2 Cyril Bainbridge, Pavilions on the Sea: A History of the Seaside Pier (London, 1986), 212–14.Google Scholar

3 The standard work is John K. Walton, The English Seaside Resort: A Social History, 1750–1914 (Leicester, 1983). See also John K. Walton and James Walvin (eds), Leisure in Britain, 1780–1939 (Manchester, 1983). The power and influence of municipalities in the formation and governance of leisure resorts is discussed in John K. Walton's chapter, ‘The holiday industry in Blackpool’, especially pages 164–5. Other sources that pay particular attention to Victorian leisure are F.M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Victorian Britain, 1830–1900 (London, 1988) and J.F.C. Harrison, Late Victorian Britain, 1875–1901 (London, 1990). The architectural history of seaside resorts, with emphasis on those in Britain, is Fred Gray, Designing the Seaside: Architecture, Society and Nature (London, 1997). Gray notes in particular that the building of music venues such as concert halls, winter pavilions and bandstands was part and parcel of ‘designing the seaside’ (p. 55).Google Scholar

4 See Miller, Geoffrey, The Bournemouth Symphony Orchestra (Sherborne, 1970). Other sources include an unsigned article entitled ‘Dan Godfrey and Bournemouth’, Musical Times, 57 (February 1916), 74–6 and ‘Sir Dan Godfrey and Music in Bournemouth’, signed ‘W. McN’, Musical Times, 75 (September 1934), 785–94.Google Scholar

5 Concerts at New Brighton are given a brief overview in ‘Appendix A: Granville Bantock's New Brighton Concerts’, in Stainton de B. Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool: A Scrap-Book of Information Concerning Musical Activities both Professional and Amateur (Liverpool, c.1974), 119–22. A more detailed picture of New Brighton is given in a historicalsociological study: Michael Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘, M.A. thesis, University of Lancaster, 1973.Google Scholar

6 The programme notes, though incomplete, form part of the Granville Bantock Collection in the Special Collections Department at the University of Birmingham (Catalogue number MS533/2/1/13). These papers also contain correspondence between Granville Bantock and Newman (and others) that give an insight into the administration of the concerts (Catalogue number Acc 2000/70.) This collection comprises thirty-eight letters from Bantock to Newman, though according to Myrrha Bantock, her father had in his possession ‘at least seventy’ letters from Newman but they were sold on 9 April 1968. See Bantock, Myrrha, Granville Bantock: A Personal Portrait (London, 1972), 179. Programmes of the first concerts and the Sacred Ballad series are housed at the Worcestershire Record Office (Ref. 705:462 BA 4664/14). The programmes (or, more accurately, list of repertoire) are partially reconstructed in Trevor Bray, ‘Granville Bantock: His Life and Music’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1972, vol. 1, Appendix 2, 245–85. Further programmes are held at the Wallasey Central Library Reference Division. Details of the accounts of the New Brighton Tower are brief and are scattered in some twenty-five volumes containing thousands of press cuttings, and other information about the Tower, at the Wallasey Central Library. The ‘New Brighton History Site’ is at <www.merseyside.net/newbrighton>..>Google Scholar

7 Secondary sources dealing with New Brighton are H. Orsmond Anderton, Granville Bantock (London, 1915), 43–67; Bantock, Granville Bantock, 46–53; and Lewis Foreman, ‘Bantock Meets the Press: Celebrating New Music Before the First World War’, British Music, 25 (2003), 29–41. There is no mention of New Brighton in the New Grove 2 article for ‘Liverpool’.Google Scholar

8 This study is certainly one of re-construction. The secondary literature sometimes contradicts press reports; and the press reports themselves are often tainted by spin and hyperbole, no doubt generated by the PR arm of the Tower's management. There are many gaps in the narrative and, consequently, there are many events, or sequences of events, over which the uncertainty of speculation inevitably hangs.Google Scholar

9 Information in this paragraph is derived from Anthony M. Miller, The Inviting Shore: A Social History of New Brighton, Part 1, 1830–1939 (Birkenhead, 1996). A second historical source is Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘.Google Scholar

10 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 5.Google Scholar

11 For a history of the development at Brighton see Farrant, Sue, ‘London by the Sea: Resort Development on the South Coast of England, 1880–1939’, Journal of Contemporary History, 22/1, (1987), 137–62. The name ‘Brighton’ was also coined for the seaside town of Brighton Beach, Coney Island, just outside New York City where, in the 1890s, a pleasure resort was established. See Horowitz, Joseph, Wagner Nights: An American History (Berkeley, 1994), esp. 200–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12 Cited in Miller, The Inviting Shore, 239–40.Google Scholar

13 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 15.Google Scholar

14 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 59. These figures are based on the social group of the head of household: ‘Group 1: Merchants, brokers and professional such as lawyers and bankers; Group 2: skilled workers; Group 3: semi–skilled workers, such as shop keepers and clerks; Group 4: Unskilled workers’ cited in Miller, The Inviting Shore, 53.Google Scholar

15 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 65.Google Scholar

16 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 62.Google Scholar

17 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 88–9.Google Scholar

18 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 198. This figure includes piers that were re-built. See Bainbridge, Pavilions on the Sea, 212–14. According to an article in The Times on 27 April 1970 (‘Court of Appeal: The Safety of New Brighton Pier’) the pier was enacted by Parliament in 1864.Google Scholar

19 Ralph Rimmer, Around Wallasey and New Brighton (Stroud, 1996), 101.Google Scholar

20 Joseph Sharpies, Liverpool (New Haven, 2004), 26, 30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 215–16. Miller cites views from two men, Bertram Furniss and Normal Ellis complaining, respectively, about New Brighton's ‘decay’ and disfigurement'. Miller is citing from Philip Sulley, The Hundred of Wirral (Birkenhead, 1889), 292.Google Scholar

22 The first quotation is an unnamed source in Miller, The Inviting Shore vi, although Miller quotes it again on page 229 which he explains is a quotation from a local physician sourced from ‘Hunt op. cit., p. 20‘ but there is no first reference to this publication. The second quotation is Miller, The Inviting Shore, vi.Google Scholar

23 Miller, The Inviting Shore, 229.Google Scholar

24 Cited in The New Brighton Tower and Recreation Company, Limited, advertisement for shares, The Times, 6 January 1898, 5, when referring to the initial (and now lost) prospectus of 1896.Google Scholar

25 The New Brighton Tower and Recreation Company, Limited, advertisement for shares, The Times, 6 January 1898, 5.Google Scholar

26 The New Brighton Tower and Recreation Company, Limited, advertisement for shares, The Times, 6 January 1898, 5.Google Scholar

27 ‘The New Brighton Tower’, <www.easyweb.easynet.co.uk~dstewart/tower.htm>, accessed 26 March 2007. Material in this paragraph is taken from this website.,+accessed+26+March+2007.+Material+in+this+paragraph+is+taken+from+this+website.>Google Scholar

28 Gray, Designing the Seaside, 52.Google Scholar

29 This figure of 1200 was reported in an article in Birkenhead News, 25 July 1896, written after a press conference on the Tower site on 23 July.Google Scholar

30 This figure is disputed for the Liverpool Post of 25 September reported a seventh death.Google Scholar

31 See, for example, the Liverpool Echo, 16 June 1897 that reported the opening of the inquest to the death of one workman, John Richardson.Google Scholar

32 Leeds Times, 29 May 1897.Google Scholar

33 Rimmer, Around Wallasey and New Brighton, 121.Google Scholar

34 ‘The New Brighton Tower’ website.Google Scholar

35 This free seating was noted by in the Birkenhead News on 11 August 1900.Google Scholar

36 Birkenhead News, 25 July 1896.Google Scholar

37 A concert of strings, military and full band is mentioned as taking place in the ballroom in Birkenhead News, 11 August 1900.Google Scholar

38 Liverpool Mercury, 27 June 1899.Google Scholar

39 ‘The New Brighton Tower’, <www.easyweb.easynet.co.uk~dstewart/tower.htm>, accessed 26 March 2007.,+accessed+26+March+2007.>Google Scholar

40 This project was announced, costed and illustrated in Birkenhead News on 28 November 1896. This Gigantic Wheel was to comprise 42 carriages with the capacity to fit 40 passengers in each carriage. (By comparison, the London Eye has 32 capsules accommodating 25 people per capsule.) It was estimated that 1.5 million passengers would be required to make the venture profitable. It was estimated that for the Gigantic Wheel at Earls Court in London that £36, 314 net profit was achieved in 6 months and 29 days. The Blackpool Wheel was reported to take 15 3s. 10d, each hour during its first few days of operation. Both costings were reported as promising—and achievable—for New Brighton. The name of the company planning the Gigantic Wheel was the New Brighton Graydon Castle Great Wheel and Tower Co.; see Evening Express, 26 November 1896. Details of the abandonment of the Wheel (over legal action) is given in Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1915‘, 17.Google Scholar

41 Reported in Music Hall, 6 August 1897.Google Scholar

42 Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort’, 19.Google Scholar

43 Miller, The Inviting Shore, vi.Google Scholar

44 See Jay, Robert, ‘Taller than Eiffel's Tower: the London and Chicago Tower Projects, 1889–1894’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 46/2 (1987), 145–56. All information in the paragraph is derived from this article. A related article is Frank I. Jenkins, ‘Harbingers of Eiffel's Tower’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 16/4(1957), 22–9.Google Scholar

45 The demographic and challenges in accommodating and entertaining visitors in these particular resorts is discussed in Walton, The English Seaside Resort, 33–4.Google Scholar

46 John K. Walton, Blackpool (Edinburgh, 1998), 49–52.Google Scholar

47 The total attendance for the year was 15, 468, 1100; see Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘, 62.Google Scholar

48 Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘, 22.Google Scholar

49 The People's Friend, 25 July 1904, cited in Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘, 22.Google Scholar

50 ‘Serious and classical’ is how one particularly enthusiastic (and unnamed) journalist described the orchestral concerts in New Brighton. See ‘Music: Seaside and Holiday Music’, in Truth, 3 August 1899.Google Scholar

51 Foreman, ‘Bantock Meets the Press’, 31. June is the date given by Vincent Budd, ‘Bantock, Sir Granville Ransome (1868–1946)‘, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004); <www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/30577>, accessed 12 May 2007.,+accessed+12+May+2007.>Google Scholar

52 Bantock, Granville Bantock, 38, 44.Google Scholar

53 Bantock, Granville Bantock, 44.Google Scholar

54 Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool, 120.Google Scholar

55 Unsigned article, ‘Granville Bantock’, Musical Times, 50 (January 1909), 13.Google Scholar

56 Unsigned article, ‘Granville Bantock’, 13.Google Scholar

57 Peter J. Pirie and David Brock, ‘Sir Granville Bantock’, in New Grove Online, ed. Laura Macey, accessed 12 May 2007.Google Scholar

58 Bantock, Granville Bantock, 45.Google Scholar

59 Anderton, Bantock, 45; Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool, 119. In the second prospectus, Ybarrando is listed as a committee member, not the chair.Google Scholar

60 Apart from the prospectus of the first week, the repertory from just five concerts is known.Google Scholar

61 Cycling competitions were a big draw-card at New Brighton. The Tower and Recreation Company proposed the track ‘the finest in the world‘—as well as the fastest—and was designed after the Calford cycling track in London: Birkenhead News, 25 July 1896.Google Scholar

62 Dunedin is a major New Zealand city and the troupe is more likely to have come from there rather than Australia.Google Scholar

63 This was the same admission price as the Winter Gardens in Blackpool in largely the same period; see Walton, Blackpool, 89.Google Scholar

64 New Brighton Tower Gardens Grand Holiday Programme For Week ending 7 August, 1897. The programme mentions on page 3 that ‘Main Building’ has not yet been completed so it is likely this included the ballroom.Google Scholar

65 There are two sources that give the number of instrumentalists as 100, but this is not consistent with the size of the orchestra given on any of the programmes notes. These are Reginald Nettl, The Orchestra in England (London, 1948), 237 and Cyril Ehrlich, The Music Profession in Britain since the Eighteenth Century: A Social History (Oxford, 1985), 64.Google Scholar

66 A chamber music series ended the season on 23 October. Most of the programmes for 1898 are held at the Wallasey Central Library, but they are incomplete so it may be possible that the chamber music series, or, perhaps a winter miscellaneous concert series continued until December when Messiah was performed on 15 December. It is also possible that ballroom dancing continued in the winter months, for which no programmes have survived.Google Scholar

67 The Ninth was not performed because Bantock probably did not have a choir. This situation may, in fact, have been the trigger to form one, because the inaugural concert of the New Brighton Choral Society was given the following December with Messiah. In the spot where the Ninth would have been performed (26 August), Bantock scheduled Rubinstein's ‘Ocean Symphony’.Google Scholar

68 Programmes or works lists do not exist for the period 9 July–13 August. It is possible, though unlikely, that the series was suspended because in their place, announced in the programme of 8 July was ‘dancing every Saturday afternoon from 3 to 5’). But this arrangement was shortlived since the Saturday afternoon concerts returned on 13 August.Google Scholar

69 There is no programme for some of these concerts, including the first concert; the second concert was staged on 26 June so it assumed the first concert was held the week before, on Sunday 19 June.Google Scholar

70 The first mention of the Choral Society was made in 1898, in what appears to be an advertisement in the bound volumes of 1898 programmes. It consisted of a President, Rev. C. Hylton Stewart, and 27 vice-presidents including Alexander Mackenzie, Domingo and Mrs de Ybarrondo, A. E. Rodewald and Dr. Bantock (presumably Granville Bantock's father). The membership fee per annum was 5s., while honorary membership was 10s. 6d. and announced as forthcoming performances ‘considered for Rehearsal and performance during the present season’ included Brahms' ‘Song of Destiny’, Elgar's ‘Black Knight’, Mendelssohn's ‘Hymn of Praise’ and Schumann's ‘Manfred’.Google Scholar

71 The Liverpool Mercury, 5 June 1897 also reported that the ballroom could accommodate 4, 000 people.Google Scholar

72 The Liverpool Courier, 3 April 1899, explained the ‘comparative smallness of the audience [for the sacred concerts on Friday and Saturday] was doubtless due to the dull and threatening weather’.Google Scholar

73 An all-Grieg programme was proposed, according to the Liverpool Mercury on 30 June, but it did not take place for reasons unknown.Google Scholar

74 The presence of French and Belgian artists in New Brighton is pronounced and warrants further study, particularly as the Musical Standard, on 18 January 1896, noted that many Belgians and pianists had ‘passed through Liverpool the last few years’.Google Scholar

75 Taylor mentions that one Charles Ross, a student at the Liverpool College of Music, undertook further studies at the Brussells Conservatoire. This is a tenuous, but possible, link suggesting some sort of relationship between both institutions. See Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool, 111.Google Scholar

76 Elizabeth Bernard, ‘Charles Lamoureux’, Grove Music Online, ed. Laura Macey, accessed 10 May 2007.Google Scholar

77 The Introduction and Dance of the elves from Caedmar was performed on an unknown date in 1897; his Overture to the Fire Worshippers was given on 14 June 1898; ‘Jaga Naut’ from Scene XIV of Kehama was given on 17 June 1900 while a performance of his solo cello work, ‘Elegiac poem’ was given on 22 July 1900. Finally, his ‘Songs of Arabia’ was staged on 5 August 1900.Google Scholar

78 Holbrooke's work was premiered at his initiative, not Bantock's. Holbrooke apparently wrote to Bantock seeking its premiere. After a meeting (presumably their first) Bantock agreed to perform the work and a life-long friendship between the pair was formed. See Lowe, George, Joseph Holbrooke (London, 1920), 12–13.Google Scholar

79 Liverpool Mercury, 16 June 1898.Google Scholar

80 Gray, Architecture, Society and Nature, 82, quoting Edmund M. Gilbert, Brighton: Old Ocean's Bauble (London, 1954), 195–6.Google Scholar

81 Deborah Heckert, ‘Working the Crowd: Elgar, Class, and Reformulations of Popular Culture at the Turn of the Twentieth Century’, Elgar and his World, ed. Byron Adams (Princeton, 2007), 287–315, 298.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

82 Liverpool Echo, 13 June 1906.Google Scholar

83 See, for example, Liverpool Journal of Commerce, 1 June 1899.Google Scholar

84 Liverpool Review, 2 June 1899.Google Scholar

85 Liverpool Daily Post, 27 August 1987.Google Scholar

86 Liverpool Echo, 20 March 1907.Google Scholar

87 Walton, The English Seaside Resort, 212Google Scholar

88 Walton, The English Seaside Resort, 212Google Scholar

89 Bainbridge, Pavilions on the Sea, 61. Bainbridge does not provide exact dates for the lifting of specific bans.Google Scholar

90 Walton, The English Seaside Resort, 212.Google Scholar

91 Dan Godfery can vouch for such perplexities. In around 1899–1900, he had been asked to conduct a concert in Blackpool: ‘The real horror of the proposal did not dawn on the council until it discovered that the Blackpool Concert was to be on a Sunday; then Sabbatical feelings were aroused and the debate mounted towards minor melodrama. Bournemouth had always kept it doors tightly shut on any kind of Sunday entertainment’, quoted in Miller, The Bournemouth Symphony Orchestra, 31.Google Scholar

92 It is estimated that the number of brass bands in Victorian England was 40, 000; see J.M. Golby and A.W. Pardue, The Civilisation of the Crowd: Popular Culture in England, 1750–1900 (London, 1984).Google Scholar

93 In this paragraph I have drawn on the few sources that exist on Rodewald: Arthur Johnstone, ‘Alfred Edward Rodewald’, Musical Times, 44 (December 1903), 794–5; E. Wulston-Atkins, The Elgar—Atkins Friendship (London, 1984); Bantock, Granville Bantock; and Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool.Google Scholar

94 The Liverpool Orchestral Society comprised 93 performers: see Musical Standard, 24 October 1896, 256.Google Scholar

95 Rodwald held an ‘honorary conductorship’ at New Brighton in 1902. See Manchester Guardian, 23 June in that year.Google Scholar

96 Bantock, Granville Bantock, 48Google Scholar

97 The Musical Standard of 5 October 1895 (p. 341) wrote that ‘Mr. Rodewald, the conductor, has evidently mistaken his vocation, for instead of being a cotton merchant he should have been a professional musician; for good conductors who know their work, and can make orchestras “speak” are scarce’.Google Scholar

98 Ernest Newman, ‘The Culture of the Emotions’, New Quarterly Musical Review, August 1893, 57–62 and ‘The Difficulties of Musical Criticism’, November, 105–12. The journal ran to only 3 volumes from May 1893 to February 1896.Google Scholar

99 Bantock to Newman, 13 August 1901, Granville Bantock Collection (XGB), Special Collections, University of Birmingham. The Liverpool Post, 22 May 1899, was equally flattering: ‘The programmes will be supplied with analytical notes by Mr. Ernest Newman, whose writings have earned him more than a local reputation’.Google Scholar

100 See, for example, correspondence of 10, 13 and 15 August 1901; University of Birmingham, Special Collections catalogue numbers Acc 2000/70.Google Scholar

101 Cited in Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘, 62.Google Scholar

102 The New Brighton Tower and Recreation Company, Limited, advertisement for shares. The Times, 6 January 1898, 5.Google Scholar

103 Midland Evening News, 9 June 1897.Google Scholar

104 Liverpool Mercury, 19 July 1897.Google Scholar

105 Liverpool Post, 25 September 1897.Google Scholar

106 Liverpool Post, 24 May 1899.Google Scholar

107 Musical News, 3 June 1899.Google Scholar

108 Liverpool Weekly Mercury, 5 June 1899.Google Scholar

109 Liverpool Mercury, 27 August 1897. Presumably these numbers were for the first two months of the Tower's opening. The size of the police force is given in Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to new Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort’, 31.Google Scholar

110 Liverpool Mercury, 27 August 1897.Google Scholar

111 Liverpool Daily Post, 27 August 1897.Google Scholar

112 Liverpool Mercury, 31 December 1898.Google Scholar

113 Shipping Telegraph, 31 December 1898.Google Scholar

114 Liverpool Mercury, 29 December 1899.Google Scholar

115 Liverpool Daily Post, 29 December 1899, reporting on the outcome of the meeting of the Tower's shareholders.Google Scholar

116 Manchester Guardian, 4 February 1899. Inevitably, Maxwells took legal action and was quickly settled ‘on an undisclosed mutual settlement’; Manchester Guardian, 28 March 1899. The manufacturer of the lifts, Easton, Anderson and Goolden also pursued litigation in 1899 for unpaid bills, with the Tower Company counter-suing for lateness of the project and damages to lost income; see The Times, 5 August 1899.Google Scholar

117 Financial Times, 22 December 1905.Google Scholar

118 Financial Times, 21 December 1906.Google Scholar

119 Liverpool Courier, 10 December 1907. There is insufficient data to suggest the concrete ways in which the Tower's finances were improved.Google Scholar

120 Wallasey and Wirral Chronicle, 4 December 1907.Google Scholar

121 Liverpool Courier, 26 March 1909 cited in Winstanley, ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘, 21.Google Scholar

122 This demographic was described in the City News Manchester, 20 May 1899. The Journal of Commerce, 29 June 1897, noted that New Brighton was popular with both Liverpudlians and, vaguely, ‘those further afield’.Google Scholar

123 Liverpool Courier, 18 July 1899.Google Scholar

124 Courier, 2 September 1899.Google Scholar

125 Birkenhead News, 3 July 1900.Google Scholar

126 Express, 16 June 1899. Winstanley reports that the brewery made four such annual trips comprising 10, 000 workers; see his ‘Conflicting Responses to New Brighton's Role as a Popular Seaside Resort, 1896–1914‘, 20.Google Scholar

127 Walton, The English Seaside Resort, 198.Google Scholar

128 3d. was not universally viewed as being expensive: as Christina Bashford point out, 6d. was charged for some concerts as early as 1884 and this price was considered expensive. See ‘Educating England: Networks of Programme-Note Provision in the Nineteenth Century’, Music in the British Provinces, 1690–1914, ed. Rachel Cowgill and Peter Horton (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 374, note 40. Bashford cites a correspondent from the Musical Times, 25 (1884), 2.Google Scholar

129 Examples of advertisements for popular entertainments reflecting the New Brighton designs may be found in Michael Twyman, Printing 1770–1970: An Illustrated History of its Development and Uses in England (London, 1970), 140–1. Examples of notices for entertainment and ‘rustic sports’ suggest the use of typography on the front page of the New Brighton programmes.Google Scholar

130 Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool, 120–1. The Liverpool Mercury reported on 3 June that such discussions were underway between the Tower directors and Wallasey Ferry Service.Google Scholar

131 Wallasey Chronicle, 6 June 1897.Google Scholar

132 Corret, A., letter to the editor, Birkenhead News, 25 February 1899.Google Scholar

133 Norman Millineux was, for an unspecified time, director of a company called ‘Rushworth and Dreaper’, which was possibly the name of a later-established amalgamated company, who was ‘a lifelong student of opera’ and a researcher into Wagner's ancestry. See Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool, 33.Google Scholar

134 The attribution of ‘H.F.B.’ to Helena Bantock is clear: Bantock's orchestral variations ‘Helena’ is based on a theme H.F.B. representing Helena Bantock's initials. See ‘Granville Bantock’, unsigned article, Musical Times, 50 (January 1909), 14.Google Scholar

135 For a discussion of Grove's approach to programme note preparation and writing see Bashford, Christina, ‘Not Just “G.”: Towards a History of the Programme Note’, George Grove, Music and Victorian Culture, ed. Michael Musgrave (New York, 2003), 115–42.Google Scholar

136 For more on the production and dissemination of programme notes in Britain see Bashford, Christina, ‘Educating England’, 349–76, 353.Google Scholar

137 See Bashford, ‘Educating England’, 371, relating to concerns over ownership of content in concert programmes.Google Scholar

138 Anderton, Granville Bantock, 65. According to Taylor, the Tower went into liquidation, but a date is not provided. If financial troubles beset the Tower in the late 1890s, Ybarrando's resignation from the board may be linked to these fiscal difficulties.Google Scholar

139 Letter from Bantock to Newman, 13 August 1901; University of Birmingham, Special Collections catalogue numbers Acc 2000/70.Google Scholar

140 Taylor, Two Centuries of Music in Liverpool, 120–1.Google Scholar

141 Anderton, Granville Bantock, 44.Google Scholar

142 Anderton, Granville Bantock, 44.Google Scholar

143 Bray, ‘Granville Bantock’, 169.Google Scholar

144 Anderton, Granville Bantock, 43.Google Scholar

145 Manchester Daily Despatch, 16 June 1901.Google Scholar

146 Daily Post, 28 July 1901.Google Scholar

147 Mercury, 11 August, 1902.Google Scholar

148 Wallasey News, 20 August 1902.Google Scholar

149 Liverpool Echo, 23 June 1905Google Scholar

150 Musical World, 24 June 1905.Google Scholar

151 Liverpool Echo, 26 June 1905.Google Scholar

152 Wallasey and Birkenhead News, 18 April 1906.Google Scholar

153 Wallasey News, 20 June 1906.Google Scholar

154 Musical Standard, 25 May 1907.Google Scholar

155 See, for example, Wallasey Chronicle, 4 September 1907.Google Scholar

156 Musical Standard, 1 October 1899.Google Scholar

157 Liverpool Mercury, 24 April 1899.Google Scholar

158 Wallasey Times, 20 May 1899.Google Scholar

159 Wallasey and Wirral Chronicle, 1 September 1900.Google Scholar

160 Liverpool Mercury, 18 June 1898.Google Scholar

161 Monthly Musical Record, 1 June 1900.Google Scholar

162 Wallasey Times, 20 May 1899.Google Scholar

163 Pall Mall, 8 June 1898: ‘The local population is not, as yet, large, and the visitors are not tempted to use the place as a seaside resort’.Google Scholar

164 W. Stanley Jevons, ‘Amusements of the People’, Contemporary Review, October 1878, 498–513, reproduced in W. Stanley Jevons, Methods of Social Reform [1883] (New York, 1965), 1–27.Google Scholar

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172 Jevons, ‘Amusements for the People’, 10.Google Scholar

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174 This list is a reconstruction from programmes, advertisements and prospectuses. The original nomenclature is retained: spellings of composers' names and works and their English translations have not been standardised or made consistent, with modern renderings. Maximum capitals in titles have been adopted for the sake of consistency in orchestral works, but minimum capitals for songs. Performers' names are given when listed only in advertisements.Google Scholar