et ses fonctions d'après Jean-Frederick Ostervald: Le problème de la théologie pratique au début du XVIIIe siècle (Neuchâtel: Delachaux & Niestle, 1947)Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ostervald, to Turrettini, , manuscrits français, vol. 490, 20 March 1735, fol. 243rGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ Ostervald, to Turrettini, , manuscrits français, vol. 490, 20 March 1720, fol. 150vGoogle Scholar.

²¹ Turrettini' lecture notes for the course entitled ‘Abrégé de leçons de Théol. de M.T[;urrettini]’ are contained in the Archives Tronchin, vol. 119. The ‘Refutation du système de spinosa par M. Turrettini’ is its appendix. The Archives Tronchin are housed in the Bibliothèque Publique et universitaire at the Universitéde Genève.

²² Fazy, Henri, Procès et Condemnation d'un déiste genevois en 1707 (Genève: L'Institut national genevois. 1877), pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

²³ Ibid., p. 4.

²⁴ Ibid., p. 5.

²⁵ Heyd, . ‘Un Role nouveau pour la science,’ pp. 31–32Google Scholar.

²⁶ Ibid.

²⁷ Pitassi, Maria C., ‘De la censure à la réfutation: L'Académie de Genève’, Revue de Metaphysique et de Morale 93 (1988), p. 157Google Scholar.

²⁸ Ibid., p. 158.

²⁹ Turrettini, Jean-Alphonse, ‘Réfutation du système de Spinosa par M. Turrettini’, in Pitassi, ‘De la censure à la réfutation’, p. 161Google Scholar.

³⁰ Ibid., in Pitassi, , ‘De la censure à la réfutation’, p. 161Google Scholar.

³¹ Pitassi, Maria C., ‘Un manuscrit genevois cu XVIIe siècle: “La réfutation du système de Spinosa par Mr. Turrettini”’, Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis 68 (1988), p. 191Google Scholar.

³² Ibid, pp. 196–197.

³³ … puisque toutes les propriétés que je conçois dans les corps ont une connexion nécessaire avec la matière et que les propriétés des pensées n'y ont aucum rapport, les pensées n'apartiennent pas à la matière et aux corps, mais à une substance tout à fait différente.' Ibid., p. 201.

³⁴ Ibid., p. 200 n. 35.

³⁵ Ibid., p. 209, n. 60. Pitassi quotes Collins' argument that people change their minds and think that they are continually choosing among different options and mistake this for freedom. Collins, Anthony, A Philosophical Inquiry Concerning Human Liberty (London: R. Robinson, 1717), pp. 83–84Google Scholar. The Dissertatio de Libertate humana is part of Turrettini' general treatise on natural theology entitled Theses de Theologia Naturali in genere which was first published in Geneva in 1737.

³⁶ … Spinosa étoit un vray athée. II n'étoit pas assez peu sensé pour croire toutes ces extravagnces, mais étant athée et sachant que l'athéisme étoit en horreur Partont, il a caché son systheme impie sous des termes de Dieu, de Liberté, de vertu, etc. pour tromper les hommes, et pour insinuer avec plus de sūreté son athéisme.’

³⁷ The Theses de Theologia Naturali are contained in the first volume of Turrettini's, Dilucidationes philosophico-theologico-dogmatico-morales, quibus praecipua capita tam theologiae. naturalis, quam revelate demonstrantur et ad praxin christianam commendantur accedunt, I. Orationes panegyricae et varii argumenti item henoticae de pace ecclesiae II. Commercium epistolicum inter regem borussiae Frider I. et Pastores Genèvenses de syncretismo protestantium 3 vols. (Basel: J. R. Im Hoff, 1748)Google Scholar. The treatise on natural theology was translated into English by william Crawford in 1778 under the title Dissertations on Natural Theology (Belfast, James Magee, 1778).

³⁸ Ibid., 1.4.2.

³⁹ Ibid., 1.4.5.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 1.4.6.

⁴¹ Ibid., 1.4.7.

⁴² Ibid., 1.4.9.

⁴³ Ibid., 1.4.10.

⁴⁴ ‘Parimodo, cum pulcherrimam illam universi Orbis compagem oculis usurpamus, in qua tanta rerum varietas, tantus ornatus, tanta constantia deprehenditur, in qua singula, si recte adverteris, suos ad usus aptissima cernuntur, in qua denique, non exiguo tempore, sed per plura jam annorum millia, nihil de pristino ornatu ordineque decessit, dum haec, inquam, omnia lustramus, sane nemo est nisi mentis inops, qui haec sine mente, sine consilo, sine Arbito fieri, in animum sibi inducere queat.’ Ibid., 1.4.15.

⁴⁵ ‘Nam qui dicil, Mundum sapieter, & Legibus a Deo positis administrari, & Leges illas constranter perstare, utique non aliud vocibus illis statuit, quam quad nos una Providentiae voce designamus.’ Ibid., 1.4.21.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 1.4.22–26.

⁴⁷ Ibid., 1.4.27.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 1.4.28.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 1.4.28.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 1.5.2.

⁵¹ Ibid., 1.5.7.

⁵² Ibid.

⁵³ Ibid., 1.5.8.

⁵⁴ Ibid., 1.5.8–9.

⁵⁵ Ibid., 1.5.8–1.5.9.

⁵⁶ ‘… in hac mentium nostrarum caligine, & his quibus includimur terminis, eos non esse qui de Dei operibus, eorumque commidis atque incommodis, pulchritudine vel deformitate, tuto judicium terre queamus.’ Ibid., 1.5.9.

⁵⁷ ‘… non dari forte rationes particulares, cur hunc foliorum vel granorum numerum, potius quam alium, Deus elegerit: Sed haec tamen omnia fiunt, juxta Legesgenerales a Deo positas, adeoque nihil eorum est quod non Divinae Providentiae subjiciatur. Illa omnia novit Deus, illis omnibus praeest, siquidem Legum ab ipso posilarum consectaria sunt.’ Ibid., 1.5.10.

⁵⁸ Ibid., 1.5.11.

⁵⁹ Ibid.

⁶⁰ Ibid., 1.5.13.

⁶¹ Ibid., 1.5.15.

⁶² Ibid., 1.5.16.

⁶³ Ibid., 1.5.17–1.5.18.

⁶⁴ Ibid., 1.5.19.

⁶⁵ Ibid., 1.5.40–1.5.41.

⁶⁶ Ibid., 1.5.43–1.5.44.

⁶⁷ Ibid., 1.5.46–1.5.47.

⁶⁸ Ibid.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 1.5.50.

⁷⁰ Ibid., 1.5.51.

⁷¹ Archives Tronchin, Vol. 57, fols. 45r–46v. Turrettini moved further than Amyraut's concept of hypothetical universalism when he allowed for the possibility of universal salvation. See Turrettini, . Nubes testium pro moderato et piacifico de rebus theologicis judicio, et instituenda inter protestantes concordia. Praemissa est brevis & pacfica de articulis fundamentalibus disquisitio (Genève: Fabri &: Burrillo, 1719), IXGoogle Scholar. Beardslee comments that, by making this point, Turrettini marked the end of orthodox Calvinism at the Academy. Beardslee, John W., ed. Reformed Dogmatics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 21–22.Google Scholar

⁷² Turrettini, Dilucidationes, 2.3.13. Turrettini was an ardent opponent of Enthusiasm because the idea of personal revelation was repugnant to his entire system of apologetics. In his De Scripturae Sacrae interpretatandae methodo tractatus, he attacked the Quakers for their dependence on such internal witness. LaPlanche notes that, on this point, Turrettini went beyond the traditional arguments of his colleague, Benedict Pictet, who argued that personal, non-biblical revelation contradicts the clarity and sufficiency of Scripture, prevents all rational discussion with unbelievers, and subverts both ecclesiastical and civil order. Turrettini countered the claim made by the Enthusiasts that Reformed orthodoxy placed too much stress on reason. He argued that the relationship between faith and reason is similar to that between the eye and vision. The eye is not the foundation of vision, but is merely the means by which one sees. The foundation of the actual vision is the object that is seen. In the same way, reason is not the object of faith, but the means by which one is able to believe. Turrettini, , Opera omnia, theologica, philosophica et philologica (Leuwarden and Franeker, 1774–1776), Vol. 2, De Scripturae Sacrae interpretatandae methodo tractatus. Part 1, Ch. 3, p. 17Google Scholar; See also, LaPlanche, , L'Écriture, p. 692.Google Scholar

⁷³ Jacob Vernet (1698–1789) was Turrettini's prize student who succeeded him as professor of theology. In his Theisium theologicarum, Vernet denied both the Trinity and Original Sin, arguing that the Trinity was not a biblical doctrine but was added in the third and fourth centuries. Claims that he was a Socinian were exaggerated and Vernet denied them. The fact remains, however, that he had moved beyond his mentor, J. A. Turrettini and away from orthodoxy. It should be noted that Turrettini exerted a tremendous amount of influence on Vernet. Besides being his primary theological instructor, he sent his son Marc to travel abroad with him on the traditional post-graduate sojourn among the leading Reformed theological Academies of Europe, in addition, Turrettini later performed Vernet's wedding and their correspondence reflects a warm affection. Vernet edited Turrettini's De Veritate religionis Judiacae et Christianae and thoroughly studied all of his writings. It was no surprise that upon Turrettini's death in 1737, Vernet delivered a stirring eulogy in which he praised his former teacher with reverence. On Vernet's move away from orthodoxy see de Budé, Eugène, Vie de Jacob Vernet, thélogien genevois (1698–1789) (Lausanne: Georges Bridel, 1893), pp. 183–187Google Scholar; and Good, James I., History of the Swiss Reformed Church since the Reformation (Philadelphia: Publication and Sunday School Board, 1913), pp. 282–301.Google Scholar