No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 October 2014
Ever since the laying of the foundation stone of the present Norman building, Durham Cathedral has had an ambiguous relationship with Scotland – some good (the huge contribution of Dean William Whittingham through liturgy, metrical psalms and the Geneva Bible) and some extremely negative (the cathedral served as the prison for the Scottish prisoners after the battle of Dunbar). Amongst the more negative are the liturgical ideals and practices of the Durham House group, more commonly though inaccurately known as ‘Laudians’. The members of the group, which did include William Laud, were the protégés of the bishop of Durham, Richard Neile, and they met in his house in London. He promoted many as prebendaries at Durham Cathedral, and there they developed their liturgical ideals and practices. These ideals were ones which Neile shared with his contemporaries and close friends, Bishops Lancelot Andrewes and John Buckeridge. This article argues that the origin and precedent for these practices were the Chapels Royal with which most of the ‘players’ had affiliation in some way or other. Elizabeth I insisted on liturgical ceremonial and furnishings that supported or matched the grandeur of court ceremonial. It was a style which she hoped would also be adopted in English cathedrals. It was a style of worship which also appealed to James VI and through the Chapels Royal in Scotland he attempted to introduce a similar liturgical style. He also sought to conform the Church of Scotland to the Church of England, both in polity and liturgical text. The policy was continued by Charles I, who attempted to extend it to the Scottish cathedrals. Opponents of this court liturgical style and ‘Englishing’ of the liturgy found it convenient to blame the bishops who were given the task of implementing the liturgical changes rather than attack the source, namely the monarchy. The ultimate outcome was that, rather than the Church of Scotland adopting the 1637 Book of Common Prayer and Durham House ceremonial, it eventually even lost the liturgy which Scottish tradition had ascribed to John Knox, but the lion's share of which was more probably the work of Dean William Whittingham. Instead the Church of Scotland accepted the Directory of Public Worship, itself mainly the work of English divines. It became one of the few Reformed churches that did not have a set form for its public worship.
1 Sir Walter Scott, Harold the Dauntless. A Poem (1817), Canto Third.
2 See Donald Matthew, ‘Durham and the Anglo-Norman World’, and Paul Dalton, ‘Scottish Influence on Durham 1066–1214’, in Rollason, David, Harvey, Margaret and Prestwich, Michael (eds), Anglo-Norman Durham (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1994), pp. 1–22 and 339–52Google Scholar.
3 Field, John, Durham Cathedral. Light of the North (London: Third Millennium Publishing, 2006), p. 49Google Scholar.
4 Peter Smart, A Sermon Preached in the Cathedrall Church of Durham, July 7 1628, printed 1640. Some edns date the sermon as 27 July. Gabriel Sewell, Head of Collections at Durham Cathedral, writes: ‘Was the 27 July imprint a way of concealing the book's true origins? The 27 July is only used in the title pages of the editions printed in London but with a false Edinburgh imprint. Using a false imprint was a way of avoiding censorship etc. The first London edition of 1628 gives the date of the sermon of 7 July; the two editions also of 1628 with the false imprints of “Edenborough” both have 27 July. By the 1640 editions it is back to the 7 July.’ (Email of 5 March 2014.)
5 Sermon, p. 23.
6 Ibid., pp. 19–20.
7 Ibid. p. 20.
8 Ibid., p. 24.
9 Ibid., p. 22.
10 Fincham, Kenneth and Tyacke, Nicholas, Altars Restored: The Changing Face of English Religious Worship, 1547–c.1700 (Oxford: OUP, 2007), p. 117CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 Cited in Crosby, Brian, ‘“The Sacrament it selfe is turned well neare into a theatricall stage play”: Liturgical Innovations and Reactions in the 1620s’, in Conflict and Disaster at Durham: Four Talks Delivered to the Friends of Durham Cathedral 2001–02 (Durham: Friends of Durham Cathedral, 2003), pp. 15–34, 29–30Google Scholar.
12 Victoria Raymer, ‘Durham House and the Emergence of Laudian Piety’, unpublished PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1981, p. 62; Lake, Peter, ‘The Laudian Style: Order, Uniformity and the Pursuit of the Beauty of Holiness in the 1630s’, in Fincham, Kenneth (ed.), The Early Stuart Church, 1604–1642 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 161–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Lane, Calvin, The Laudians and the Elizabethan Church (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2013)Google Scholar.
13 Lake, Peter, Anglicans and Puritans? Presbyterianism and English Conformist Thought from Whitgift to Hooker (London: Unwin Hymen, 1988)Google Scholar; ‘Lancelot Andrewes, John Buckeridge and Avant-Garde Conformity at the Court of James I’, in Peck, Linda Levy (ed.), The Mental World of the Jacobean Court (Cambridge: CUP, 1991), pp. 113–33Google Scholar; Spinks, Bryan D., Sacraments, Ceremonies and the Stuart Divines (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002)Google Scholar.
14 For Overall, see Milton, Anthony, ‘“Anglicanism” by Stealth: The Career and Influence of John Overall’, in Fincham, Kenneth and Lake, Peter (eds), Religious Politics in Post-Reformation England (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2006), pp. 159–76Google Scholar. For Neile, see Foster, Andrew, ‘Archbishop Richard Neile Revisited’, in Lake, Peter and Questier, Michael (eds), Conformity and Orthodoxy in the English Church, c.1560–1660 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2000), pp. 159–78Google Scholar.
15 See McCullough, Peter, ‘Absent Presence. Lancelot Andrewes and 1662’, in Platten, Stephen and Woods, Christopher (eds), Comfortable Words: Polity, Piety and the Book of Common Prayer (London: SCM Press, 2012), pp. 49–68Google Scholar.
16 Smart, Sermon, p. 31.
17 For example, Strype recorded that on 24 March 1560, Midlent Sunday, ‘The same day, in the afternoon, bishop Barlow, one of King Edward's bishops, now bishop of Chichester, preached in his habit before the queen. His sermon ended at five of the clock: and presently after her chapel went to evening song: the cross, as before, standing on the altar, and two candlesticks, and two tapers burning in them: and, service concluded, a good anthem was sung.’ Strype, John, Annals of the Reformation (Oxford, 1824 edn), vol. 8, p. 298Google Scholar.
18 The Old Cheque-Book, or Book of Remembrance, of the Chapel Royal, from 1561–1744, transcribed by Edward Francis Rimbault (London: Camden Society, 1872), pp. 150–1. For an accurate reproduction of the orthography, see Ashbee, Andrew and Harley, John (eds), The Cheque Books of the Chapel Royal, 2 vols (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), vol. 1, pp. 54–5Google Scholar.
19 Bowers, Roger, ‘The Chapel Royal, the First Edwardian Prayer Book, and Elizabeth's Settlement of Religion, 1559’, Historical Journal 43 (2000), pp. 317–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Haugaard, William P., ‘The Proposed Liturgy of Edmund Guest’, Anglican Theological Review 46 (1964), pp. 177–89Google Scholar; Spinks, Bryan D., ‘The Elizabethan Primers: Symptoms of an Ambiguous Settlement or Devotional Weaning?’, in Mears, Natalie and Ryrie, Alec (eds), Worship and the Parish Church in Early Modern Britain (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2013), pp. 73–87Google Scholar.
20 The Zurich Letters, Comprising the Correspondence of Several English Bishops and Others (Cambridge: Parker Society, 1842), p. 55.
21 Merritt, J. F., ‘The Cradle of Laudianism? Westminster Abbey, 1558–1630’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52 (2001), pp. 623–46, p. 627CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
22 See the descriptions of services during James's reign, from the swearing in of the Spanish ambassador (with Latin oaths and a Latin Bible) to the baptism of Princess Mary, and the ‘churching’ of Anne of Denmark where, on each occasion, rich copes were worn and elaborate anthems sung. The Old Cheque-Book, pp. 151–2, 167–8 and 170.
23 Nichols, John, The Progresses, Processions, and Magnificent Festivities, of King James the First (London: J. B. Nichols, 1828), vol. 3, p. 279Google Scholar.
24 Ibid., p. 336. For discussions of both sermons, see Stevenson, Kenneth, Liturgy and Interpretation (London: SCM Press, 2011), pp. 173–205Google Scholar.
25 Nichols, Progresses, p. 336.
26 Ibid., p. 230.
27 Rogers, Charles, History of the Chapel Royal in Scotland (Edinburgh: Grampian Club, 1882), p. cxxiiGoogle Scholar.
28 Ibid., p. cxxv.
29 Ibid., p. cxxiv.
30 Funerals of a Right Reverend father in God. Patrick Forbes of Corse, Bishop of Aberdene, ed. David Lindsay (Aberdeen, 1635), pp. 64–5.
31 The Life and Death of William Cowper, Bishop of Galloway, in The Workes of William Cowper (London, 1623), pp. 3–6.
32 The Bishop of Galloway, his answeres to such as desire a resolution of their scruples against the Acts of the last Assembly holden at Perth, in the Moneth of August. 1618, in Workes, pp. 7–10.
33 Text in Donaldson, Gordon, ‘A Scottish Liturgy of the Reign of James VI’, Miscellany of the Scottish History Society 10 (1965), pp. 89–117Google Scholar.
34 Gerrish, Brian, ‘The Lord's Supper in the Reformed Confessions’, in McKim, Donald K. (ed.), Major Themes in the Reformed Tradition (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1992), pp. 245–58Google Scholar.
35 Donaldson, ‘A Scottish Liturgy’, p. 104.
36 See the discussion in Spinks, Bryan D., Sacraments, Ceremonies and the Stuart Divines: Sacramental Theology and Liturgy in England and Scotland 1603–1662 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004)Google Scholar.
37 Donaldson, ‘A Scottish Liturgy’, p. 109.
38 Sprott, G. W., Scottish Liturgies of the Reign of James VI (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1901), p. 93Google Scholar.
39 Clay, William Keatinge, Liturgies and Occasional Forms of Prayer Set Forth in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (Cambridge: Parker Society, 1847Google Scholar; Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2004), p. xxxii.
40 The Works of the Most Reverend Father in God, William Laud, DD (Oxford: John Henry Parker, 1853), vol. 5/1, p. 156.
41 Jesus College Archives A/C 1.3, In Capella.
42 Prynne, William, Canterbury's Doom (London, 1646), pp. 73–4Google Scholar.
43 Ibid., pp. 208, 123.
44 Donaldson, G., The Making of the Scottish Prayer Book of 1637 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1954)Google Scholar; see also Kim, Joong-Lak, ‘The Scottish-English-Romish Book: The Character of the Scottish Prayer Book of 1637’, in Braddock, Michael J. and Smith, David L. (eds), The Experience of Revolution in Stuart Britain and Ireland (Cambridge: CUP, 2011), pp. 14–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
45 Robert Baillie, A Large Supplement of the Canterburian Self-Conviction (1641), no pagination.
46 Charles I/Walter Balcanquhal, A large declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland (1639), pp. 15–16.
47 Spalding, John, The history of the troubles and memorable translations in Scotland 1624–1645, vol. 1 (Aberdeen, 1791), p. 23Google Scholar; see also Shaw, Dougal, ‘St. Giles’ Church and Charles I's Coronation Visit to Scotland’, Historical Research 77 (2004), pp. 481–502CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
48 Ibid., p. 26.
49 Ibid., pp. 26–7.
50 Rogers, History of the Chapel Royal in Scotland, pp. clxxvi–clxxvii.
51 Spicer, Andrew, ‘“Laudianism” in Scotland? St. Giles’ Cathedral, Edinburgh, 1633–39: A Reappraisal’, Architectural History 46 (2003), pp. 95–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Thurley, Simon, ‘The Stuart Kings, Oliver Cromwell and the Chapel Royal 1618–1685’, Architectural History 45 (2002), pp. 238–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Baldwin, David, The Chapel Royal: Ancient and Modern (London: Duckworth, 1990), ch. 9Google Scholar; Milton, Anthony, ‘“That Sacred Oratory”: Religion and the Chapel Royal during the Personal Rule of Charles I’, in Ashbee, Andrew (ed.), William Lawes (1602–1645): Essays on his Life, Times and Work (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), pp. 69–96Google Scholar.
52 Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, ed. J. D. Marwick (Edinburgh: Scottish Burgh Records Society, 1869), vol. 8, pp. 133–4.
53 Rogers, History of the Chapel Royal of Scotland, p. cxcv.
54 Kim, Joong-Lak, ‘Firing in Unison? The Scottish Canons of 1636 and the English Canons of 1640’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society 28 (1998), pp. 55–77, p. 76Google Scholar.
55 Gillespie, George, A dispute against the English-popish ceremonies, obtruded upon the Church of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1637)Google Scholar, no pagination.
56 Manuscript minutes of the Westminster Assembly, Dr Williams Library, London, vol. 2, p. 492.