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G.D.H. Cole and William Cobbett
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 31 October 2008
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William Cobbett was, during his own lifetime, a highly controversial figure who often found it necessary to defend himself against supposed misrepresentation. His historical persona remains no less controversial. The complexities of Cobbett's career and character have supported a variety of interpretations, and many writers this century have felt the need to define ‘the real Cobbett’. Modern misrepresentations have arisen less from false stories invented to damn him than from the misleading emphases employed to praise him, with both Left and Right seeking in their different ways to appropriate what they see as his legacy. For conservatives, he has been an essentially timeless figure, standing for Old England and all that may have made such a place great. Writers on the Left have treated him rather as a figure of the past, rationalised to fit into the rise of working-class consciousness and organisation, and divested of some aspects unseemly in an early representative of ‘the cause’. Cobbett has been adopted as an important figure for the Left, but readings based on the assumptions about working-class radicalism held by the modern British Labour movement have often found it necessary to exclude aspects of his writings as inconsistent, or at least idiosyncratic.
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1. Dyck, Ian, William Cobbett and Rural Popular Culture (Cambridge, 1992), p. 4.Google Scholar See also his article ‘William Cobbett and the Rural Radical Platform’, Social History, 18, 2, May 1993, 185–204.
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25. The N.U.A.W.'s journal Land Worker, carried an article by him in July 1919 (p. 2) on the connection between wage regulation and worker organisation, and he addressed the union's conference of executive and organisers in April 1920, speaking on economics (Land Worker, May 1920, p. 3). In 1923, he wrote a piece in New Leader, calling for the Labour Movement to ‘Stand Behind the Rural Workers’, 13th April 1923, p. 6.
26. Guild Socialism Re-stated (London, 1920), pp. 161–2. The Left's limited experience in the countryside contributed to an awkwardness and lack of confidence in tackling rural issues: ‘Socialists applying themselves to rural problems have usually breathed in the manner of fish out of water’.
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30. Introduction to the Coles', edition of Rural Rides (London, 1930), vol. I, xiii.Google Scholar See also the discussion of Cobbett as a writer in Cole, G.D.H., Politics and Literature, Hogarth Lectures no. 11 (London, 1929), p. 118.Google Scholar
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35. Cole, , Life, p. 268.Google Scholar Despite a recognition that they shared a degree of common ground, it should not be assumed that Cole regarded Carlyle in the same positive light that he did Cobbett: he was very critical of Carlyle elsewhere, and described him as ‘crying for the moon’ (Cole, G.D.H., Politics and Literature (London, 1929), p. 144).Google Scholar The distinction between Cobbett and Ruskin was also highlighted by G.K. Chesterton, who suggested that Cobbett, unlike Ruskin, combined ruralism with realism (Preface to Cobbett, William, Cottage Economy (Peter Davies: London, 1926 edn.), p. viii.).Google Scholar
36. Nuffield, GDHC/A1/3, ‘William Cobbett – A Political Study’, typescript (n.d.).
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38. Cole, , Life, p. 13.Google Scholar
39. Dennis, Norman and Halsey, A.H., English Ethical Socialism: Thomas More to R.H. Tawney (Oxford, 1988), p. 42.Google Scholar
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41. Cole, , Life, p. 12.Google Scholar
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43. Cole, , Life, p. 11.Google Scholar In his use of the word ‘peasant’, Cole was somewhat out of sympathy with Cobbett, who disliked the word, as implying a ‘degraded caste of persons’ (cited Dyck, , William Cobbett, p. 109).Google Scholar
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46. Nuffield, GDHC/A2/15.
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48. ibid., p. 269.
49. Especially J.L. and Hammond, Barbara, The Village Labourer 1760–1832 (London, 1911).Google Scholar It should be noted that an appreciation of Cobbett's significance informed this interpretation as well as arising from it, see Beckett, J.V., ‘The Disappearance of the Cottager and the Squatter from the English Countryside: The Hammonds Revisited’, in (eds.) Holderness, B. A. and Turner, Michael, Land, Labour and Agriculture, 1700–1920. Essays for Gordon Mingay (London, 1991), pp. 50–1.Google Scholar The idea of writing The Village Labourer developed from work the Hammonds were doing for a projected life of Cobbett (Clarke, Peter, Liberals and Social Democrats (Cambridge, 1978), 158).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
50. G.N. Clark and Cole, G.D.H., The Strike at Chipping Norton ([Oxford], 1914).Google Scholar
51. A copy of Rural Rides in the library at Nuffield College is inscribed with Cole's name and the date 1912, so he was aware of Cobbett's work by then – though of course owning a book and reading it do not always go together.
52. R.H.C., Papers of the National Union of Agricultural Workers, N.U.A.W/DIII/2; Gooch in address to Farmers' Club, 8th December 1941, Journal of the Farmers' Club (December 1941), 82.
53. e.g. Cole, G.D.H., Chartist Portraits (London, 1941), pp. 135 and 237.Google Scholar
54. Nuffield, GDHC/A1/3, ‘William Cobbett – a Political Study’, GDHC/A1/3. In recent years historians have given more attention to understanding the phenomenon of rural radicalism in its own right, see Reed, Mick and Wells, Roger (eds.), Class, Conflict and Protest in the English Countryside 1700–1880 (London, 1990).Google Scholar
55. , G.D.H. and Cole, Margaret (eds.), Rural Rides (London, 1930), vol. I, p. xxxi.Google Scholar William Stafford has also concluded that Cobbett, was ‘disabled by his nostalgic stance’ (Socialism, Radicalism and Nostalgia: Social Criticism in Britain, 1775–1830 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 269).Google Scholar
56. Cole, , Life, p. 268.Google Scholar
57. Cole, , Politics and Literature, p. 119.Google Scholar J.L. Hammond made a similar observation in his introduction to Cobbett, William, The Last Hundred Days of English Freedom (London, 1921)Google Scholar: ‘He was not by nature a Radical, for by nature he hated everything that was new’ (p. 2). Cobbett himself, of course, stressed that he was a Radical by definition: ‘In Politics as well as in Husbandry, I am for going to the root, and therefore am for a radical reform.’ (Political Register, XLII, quoted in , G.D.H. and Cole, Margaret (eds.), The Opinions of William Cobbett (London, 1944), p. 234.)Google Scholar
58. Cole, , Life, p. 11Google Scholar – my italics.
59. Cole, , Cobbett, p. 16.Google Scholar
60. Cobbett, , Rural Rides, vol. I, p. xxxi.Google Scholar
61. Cole, , Life, p. 432Google Scholar; Carpenter, L.P., G.D.H. Cole: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge, 1973), p. 225Google Scholar; Cole, G.D.H., ‘The Importance of History to the Workers’, New Standards, 03 1924, 135.Google Scholar
62. Young, James D., ‘Images of Rural ‘idiocy’ and Labour Movements’, Society for the Study of Labour History, Bulletin, 24, Spring 1972, 36–7.Google Scholar
63. e.g. Mabel Atkinson's review of The World of Labour, Fabian News, XXV, 4, March 1914, 31.
64. , G.D.H. and Cole, Margaret (eds.), Opinions of William Cobbett (London, 1944), p. 19.Google Scholar
65. Cole, G.D.H. and Postgate, Raymond, The Common People (London, 1961), p. 686.Google Scholar
66. Cole, G.D.H., ‘William Cobbett’, Persons and Periods (London, 1938), p. 143.Google Scholar He continued: ‘For the heart of our urbanised England is still in the country.’
67. Cole, , Life, p. 434.Google Scholar
68. , G.D.H. and Cole, Margaret, Opinions of William Cobbett, p. 25.Google Scholar
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