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In or Out of their Place: The Migrant Poor in English Art, 1740–1900
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 March 2013
Abstract
This article considers how depictions of the migrant poor in English landscape art changed between 1740 and 1900. A painting by Edward Haytley (1744) is used to illustrate some prevailing themes and representations of the rural poor in the early eighteenth century, with the labouring poor being shown ‘in their place’ socially and spatially. This is then contrasted with the signs of a restless and migrant poor which appear in a few of Gainsborough's paintings, culminating in the poverty-stricken roadside, mobile, vagrant and sometimes gypsy poor who are so salient and sympathetically depicted in George Morland's work between 1790 and 1804. While there were clearly British and European precedents for such imagery long before this period, it is argued here that English landscape art after about 1750, and especially from c. 1790, witnessed a marked upsurge of such restless and migrant imagery, which was related to institutional and demographic transformations in agrarian societies. By George Morland's death in 1804, ‘social realism’ had become firmly established in his imagery of the migrant poor, and this long predated the 1860s and 1870s which are normally associated with such a movement in British painting.
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- Research Article
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- Rural History , Volume 24 , Special Issue 1: Poverty and Mobility in England, 1600–1850 , April 2013 , pp. 73 - 100
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- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013
References
Notes
1. For discussion of her, see especially Guest, H., Small Change: Women, Learning, Patriotism, 1750–1810 (Chicago, 2000).Google Scholar Haytley painted another picture of Elizabeth Montague, Elizabeth Montague Standing in a Wooded Landscape (c. 1750), The British Sporting Art Trust.
2. ‘Sandleford’, Victoria County History: A History of the County of Berkshire, volume 4 (1924), pp. 84–7.
3. This painting is reproduced in colour in Rosenthal, M., British Landscape Painting (Oxford, 1982), p. 41.Google Scholar
4. For further discussion of this genre, see Harris, J., The Artist and the Country House: from the Fifteenth Century to the Present Day (London, 1995).Google Scholar
5. For discussion of conspicuous consumption in this period, see especially McKendrick, N., Brewer, J. and Plumb, J.H., eds, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-century England (London, 1982)Google Scholar; Brewer, J. and Porter, R., eds, Consumption and the World of Goods (London, 1997)Google Scholar; Berg, M. and Clifford, H., eds, Consumers and Luxury: Consumer Culture in Europe, 1650–1850 (Manchester, 1999)Google Scholar; Berg, M. and Eger, E., eds, Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods (Basingstoke, 2002).Google Scholar
6. Early and pre-parliamentary enclosure, especially in the English south midlands as here, was often associated with concentrated landownership, while late parliamentary enclosure was linked with fragmented landownership. For further discussion, see Turner, M., English Parliamentary Enclosure (Folkestone, 1980)Google Scholar; Turner, M., Enclosures in Britain, 1750–1830 (London, 1984).CrossRefGoogle Scholar On ‘open’ and ‘closed’ villages, see especially Mills, D., Lord and Peasant in Nineteenth-century Britain (London, 1980)Google Scholar; Holderness, B.A., “Open’ and ‘close’ Parishes in England in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, Agricultural History Review, 20 (1972)Google Scholar; Banks, S., ‘Nineteenth-Century Scandal or Twentieth-Century Model? A New Look at ‘open’ and ‘close’ Parishes’, Economic History Review, 41 (1988)Google Scholar; Rawding, C., ‘Society and Place in Nineteenth-Century North Lincolnshire’, Rural History, 3 (1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Spencer, D., ‘Reformulating the “closed” Parish Thesis: Associations, Interests, and Interaction’, Journal of Historical Geography, 26 (2000).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
7. Wilson, J. M., The Imperial Gazetteer of England and Wales (Edinburgh, 1874), volume 5, p. 753Google Scholar, in its entry for Sandleford Priory, refers to fisheries.
8. http://www.bing.com/maps (12.10.2011), search for Sandleford Priory and Newtown. The alignment of the village is as shown by Edward Haytley. Appropriately enough, Sandleford Priory is now St Gabriel's School for Girls.
9. On such imagery and women's work, see Sayer, K., Women of the Fields: Representations of Rural Women in the Nineteenth Century (Manchester, 1995)Google Scholar; Pahl, R. E., Divisions of Labour (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar; Snell, K. D. M., Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660–1900 (Cambridge, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chapter 1; Sharpe, P., ed., Women's Work: The English Experience, 1650–1914 (London, 1998)Google Scholar; Verdon, N., Rural Women Workers in Nineteenth-century England (Woodbridge, 2002)Google Scholar; Lane, P.et al., eds, Women, Work and Wages in England, 1600–1850 (Woodbridge, 2004).Google Scholar
10. Compare, for example, Hogarth and Lambert's Scene in a Hay-field at Rickmersworth, with its ‘female sobbing. . .some disaster having recently befallen her’. See Nichols, J. and Steevens, G., The Genuine Works of William Hogarth (London, 1817), volume 3, p. 101Google Scholar; Barrell, J., ‘Sportive Labour: The Farmworker in Eighteenth-Century Poetry and Painting’, in Short, B., ed., The English Rural Community: Image and Analysis (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 105–6Google Scholar; and see the ribaldry associated with hay-making in ‘The Merry Hay-Makers’, in de Sola Pinto, V. and Rodway, A. E., eds, The Common Muse: An Anthology of Popular British Ballad Poetry, 15th–20th Century (1957, Harmondsworth, 1965), pp. 323–4Google Scholar.
11. Stubbs, George, Haymakers (1785), Tate Gallery. LondonGoogle Scholar.
12. Compare for example the layered ambiguities of Gainsborough's famous Mr and Mrs Andrews (c. 1750) in the National Gallery, a work delivering acceptably on many patron requirements, but which can also be read as a clever sexual and social satire on a nouveau riche recently married couple, in ways divorced from their desired interests. See the fertility symbols of the sheaf of wheat and the shell on the bench, the seed drilling evidence in the field, the goat-testicle shapes of the powder and shot bags (which had sexual connotations in the eighteenth century), the exact rendition of a penis in the appropriately positioned fold of Mr Andrews’ coat (and compare the dog), the gormless and sly looks respectively of Mr and Mrs Andrews. A shot pheasant was apparently to be painted in her lap (Hayes, J., Gainsborough (New York, 1975), p. 203Google Scholar). A shot bird, and in such a position, had sexual meaning at the time. Significantly, the painting was unfinished; perhaps this young couple were not as naïve as Gainsborough thought. Modern commentators often seem unaware of these sides of eighteenth-century sensibility and popular culture. Gainsborough, signing himself ‘Yours up to the hilt’ to some women, was certainly ‘a man about town’ in his conduct (Graham-Dixon, A., A History of British Art (Berkeley, 1999), p. 111Google Scholar). This work, unlike the slightly earlier one by Haytley, significantly excludes any village poor, although the effects of their labour are everywhere in a painting so concerned to flaunt private ownership.
13. Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.
14. National Gallery Victoria, Australia.
15. Both are reproduced in Rosenthal, British Landscape Painting, p. 29.
16. Landscape with Banditti round a Tent (1752), or his Landscape with Banditti: The Murder (1952), both in the National Museum of Wales (Cardiff), and reproduced in Solkin, D. H., Richard Wilson: The Landscape of Reaction (London, 1983), pp. 179–80Google Scholar.
17. Boon, K.G., Rembrandt: The Complete Etchings (London, 1977)Google Scholar, print numbers 211, 233, and see also 20, 33, 44, 62, 97, 98, 99.
18. Art Institute of Chicago.
19. For example, Balthasar Nebot, The Gardens at Hartwell House, Buckinghamshire, with two Bastions and Men Scything (1738), reproduced in Rosenthal, M., British Landscape Painting (Oxford, 1982), p. 39Google Scholar; Thomas Gainsborough, The Road from Market (1767–8), in Rosenthal, British Landscape Painting, p. 70. I exclude urban depictions here, notably the moralising and satiric imagery of Hogarth.
20. See especially Barrell, J., The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting, 1730–1840 (Cambridge, 1980)Google Scholar on representations of work and leisure among the rural labouring poor.
21. The National Gallery, London. For further discussion of this painting, see Rosenthal, M., The Art of Thomas Gainsborough: ‘a Little Business for the Eye’ (New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 191–6Google Scholar; Cormack, M., The Paintings of Thomas Gainsborough (Cambridge, 1991), p. 38.Google Scholar
22. Compare, for example, Thomas Hardy, The Woodlanders (1887).
23. The Sudbury churches have towers, only St Andrew, Great Cornard, has a spire.
24. Courtesy of the National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin.
25. These are discussed in Barrell, J., The Spirit of Despotism: Invasions of Privacy in the 1790s (Oxford, 2006)Google Scholar, chapter 5.
26. For example John Crome, The Blasted Oak (watercolour, c. 1808), in Norwich Castle Museum and Art Gallery.
27. Millar, O., Thomas Gainsborough (London, 1949), pp. 9–10.Google Scholar
28. These features of Morland's life have been vividly described in Barrell, Dark Side of the Landscape, pp. 89–130; see also W. Collins, Memoirs of a Painter being a Genuine Biographical Sketch of that Celebrated Original and Eccentric Genius, the late Mr. George Morland (1805); Dawe, G., The Life of George Morland (London, 1807)Google Scholar; Richardson, R., George Morland, Painter, London (1763–1804) (London, 1895)Google Scholar; Nettleship, J. T., George Morland and the Evolution from him of some Later Painters (London, 1898)Google Scholar; M. Hardie, ‘George Morland: The Man and the Painter’, The Connoisseur (July, 1904), pp. 156–163; Williamson, G. C., George Morland: His Life and Works (London, 1904)Google Scholar; Wilson, D. H., George Morland (London, 1907)Google Scholar; Gilbey, W. and Cuming, E. D., George Morland: His Life and Works (London, 1907)Google Scholar; The Arts Council of Great Britain, George Morland: An Exhibition of Paintings and Drawings (London, 1954).
29. Nettleship, George Morland, p. 10, and see p. 16 for his dislike of the ‘whims’ of his employers; Gilbey and Cuming, George Morland, pp. 2, 13, 45, 187–9, Richardson, George Morland, p. 55.
30. For discussion of this painting, see Langmuir, E., Imagining Childhood: Themes in the Imagery of Childhood (London, 2006), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar
31. A. Chalmers, ‘Morland, George’, The General Biographical Dictionary: Containing an Historical and Critical Account of the Lives and Writings of the Most Eminent Persons in Every Nation, Particularly the British and Irish (1812), volume 22, p. 410.
32. Garle, H., A Driving Tour in the Isle of Wight, with Various Legends and Anecdotes: Also a Short Account of George Morland and his Connection with the Island (Newport, Isle of Wight, 1905), p. 144.Google Scholar
33. An earlier work, being engraved by 1789 by his brother-in-law William Ward, showed an interior scene of The Effects of Youthful Extravagance and Idleness: a cracked bare plate, smashed window, broken plaster ceiling, a woman mending ragged clothing, a mood of despondency, a starving dog, inadequate heat, etc. From 1790 Morland turned more to rural themes, and his views of poverty were then largely set out-of-doors, on roadside verges or in woodland clearings.
34. For fine discussion, see Nichols, T., The Art of Poverty: Irony and Ideal in Sixteenth-Century Beggar Imagery (Manchester, 2007)Google Scholar, and Nichols, T., ed., Others and Outcasts in Early Modern Europe: Picturing the Social Margins (Aldershot, 2007).Google Scholar
35. See his ‘Vagabonds’ (n.d.), shown in Phillips Auctioneers, Watercolours, Drawings and Original Illustrations (London, 2001), p. 4.
36. Tate Gallery, London.
37. Nettleship, George Morland, pp. 18, 24, 31, 33, 35. Morland's views of ‘gypsies’ resemble, in figuration, material culture and context, those of W. H. Pyne, though Pyne's gypsies seem more practical in their accoutrements, see e.g. Pyne's Rustic Vignettes for Artists and Craftsmen: All 641 Early Nineteenth-century Illustrations from Ackermann's Edition of the “Microcosm” (New York, 1977), plates 28 and 29. Pyne worked on his Microcosm between 1802 and 1807. See also Sir Beaumont's, GeorgeWoodland Scene with Gipsies (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford)Google Scholar, presented by the artist in 1801, possibly first shown in 1800, although in this case the gypsies are very recessive within the landscape. See also L. Herrmann, ‘Sir George Beaumont: Disciple of Sir Joshua Reynolds’, in Leicester Museum and Art Gallery, Sir George Beaumont of Coleorton, Leicestershire (Leicester, n.d.), p. 7. Predictably enough, Morland (despite doing much work in Leicestershire) was not among Beaumont's artistic and poetic associates, although Beaumont's painting shows resemblances to Morland's Gipsy Encampment (1791), reproduced in Gilbey and Cuming, George Morland, opposite p. 124.
38. For example, 17 Geo. II, c. 5, s. 2. Under this ‘All persons pretending to be gypsies, or wandering in the habit or form of Egyptians’, were to be deemed rogues and vagabonds. The quotation (his italics) is from the discussion of ‘Egyptians’ in Burn, R., The Justice of the Peace, and Parish Officer, volume 5 (London, 1814), pp. 582–4.Google Scholar
39. By 23 Geo. III, c. 51, which repealed 5 Eliz. c. 20, ‘to the honour of our national humanity’, Burn added in his discussion, Justice of the Peace, volume 5, p. 584, thinking back for example to executions of gypsies under 5 Eliz. c. 20 in Suffolk a few years before the Restoration. In Yorkshire in May 1596, 106 adult gypsies were condemned to death, although many were reprieved during the executions because of the screaming of their children. Bercovici, K., The Story of the Gypsies (1929, London, 1930), pp. 229–30Google Scholar.
40. On Clare and gypsies, ‘the so-called sooty crew’, see Bate, J., John Clare: A Biography (London, 2003), pp. 53–5Google Scholar, 93–9.
41. The date of the painting is unclear, but there is a mezzotint by William Ward in 1789. There are revealing comparisons here to Morland's The Artist in his Studio with his Man Gibbs (n.d.), Castle Museum, Nottingham, reproduced in Barrell, Dark Side of the Landscape, p. 96.
42. A detail of this troubled and suggestive image of farmer dominance and lower-class female vulnerability was well chosen as the cover for Barrell's Dark Side of the Landscape.
43. Reproduced in Solkin, Richard Wilson, p. 132.
44. Before (Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge) is reproduced in Rosenthal, M., British Landscape Painting (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar, p. 36. The sexual mockery in Mr and Mrs Andrews by Gainsborough is mentioned in note 11 above.
45. See Bristow's painting of a labourer molesting a farm woman in an unnamed painting at Deene Park, Northamptonshire (no date, n. 185).
46. The theme is apparent in his other work: for example, the seduction scene in The Country Stable (1792), (another version is called The Carrier's Stable); or The Barn Door; or the two women being grabbed by or repulsing hunters in Mid-day at the Bell Inn (n.d., a pen and Indian ink drawing); or in Virtue in Danger as engraved by J. Fittler; or in the handling of a woman by two men in The Departure, Winter (1792) (National Trust, Upton House); and in one of his multi-imaged soft-ground etchings of 1792 a woman is rebutting male advances, her face showing extreme distaste, in an image akin to a scene in A Carrier's Stable (1793), a mezzotint by William Ward from a Morland painting.
47. ‘Marc Augé’, Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity (1995, London, 2000).
48. For example, ‘M.T.’ The Hospital of St Petronilla at Bury, an engraving published 1st January 1781 by Richard Godfrey (possession of K. D. M. Snell), where the migrant man with stick, backpack and dog is shown passing in front of the named hospital, which was at Southgate Street in Bury St Edmunds, and he is positioned just under two signs indicating the directions for London and Ipswich.
49. Of the sort ably discussed in Langan, C., Romantic Vagrancy: Wordsworth and the Simulation of Freedom (Cambridge, 1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
50. National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin.
51. Compare, for example, the illustrations well discussed in P. Garside, ‘Picturesque Figure and Landscape: Meg Merrilies and the Gypsies’, in Copley, S., ed., The Politics of the Picturesque: Literature, Landscape and Aesthetics since 1770 (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar. Nord, D. E., Gypsies and the British Imagination, 1807–1930 (New York, 2006)Google Scholar, p. 170, comments that almost every British writer on gypsy life ‘associated Gypsies with nostalgia for a pastoral, preindustrial, or lost world and, concomitantly, with the Edenic origins of a vanished England’. By comparison, there is no trace of this in Morland's pictures of them. On stereotypes of the British gypsy, see especially Okely, J., The Traveller-Gypsies (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 1–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mayall, D., Gypsy-travellers in Nineteenth-century Society (Cambridge, 1988)Google Scholar; and more widely in Europe, see Clébert, J.-P., The Gypsies (1961, Harmondsworth, 1967)Google Scholar; Fonseca, I., Bury Me Standing: The Gypsies and their Journey (London, 1995).Google Scholar There is an enormous wider literature on the gypsies.
52. Consider for example the contrasts in his Woodcutter Courting a Milkmaid (1755) between the trees overhanging the common land, on the right, and the enclosed parts of the scene, on the left. See also Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor, p. 172, for analysis of this painting.
53. Courtesy of the British Sporting Art Trust. Another version of this painting lacks the clutching branches, and is reproduced in Williamson, George Morland, between p. 72 and p. 73.
54. A similar painting is Rabbiting (1792), Tate Gallery, London.
55. This is reproduced in Reading Museum and Art Gallery, George Morland, 1763–1804: Paintings, Drawings and Engravings (Reading, n.d.), catalogue number 15.
56. Brewer, E. Cobham, The Dictionary of Phrase and Fable (1870, Leicester, n.d., 1894 facsimile), p. 310Google Scholar.
57. The question of shaving or beards among the poor, and contrasts between social ranks, is one that I will explore elsewhere.
58. Faustus Gallery London, and reproduced in Barrell, Dark Side of the Landscape, p. 126.
59. For discussion of these themes, see Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor. Leicestershire, where Morland arguably did his best work, was one of the counties most affected by parliamentary enclosure, with forty-seven per cent of the county thus enclosed.
60. The empathy in Morland for these migrant poor is much more evident than in his associate Thomas Rowlandson. See, for example, the latter's pen and ink drawing Vagabonds, where the satiric purpose is obvious.
61. John Constable, Dedham Vale (1826), in the National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh. I have already alluded to the raggedness of the canal boy in Constable's The Leaping Horse (1825), and canal or river focused art is of course another genre relating to mobility, not covered here.
62. Reproduced in Bermingham, A., Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740–1860 (1986, London, 1987), p. 121.Google Scholar
63. National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin.
64. Leicester Museum and Art Gallery. For many further such Irish images, for example from the Illustrated London News, see http://maggieblanck.com/Mayopages/Eviction.html (29.9.2011).
65. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
66. Brooklyn Museum, New York.
67. Tate Gallery, London.
68. The Evening Coach, London from Greenwich (1805), Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.
69. Two Studies of a Gypsy Encampment (1830), in Norwich Castle Museum.
70. For example, his Portrait of Aggie Manetti (a Gypsy Girl) (1862), in Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery.
71. Manchester City Art Gallery.
72. Leicester Museum and Art Gallery.
73. Manchester City Art Gallery.
74. Tate Gallery, London.
75. The Burrell Collection, Glasgow. On this and some other imagery of gypsies by Dante Gabriel Rossetti and the Expressionist painter Otto Müller, see Dearing, S., ‘Painting the Other Within: Gypsies According to the Bohemian Artist in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries’, Romani Studies, 20 (2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Doy, G., Picturing the Self: Changing Views of the Subject in Visual Culture (New York, 2005), pp. 176–8Google Scholar.
76. Jackson, D., The Wanderers and Critical Realism in Nineteenth-century Russian Painting (2006, Manchester, 2011), p. 47Google Scholar, and see p. 14.
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