Article contents
Women, Enclosure and Estate Improvement in Eighteenth-Century Northamptonshire
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 September 2009
Abstract
This paper examines the role of elite women in estate management, enclosure and landscape improvement in eighteenth-century England, a topic which has to date received little in the way of sustained academic consideration. The paper focuses on four women who took control of sizeable Northamptonshire estates in the 1760s and early 1770s, and demonstrates that these women were active as both managers and innovators. In examining the women's involvement in estate management, the paper explores a series of important questions about women's place in the history of parliamentary enclosure and landscape improvement, as well as women's role in eighteenth-century society more generally.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009
References
Notes
1. Gleadle, K. and Richardson, S., eds., Women in British Politics, 1760–1860: The Power of the Petticoat (Basingstoke, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mellor, A. K., Mothers of the Nation: Women's Political Writing in England, 1780–1830 (Bloomington, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rogers, H., Women and the People: Authority, Authorship and the Radical Tradition in Nineteenth-Century England (Aldershot, 2000)Google Scholar; Chalus, E., ‘Kisses for Votes: The Kiss and Corruption in Eighteenth-Century English Elections’, in Harvey, K., ed., The Kiss in History (Manchester, 2005), pp. 122–47Google Scholar; Midgley, C., Feminism and Empire: Women Activists in Imperial Britain, 1790–1865 (London, 2007), pp. 41–86Google Scholar.
2. Davidoff, L. and Hall, C., Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar; Walker, S., ‘How to Secure your Husband's Esteem: Accounting and Private Patriarchy in the British Middle-Class Household during the Nineteenth Century’, Accounting, Organizations and Society 23:5–6 (1998), 485–514CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barker, H., The Business of Women: Female Enterprise and Urban Development in Northern England, 1760–1830 (Oxford, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Phillips, N. J., Women in Business, 1700–1850 (Woodbridge, 2006)Google Scholar; Wiskin, C., ‘Business Women and Financial Management: Three Eighteenth-Century Case Studies’, Accounting, Business and Financial History 16:2 (2006), 143–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For women's involvement in lending, see Holderness, B. A., ‘Widows in Pre-Industrial Society: An Essay upon their Economic Functions’, in Smith, R. M., ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 423–42Google Scholar; Spicksley, J., ‘Usury Legislation, Cash and Credit: The Development of the Female Investor in the Late Tudor and Stuart Periods’, Economic History Review, 61:2 (2008), 277–301CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who highlights single women's increasing involvement in formal credit provision and the contribution they thereby made to an expanding economy in the century up to 1760. For eighteenth-century examples, see B. A Holderness, ‘Elizabeth Parkin and her Investments, 1733–66: Aspects of the Sheffield Money Market in the Eighteenth Century’, Transactions of the Hunter Archaeological Society, 10 (1979), 81–7; Sharpe, P., ‘Dealing with Love: The Ambiguous Independence of the Single Woman in Early Modern England’, Gender and History, 11 (1999), 209–32CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Sharpe, P., ‘A Woman's Worth: A Case Study of Capital Accumulation in Early Modern England’, Parergon, 19 (2002), 173–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3. Green, D. R. and Owens, A., ‘Gentlewomanly Capitalism? Spinsters, Widows and Wealth Holding in England and Wales, c. 1800–1860’, Economic History Review, 56:3 (2003), 510–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wiskin, C., ‘Industry, Investment and Consumption: Urban Women in the Midlands’, in Stobart, J. and Raven, N., eds., Towns, Regions and Industries: Urban and Industrial Change in the Midlands, c. 1700–1840 (Manchester, 2005), pp. 62–79, citing S. Hudson, ‘Attitudes to Investment Risk among West Midland Canal and Railway Company Investors 1700–1850’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Warwick, 2001), p. 113Google Scholar; Rutterford, J. and Maltby, J., ‘“The widow, the clergyman and the reckless”: Women Investors in England, 1830–1914’, Feminist Economics, 12:1–2 (2006), 111–138CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4. Verdon, N., ‘“. . . subjects deserving of the highest praise”: Farmers’ Wives and the Farm Economy in England, c.1700–1850’, Agricultural History Review, 51:1 (2003), 23–39Google Scholar. See also Clark, A., Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1919), pp. 5, 50, 60–62Google Scholar; Roberts, M., ‘Sickles and Scythes: Women's Work and Men's Work at Harvest Time’, History Workshop Journal, 7 (1979), 3–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hill, B., Women, Work and Sexual Politics in Eighteenth-Century England (Oxford, 1989), pp. 24–46Google Scholar; Valenze, D., ‘The Art of Women and the Business of Men: Women's Work and the Dairy Industry c. 1740–1840’, Past and Present, 130 (1991), 142–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
5. Pinchbeck, I., Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 1750–1850 (London, 1930), pp. 59–63 and 84–6Google Scholar; Snell, K., ‘Agricultural Seasonal Employment, the Standard of Living, and Women's Work in the South and East 1690–1860’, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660–1900 (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 15–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Burnette, J., ‘The Wages and Employment of Female Day-Labourers in English Agriculture, 1740–1850’, Economic History Review, 57:4 (2004), 664–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sharpe, P., ‘The Female Labour Market in English Agriculture during the Industrial Revolution’, in Goose, N., ed., Women's Work in Industrial England: Regional and Local Perspectives (Hatfield, 2007), pp. 51–75Google Scholar; N. Verdon, ‘Hay, Hops and Harvest: Women's Work in Agriculture in Nineteenth-Century Sussex’, in Goose, ed., Women's Work, pp. 76–96.
6. Bell, S. G., ‘Women Create Gardens in Male Landscapes: A Revisionist Approach to Eighteenth-Century English Garden History’, Feminist Studies, 16:3 (1990), 471–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Examples of recent work on women and gardens include Hunt, A. and Everson, P. ‘Sublime Horror: Industry and Designed Landscape in Miss Wakefield's Garden at Basingill, Cumbria’, Garden History, 32:1 (2004), 68–86 on the gardens created by Isabella WakefieldCrossRefGoogle Scholar; Moore, L. L. ‘Queer Gardens: Mary Delany's Flowers and Friendships’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 39:1 (2005), 49–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7. Vickery, A., The Gentleman's Daughter: Women's Lives in Georgian England (London, 1998), pp. 9 and 127Google Scholar; Stafford, W., ‘The Gender of the Place: Buildings and Landscape in Women-Authored Texts in England of the 1790s’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 13 (2003), 305–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar, p. 312 also cautions against belittling the role played by women in managing the domestic household.
8. Larsen, R., ‘For Want of a Good Fortune: Elite Single Women's Experiences in Yorkshire, 1730–1860’, Women's History Review, 16:3 (2007), 387–401CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tillyard, S., Aristocrats: Caroline, Emily, Louisa and Sarah Lennox 1740–1832 (London, 1995), pp. 352 and 411–2Google Scholar; Lummis, T. and Marsh, J., The Woman's Domain: Women and the English Country House (London, 1990), pp. 91–118Google Scholar. Elizabeth Chute's involvement in charitable projects contrasts strongly with the actions of her nephew who, when he inherited the estate in 1827, began to dispossess small-holders in order to enclose and amalgamate the farms. He later attempted to solve spiralling poor rates by organising for the poor of the parish to emigrate to Canada.
9. Erickson, A. L., ‘Possession – and the Other One-Tenth of the Law: Assessing Women's Ownership and Economic Roles in Early Modern England’, Women's History Review, 16:3 (2007), 369–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bailey, J. ‘Favoured or Oppressed? Married Women, Property and “Coverture” in England, 1660–1800’, Continuity and Change, 17:3 (2002), 351–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a contrasting view, see E. Spring, Law, Land and Family (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1993) who points to a long-term decline in women's property and rights which reached their lowest ebb in the eighteenth century. In particular, she argues that widows ‘ceased to be of consequence in landholding’ as a result of the increasing use of prenuptial contracts in the early modern period (p. 64).
10. Vickery, Gentleman's Daughter, p. 2 reviews the literature; Hill, Women, Work, p. 123; Stone, L., The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (London, 1977), p. 396Google Scholar; Amussen, S. W., An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1988), p. 187Google Scholar; Hall, C., ‘The History of the Housewife’ in Hall, C., White, Male and Middle Class: Explorations in Feminism and History (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 43–71Google Scholar. See Thomas, J. ‘Women and Capitalism: Oppression or Emancipation? A Review Article’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 30:3 (1988), 534–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar for a review of some of the early literature on the impact of capitalism on women's position in society.
11. Humphries, J., ‘Enclosures, Common Rights, and Women: The Proletarianization of Families in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries’, Journal of Economic History, 50:1 (1990), 17–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hill, Women, Work, pp. 49–54 and 60–2; Middleton, C., ‘Women's Labour and the Transition to Pre-Industrial Capitalism’, in Charles, L. and Duffin, L., eds., Women and Work in Pre-Industrial England (London, 1985), pp. 181–206Google Scholar; Rendall, J., Women in an Industrialising Society: England, 1750–1880 (Oxford, 1990), p. 13Google Scholar; Snell, ‘Agricultural Seasonal Employment’, pp. 15–66; Pinchbeck, Women Workers, p. 41. See also Horrell, S. and Humphries, J., ‘Women's Labour Force Participation and the Transition to the Male Bread-Winner Family, 1790–1865’, Economic History Review, 48:1 (1995), 89–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12. Jones, R. and Page, M., Medieval Villages in an English Landscape: Beginnings and Ends (Macclesfield, Cheshire, 2006), pp. 18, 139 and 214–9Google Scholar; Victoria County History: Northamptonshire V: Cleley Hundred (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2002), pp. 414–6; Steane, J. M., The Northamptonshire Landscape (London, 1974), pp. 25–9Google Scholar.
13. J. W. Anscomb, Northamptonshire Inclosure Acts and Awards (unpublished, n.d, at NRO).
14. I am grateful to Tom Williamson and Tracey Partida for bringing this ‘double peak’ pattern to my attention in a paper entitled ‘Explaining the Chronology of Enclosure: The Example of Northamptonshire’ delivered at Rewley House, Oxford on 17th May 2008.
15. For definitions of the English aristocracy, see Beckett, J. V., The Aristocracy of England, 1660–1914 (Oxford, 1986), p. 23Google Scholar and Thompson, F. M. L., English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1963), pp. 25–44Google Scholar.
16. Erickson, A. L., Women and Property in Early Modern England (London, 1995), p. 25Google Scholar.
17. Vickery, Gentleman's Daughter, pp. 97 and 313.
18. Barron, O., Northamptonshire Families, Vol III (London, 1906), p. 371Google Scholar; Northamptonshire Record Office (hereafter NRO) archive collections list.
19. NRO, ASL 357 and 362.
20. See for example GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 58.
21. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 91 and 93.
22. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 41.
23. GRO, D3549/14/1/5.
24. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 29 and 37.
25. NRO, D(CA) 1030.
26. NRO, D(CA) 1031.
27. NRO, D(CA) 1031, 1034 and 1037.
28. NRO, D(CA) 1032.
29. NRO, D(CA) 531.
30. Cooper, N., Aynho: A Northamptonshire Village (Banbury, 1984), pp. 314–5Google Scholar; Barron, Northamptonshire Families, Vol III, p. 376.
31. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 25.
32. NRO, 364p/61, 67–70 and 501.
33. NRO, D(CA) 1031.
34. NRO, D(CA) 322.
35. NRO, D(CA) 321.
36. NRO, D(CA) 321 and 746. Emphasis added.
37. NRO, 364p/501. The book is wrongly attributed to Elizabeth (Betsy) Mordaunt (née Prowse) in a typed note at the front of the volume.
38. NRO, 364p/61.
39. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 30, 45 and 74.
40. Data based on Anscomb, Northamptonshire Inclosures.
41. Samuel Harris had served the Ashley family as their London-based lawyer from the early 1750s, while his brother Thomas was acting as steward for the Ashley estates from at least 1757. As well as serving them in a professional capacity, the Harris brothers appear to have enjoyed a personal relationship with both John and Jane Ashley, who amongst other things provided breakfasts, horses and accommodation for Samuel Harris's sons as they travelled to and from boarding school in Rugby in the mid 1750s (NRO, ASL 1122; M(F) 30 and 32).
42. NRO, M(F) 879.
43. NRO, M(F) 75, 77–80 and 87.
44. NRO, M(F) 83.
45. Hindle, S., ‘Gossip, Gender and the Experience of Authority in Early Modern England’, Continuity and Change, 9:3 (1994), 391–419CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
46. NRO, M(F) 165 and 166. The undated rental was made for Jane's brother-in-law Solomon Ashley and was drawn up after 1754 when Mand arrived as vicar and before 1771 when Robert Verney gave up his farm. The most likely date is soon after the death of John Ashley in 1761, when Solomon became heir to the estate.
47. NRO, ASL 165 and 363.
48. VCH Nhants V, pp. 161–2.
49. NRO, C(A) 8380, 8398 and 8401; Cooper, Aynho, pp. 178 and 314–5.
50. NRO, C(A) 8408, 8458, 8840 and enclosure volume I, p. 439; Cooper, Aynho, pp. 179 and 182. On Mary and Stephen's role as deputies to William, see also NRO, C(A) 8477 where Stephen reported to William that ‘on the subject of the new inclosures, I find him [Robert Weston, the Aynho steward] very anxious to see you, or at least us’.
51. NRO, H(W) 47–61.
52. VCH Nhants V, p. 416.
53. NRO, H(W)111 and 133.
54. NRO, 364p/65; H(W)65. The figures for the freehold land are drawn from a copy of the 1717 terrier. The accompanying map gives slightly different figures.
55. NRO, H(W)62.
56. The three men undertook to obtain an Act of Parliament to confirm their agreement, though they apparently never did so (NRO, 364p/14).
57. NRO, 364p/28.
58. I am grateful to Carol Davidson Cragoe of English Heritage for her help examining the standing fabric of the church.
59. NRO, 364p/30 and GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 32 and 36.
60. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 36; NRO, 364p/30.
61. GRO, D3549/12/1/4.
62. GRO, D 3549/14/1/2, p. 98; VCH Nhants V, p. 237.
63. GRO, D3549/14/1/2, part 3, pp. 2–3; B. Crosby, Private Concerts on Land and Water: The Musical Activities of the Sharp Family, c.1750-c.1790, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 34 (2002), passim.
64. Kerslake, J., ‘A Note on Zoffany's “Sharp Family”’, The Burlington Magazine, 120: 908 (1978), 753–4Google Scholar
65. Ditchfield, G. M., ‘Sharp, Granville (1735–1813)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, September 2004Google Scholar; online edn, January 2008 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/25208, accessed 30 April 2008].
66. NRO, 364p/67, f. 15; GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 49.
67. NRO, 364p/67, f. 122 and 364p/39.
68. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 74; NRO, 364p/501.
69. NRO, 364p/48.
70. GRO, D3549/12/1/4.
71. GRO, D5349/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 54 and 52.
72. GRO, D3549/12/1/4.
73. GRO, D5349/14/1/2 part 3, p18.
74. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 19; NRO, 364p/67–9, passim.
75. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 60 and 91; NRO, 364p/67–9, passim.
76. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 30 and 91.
77. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 37 and 68.
78. NRO, 364p/67, ff. 15, 40 and 120–134; /68, f. 197; and 364p/501.
79. NRO, 364p/67, ff. 121 and 120–134, passim; /68, ff. 189, 192 and 196.
80. NRO, 364p/67, f. 123; /68, ff. 190, 192, 200 and 202.
81. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 40; NRO, 364p/68, ff. 196 and 199; Williamson, T., The Transformation of Rural England: Farming and the Landscape, 1700–1870 (Exeter, 2002), pp. 67–8Google Scholar.
82. NRO, 364p/67, f. 120.
83. NRO, 364p/67, ff. 123, 124 and 128.
84. GRO, D5349/14/1/2 part 3, p. 27. None of these leases survive, but entries in the estate ledgers suggest that some were for seven years. For example, farmer Turpin replaced Battam in 1768 and took a new lease in June 1775 (NRO, 364p/67, ff. 120–1 and 128; /68, f. 194).
85. NRO, 364p/68, ff. 190, 194 and 199; GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 40.
86. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, p. 41.
87. GRO, D5349/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 40–1 and 12/1/6.
88. GRO, D3549/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 34 and 46.
89. GRO, D5349/14/1/2 part 3, pp. 43 and 46.
90. GRO, D5349/13/5/33, p. 13–4.
91. NRO, D(CA) 322, passim and 533; ASL 1226.
92. NRO, ASL 351.
93. Elizabeth had no particular connections to Norfolk, but it seems possible that she had met Kent in Fulham in the winter of 1791. The General View of Norfolk was not published until 1796 but the quotation in Elizabeth's memoirs appears after an entry dated December 12th 1791 noting how she and her sister Frances spent the winter in Fulham. Elizabeth's brother William Sharp lived at Stourton House on the High Street in Fulham, about 0.7km from Kent who rented Colehill Cottage, just off Fulham Palace Road (GRO, D5349/14/1/2, pp. 85–6; P. Horn, ‘An Eighteenth-Century Land Agent: The Career of Nathaniel Kent (1737–1810)’, Agricultural History Review, 1–16, p. 4 note; Kerslake, ‘Sharp Family’, p. 754).
94. NRO, 364p/61.
95. GRO, D5349/13/5/33, p. 20.
96. NRO, C(S)166.
97. NRO, L(C)922.
98. Baker, A. P., ‘Germain, Lady Elizabeth [Betty] (1680–1769)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/10565, accessed 28 July 2008]Google Scholar.
99. NRO, SS3866. Of the more than 4,000 documents in the Stopford Sackville collection at the NRO, only four relate to Lady Germain's period of ownership.
- 8
- Cited by