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2 Lichfield Joint Record Office, C.A. IV (new reference: D 30/2/1/4).Google Scholar

3 Ibid., VC B100; see J. Charles Cox, Catalogue of the Muniments and Manuscript Books pertaining to the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield, Collections for a History of Staffordshire, vi, pt. 2 (1886), 183.Google Scholar

4 Lichfield Joint Record Office, D 30/2/1/4, ff. 37b and 41.Google Scholar

5 Ibid., f. 42^v.Google Scholar

6 Public Record Office (hereafter PRO) E.301/81; Chantry Certificate for the College of Saint Cross, Crediton (37 Henry VIII).Google Scholar

7 Ibid.; see also Lawrence S. Snell ed., The Chantry Certificates for Devon and the City of Exeter (Exeter, 1960), 64. These pensions were enrolled at Westminister on the following 20 July; see PRO E.315/236, f. 133^v.Google Scholar

8 The following have been consulted: H. Harrison, Surnames of the United Kingdom (Baltimore, 1969); P. Hanks and F. Hodges, A Dictionary of Surnames (Oxford, 1988); B. Cottle, The Penguin Dictionary of Surnames (London, 1978); P. H. Reaney and R. M. Wilson, A Dictionary of English Surnames (London, 1991); C. W. Bardsley, A Dictionary of English and Welsh Surnames (London, 1901); M. J. Kaminkow ed., Genealogies in the Library of Congress, 2 vols. (Baltimore, 1972); also Supplement (1976) and Complement (1981) to the latter. Ensdale is probably a corruption of Ainsdale, from the Lancashire town of that name.Google Scholar

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10 For a general discussion of guilds, see Westlake, H. F., The Parish Gilds of Mediaeval England (London, 1919); Susan Brigden, ‘Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth- century London’, Past & Present, 103 (1984), 67–112; J. J. Scarisbrick, The Reformation and the English People (Oxford, 1984), ch. 2; Gervase Rosser, ‘Communities of Parish and Guild in the Late Middle Ages’, Parish, Church and People, ed. S. J. Wright (London, 1988).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 The register of the guild of St. Mary provides an unbroken record of the membership until 1547; it is in Lichfield Joint Record Office, and classified as MS D 77/1.Google Scholar

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16 The Register of the Guild of St. Mary, 24 Henry VII, 262.Google Scholar

17 Ibid., 29 Henry VIII, 357.Google Scholar

18 Ibid., 10 Henry VIII, 289. He was a Warden in 1527–8; see 316.Google Scholar

19 Ibid., 11 Henry VIII, 293. Three years later Gilbert was made one of the Wardens; see 300.Google Scholar

20 Ibid., 3 Edward VI, 387.Google Scholar

21 Ibid., 19 Henry VIII, 316. The list includes William ‘Barbur’, one of the cathedral's lay vicars. Could this be the same William Barber (Barbor/Barbur/Barbour) who appears as a gentleman of the Chapel Royal from e. 1536 to 1553?Google Scholar

22 Ibid., 21 Henry VIII, 328.Google Scholar

23 Ibid., 29 Henry VIII, 357.Google Scholar

24 F. Ll. Harrison Music in Medieval Britain (2nd ed., London, 1963), 35. The composer's instrumental output is preserved in Lbl Add. MS 31390 and Ob Mus. Sch. D.212–6, and has been attributed to Henry Stoning on the strength of the latter source, which alone provides a Christian name. This view now looks unsafe, for if Oliver wrote the ‘Gyffard’ Magnificat, he would certainly have been capable of writing the instrumental pieces too. The Oxford source, which dates from the first or second decade of the seventeenth century, may well be mistaken in its ascriptions, and until more biographical information on Henry emerges, judgment should perhaps be suspended. Gregory Stoning, who was probably Oliver's younger brother, had a grandson called Henry who was born c.1588, but it is unlikely that he was the composer; see Greenslade, op. cit., 70, and Edward Stoning's inquisition post mortem in PRO C142/320, no. 59.Google Scholar

25 Register of the Guild of St. Mary, 4 Henry VIII, 273.Google Scholar

26 Ibid., 15 Henry VIII, 302. Gregory was a civil lawyer and notary public who had been a fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; see Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, A.D. 1501–1540 (Oxford, 1974), 543.Google Scholar

27 Ibid., 18 Henry VIII, 311. Ten years later Gregory held the important office of Master; ibid., 28 Henry VIII, 355.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., 19 Henry VIII, 315. It was not unusual for living members to pay a fee for the posthumous enrolment of relatives and friends, so that they too could benefit from the stream of intercession offered by the confraternity's members and clergy.Google Scholar

29 This account of Stoning's career is largely based on Emden, op. cit., but with additional material relating to his time in Lichfield and Windsor.Google Scholar

30 ‘Penultimo die Octobris Anno domini predicto [1546] … admissus fuit Magister Oliverus Stonyng in sacra Theologia baccalaureus in persona domini Henrici Hilton canonici procuratoris sui ad prebendam de Sandiacre per liberam Resignationem magistri Simonis Jaques ultimi canonici vacantem…‘; Lichfield Cathedral Chapter Acts 1523–60, f. 143.Google Scholar

31 ‘Die veneris xxv^to die Maij Anno domini predicto [1548] … venerabilis pater Johannes panaden episcopus Resignavit vicariam suam in capella beate marie juxta forum Lich’… die dominica viz. xxvij° die Maij predicti decanus et capitulum predicti contulerunt eandem vicariam magistro Oliver Stonyng theologie baccallaureo qui prestitit Juramen^tum corporate de ohservando ordinacionem cautim in Residentia et de renuncianda episcopi Romani potentate etc….'; ibid., f. 153. Residence was a condition of tenure imposed by the patrons, who were the dean and residentiaries of the cathedral; see Greenslade, op. cit., 138–40.Google Scholar

32 ‘die dominica xiiij^to die Maij Ann° 1553 … admissus fuit dominus Radulfus Clayton ad vicariam in fore Lich’ vacantem per Resignationem magistri Oliveri Stonyng …'; ibid., f. 159.Google Scholar

33 See Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MS B 265, where he is described as ‘conjugatus’ (f. 27), and Wasey Sterry, ‘Notes on the Early Eton Fellows’, Etoniana, 60 (18 September, 1935), 157–60. Stoning was deprived of his Lichfield prebend in June 1554; see Chapter Acts f. 160.Google Scholar

34 Composition Books; PRO E.334/6, f. 14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 Windsor Castle Muniments, XV.56.78, p. 21; all references are to J. N. Dalton, The Manuscripts of St. George's Chapel, Windsor Castle (Windsor 1957), Historical Monographs relating to St. George's Chapel, Windsor Castle no. 11.Google Scholar

36 ‘Item paid to M^r Stenyng Chawntrye priest to y^e said lady Anne for his wages due y^e same tyme [at the Annunciation] I^s…‘; ibid., 28. He also received 50 shillings for the term ending at midsummer; ibid., 32.Google Scholar

37 Windsor Castle Muniments XI.B.46.Google Scholar

38 Lichfield Joint Record Office, Register Blythe (B/A/l/14ii) ff. 171v, 174, 175; P. Heath, The English Parish Clergy on the Eve of the Reformation (London, 1969), 13–15.Google Scholar

39 Their names appear in the two lists of choir personnel drawn up in that year; see Lichfield Joint Record Office, D 30/2/1/4, ff. 37b, 41, and the discussion of Alcock's career above.Google Scholar

40 PRO E.36/104, f. 8.Google Scholar

41 See Commission, Record, Valor Ecclesiasticus, 6 vols. (London 1810–34), i, 365. George Hennessy may well be right in assigning Whitbroke's appointment to the year 1531, but unfortunately he does not cite the source of his information; see Novum Repertorium Ecclesiasticum Parochiale Londinense (London 1898), 61 and note e 146.Google Scholar

42 ‘Sexto die eiusdem mensis …. concesserunt et assignarunt magistro Willelmo Whytebroke subdecano domumque eidem deputarunt que nuper fuit magistri bennett minoris canonici’; Dean's Register 1536–60, f. 16 (Guildhall Library MS 25, 630/1).Google Scholar

43 P.C.C. 39 Dyngeley (PRO Prob 11/27).Google Scholar

44 Not All Saints', Stanton, Suffolk, as Hennessy suggests.Google Scholar

45 British Library Add. MS 5813, f. 93 (modern f. 71). Bishop Bonner's Register shows that Whitbroke was also presented to the living of Great Easton, Essex, on 10 December 1557, on the death of Maurice Griffyth; Guildhall Library MS 9531/12, Part 2, f. 473.Google Scholar

46 For further details of Whitbroke's demise, see my forthcoming article ‘Music and Musicians at St. Paul's Cathedral: 1500–1600‘.Google Scholar

47 PRO Composition Books: E.334/8, f. 97. Hennessy gives the date of Lydd's appointment as July 1565; see op. cit., 61.Google Scholar

48 His will is in P.C.C. 9 Sheffield (PRO Prob 11/51).Google Scholar

49 The piece is no. 8 in the ‘Gyffard’ partbooks, and belongs to the earliest layer of the collection.Google Scholar

50 Emden, op. cit., 311.Google Scholar

51 See Margaret Bent's article on ‘Square’ in The New Grove.Google Scholar

52 Liber Computi 1531–2, f. 24Google Scholar

53 Muniments of Christ Church, Oxford, Matricula Aedis Christi 1546–1635, f. 31 [callmark: D.P.i.a.1].Google Scholar

54 Ibid., October 1553–17 December 1556 [callmark: x(1).c.3]. His name, however, also occurs in the previous week's list, though without payment.Google Scholar

55 The evidence of the Battels Book contradicts Matricula Aedis Christi, which states that Blitheman was ‘Out June 1556, restored January 1560, in Feb. ‘64 Singingman'.Google Scholar

56 PRO LC.2/4 (2) and LC.2/4 (3).Google Scholar

57 Muniments of Christ Church, Subdean's Book (the ‘Black Book‘), 219 [callmark: D & C i.b.2].Google Scholar

58 J. S. Brewer ed., Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic … of Henry VIII (London, 1867), iii, pt. 2, pp. 1241 and 1329. Starkey writes that Hake ‘… shalbe at yo^r commaundment when y^e shall nede more company for yo^r Chapell to the best of his small connynge’ (PRO SP1/28 f. 121).Google Scholar

59 Hugh Baillie, ‘Some Biographical Notes on English Church Musicians chiefly working in London’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, 2 (1962), 38.Google Scholar

60 Treasurer's Roll: XV. 59. 3.Google Scholar

61 Frere, W. H., Visitation Articles and Injunctions of the Period of the Reformation, 3 vols. (London 1910), ii, 162–3.Google Scholar

62 J. R. Dasent ed., Acts of the Privy Council of England, New Series iv: 1552–1554 (London 1892), 76.Google Scholar

63 Precentor's Roll: XV. 56. 78., p. 14.Google Scholar

64 ‘Solutum Relictae Hak pro reparatis musicis instrumentis appellatis phyalls et aliis Reparationibus a se factis’; ibidGoogle Scholar

65 Ibid.: XV. 56. 40., f. 3v.Google Scholar

66 Eton College Audit Book 1551–1562, f. 183.Google Scholar

67 Ibid., Audit Book 23–24 Henry VIII, p. 53.Google Scholar

68 Ibid., Audit Book 24–25 Henry VIII, p. 75.Google Scholar

69 Ibid., Audit Book 25–26 Henry VIII, p. 100.Google Scholar

70 Henry Littlehales ed., The Medieval Records of a London City Church [St. Mary at Hill], Early English Text Society (London, 1905), 365 and 368. According to The New Grove Okeland was active at St. Mary's between 1553 and 1555; this must surely be a printing error. Less implausibly, Hugh Baillie states that the composer was employed there from 1533 (‘Some Biographical Notes’, op. cit., 48), but even this can be shown to be inaccurate. In the churchwardens' accounts running from Michaelmas 1533 to the next, Okeland's first wage was for half a quarter ending at the Annunciation, i.e. 25 March 1534. He cannot therefore have arrived at St. Mary's before February of that year.Google Scholar

71 H. C. de Lafontaine, The King's Musick (London, 1909), 6–7.Google Scholar

72 Calendar of Patent Rolls: Edward VI, 6 vols. (London, 1924–9), i (1547–1548), 406.Google Scholar

73 See Paul Doe's article in The New Grove.Google Scholar

74 PRO E.101/427/5, m. 142.Google Scholar

75 Prince and Golder were conducts of London city churches. At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, they were employed at St. George's Chapel, Windsor, the former as a singing man, the latter as organist.Google Scholar

76 See Baillie, Hugh, op. cit., 57, who states unequivocally: ‘There is a setting of Nesciens mater by John Wright in BM1’ [the ‘Gyffard’ partbooks].Google Scholar

77 Guildhall Library, London, MS 25630/1, f. 33v.Google Scholar

78 See PRO LC.2/3, p. 84; E.101/427/5, f. 27; LC.2/2, f. 33; and E.101/427/6, f. 28.Google Scholar

79 Westminster Public Library, Archives Department: Bracy 118.Google Scholar

80 See the article in The New Grove, and Nicholas Orme ‘Two Tudor Schoolmaster-Musicians’, Somerset and Dorset Notes and Queries 31, pt. 311 (March 1980), 19–26.Google Scholar

81 Chantry Certificate for the College of Saint Cross, Crediton (37 Henry VIII); PRO E.301/81.Google Scholar

82 P.C.C. 8 More (PRO Prob 11/37); see F. W. Weaver ed., Somerset Medieval Wills, 3rd Series 1531–1558 (Somerset Record Society xxi, 1905), 153–4.Google Scholar

83 London, H. S. and Rawlins, S. W. eds, Visitation of London, 1568, with Additional Pedrigrees, The Publications of the Harleian Society cix-cx, (1963 [for 1957 and 1958]), 63–4.Google Scholar

84 P.C.C. 1 Alenger (PRO Prob 11/28).Google Scholar

85 John was admitted to the freedom of the Company in 1542; see the typewritten index of Company members in the library at Mercers' Hall.Google Scholar

86 Hooper witnessed the will of a fellow vicar choral, Hugh Veysie, in 1541; see Weaver, op. cit., 65.Google Scholar

87 According to his will made on 30 October 1563; PRO Prob 11/47.Google Scholar

88 Heywood was also a member of the Mercers' Company; see John Ward's article in The New Grove.Google Scholar

89 Francis W. Steer ed., Scriveners' Company Common Paper, 1357–1628, with a continuation to 1678, London Record Society iv (1968).Google Scholar

90 Winchester College MS 22198: Compotus Bursariorum A° 33 Henry VIII (1540–41).Google Scholar

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92 Winchester College MS 22200.Google Scholar

93 Ibid., MS 22202.Google Scholar

94 See Roger Bowers's article in The New Grove.Google Scholar

95 Winchester College MS 22197: Compotus Bursariorum 31–32 Henry VIII (1539–40).Google Scholar

96 Ibid., MS 22198 (1540–41)Google Scholar

97 Ibid., MS 22200 (1542–43)Google Scholar

98 Ibid., MS 22201 (1543–44)Google Scholar

99 Ibid., MS 22202 (1544–45)Google Scholar

100 Redford, like his successor Sebastian Westcott, almost certainly collaborated with Heywood in the dramatic productions of the St. Paul's boys; see Reed, A. W., Early Tudor Drama, (London, 1926), 52–61, and John Caldwell's article on Redford in The New Grove. The composer and poet John Thorne was a conduct at St. Mary at Hill before his appointment as organist and master of the choristers at York Minster in 1542; some of his music appears in Add. MS 29996, the principal source of Redford's organ compositions. Huggarde was a London tradesman and Catholic controversialist who became hosier to Queen Mary; for further details and a list of works, see the article in D.N.B. Thomas Prideaux, sprung from a family of gentle standing in south Devon, was M.P. for three west- country constituencies during the 1550s; see Bindoff, op. cit., iii, 158. In 1556 he witnessed the will of Margaret Cox (John Redford's sister), and a year later ‘Johenn Heywood de London generosus et Thomas predioxe de medio Templo London generosus’ signed a bond of £40 in support of Westcott's acquisition of the lease of Wickham St. Paul, Essex; see Wills Register of Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, Guildhall Library MS 25, 626/1 f. 117^v, and MS 25, 630 f. 361^v.Google Scholar

101 Frances Rose-Troup, ‘Lists relating to Persons Ejected from Religious Houses’, Devon and Cornwall Notes and Queries, 18 (1934–5), 191.Google Scholar

102 See Vivian, J. L., The Visitations of the County of Devon (Exeter, 1895), 618, and Bindoff, op. cit., iii, 158.Google Scholar

103 ‘Some Biographical Notes’, op. cit., 46.Google Scholar

104 PRO E.301/88.Google Scholar

105 For instance, the entry in PRO E.405/119, m. 65 reads:Google Scholar

106 Guildhall Library MS 1239/1, part 3, f. 760 (1552–3), ff. 790 and 792 (1555–6), and f. 804 (1556–7); Littlehales, op. cit. is a useful tome, but is of necessity selective in the extracts it prints from the churchwardens' accounts.Google Scholar

107 Westminster Public Library, Archives Department: St. Clement Danes Churchwardens' Accounts ff. 18v–19.Google Scholar

108 Lambeth Palace Library, MS Cartae Miscellaneae xiii/57, f. 1; Lbl Harley MS 5800, f. 22^v (modern f. 20^v).Google Scholar

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110 See Jeremy Noble ‘Le répertoire instrumental anglais: 1550–1585', La musique instrumentale de la Renaissance, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1955), 111. Frank Ll. Harrison, who was the first to dub the manuscripts ‘the Gyffard partbooks', quotes Hughes-Hughes verbatim in his Music in Medieval Britain (2nd ed., London, 1963), 289; see also John Caldwell, The Oxford History of English Music, vol. 1: From the Beginnings to c.1715 (Oxford, 1991), 239, fn. 132.Google Scholar

111 The Gifford dynasty was well established in at least seven English shires. For a survey of the family's history, see Wrottesley, George, Giffards from the Conquest to the Present Time, Collections for a History of Staffordshire, New Series v (London, 1902). For branches within individual counties, see “The Visitation of Staffordshire A.D. 1583', ibid., iii, pt. 2 (1882), 80–83, and ‘The Visitations of Staffordshire in 1614 and 1663–64', ibid., v, pt. 2 (1884), 146–50; J. L. Vivian, op. cit., 396–404, and H. F. Giffard, ‘Giffard's Jump', Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art, xxxiv (July 1902), 648–703; J. Maclean and W. C. Heane eds, The Visitation of the County of Gloucester taken in the year 1623, Publications of the Harleian Society xxi (London, 1885), 249–50; G. D. Squibb ed., Wiltshire Visitation Pedrigrees, 1623, ibid, cv-cvi (London, 1953–4), 64–5; W. Harry Rylands ed., Pedrigrees from the Visitation of Hampshire (1530, 1575, 1622), ibid, lxiv (London, 1913), 16–17; W. H. Rylands ed., Visitation of the County of Bucks, made in 1634 (ibid. LVIII; London, 1909), 166; W. H. Turner ed., Visitations of the County of Oxford taken in the years 1566–1574 and 1634, ibid, v (London, 1871), 176–81; H. I. Longden ed., Visitation of the County of Northampton taken in the year 1681, ibid, lxxxvi (London, 1935), 79–80, and Walter C. Metcalfe, The Visitation of Northamptonshire, 1564 and 1618–19 (London, 1887), 93–4.Google Scholar

112 See the article in D.N.B., and the entry in Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses.Google Scholar

113 William Munk, Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 3 vols. (London, 1878), i (1518 to 1700), 114–15.Google Scholar

114 See Gee, John, The Foot out of the Snare (1624), where his name is included in a list of popish physicians practising in London (Sig. Rv); a modern edition of this work has been prepared by T.H.B.M. Harmsen (Cicero Press; Nijmegen, 1992).Google Scholar

115 PRO Prob 11/30.Google Scholar

116 PRO E.36/104, f. 12^v.Google Scholar

117 Christ Church Muniments, Matricula Aedis Christi f. 31; this book was compiled retrospectively in the seventeenth century from records that are now no longer extant. ¹¹⁸ Ibid., Registrum 1547 ad 1619, f. 21^v [call-mark D. & C. i.b.1].Google Scholar

119 Supplicat etc. Rogerus Giffordus scholaris facultatis artium quatenus unius anni cum dimidio studium in dialectica compleverit cum responsione duorum baccalaureorum in quadragesima et creacione generalis haec ei sufficiant ut admittatur ad lectionem alicuius libri eiusdem facultatis. Concess. modo determinet proxima quadragesima post susceptum gradum.' Oxford University Archives: Register of Congregation i (1535–1563) f. 161. An outline of Gifford's academic career may be found in C. W. Boase ed., Register of the University of Oxford i (1449–63; 1505–71), Oxford Historical Society i (1884), 232.Google Scholar

120 Matricula, f. 30.Google Scholar

121 Register of Congregation i, f. 165^v.Google Scholar

122 J. M. Fletcher ed., Registrum Annalium Collegii Mertonensis 1521–1567, Oxford Historical Society N.S. xxiii (1974 for 1971–2), 160 and 174.Google Scholar

123 ‘Supplicat etc. Rogerus Giffardus, quatenus studium 3^m annorum cum dimidio cum varijs exercitijs tarn publicis quam privatis ei sufficiat ad incipiendum in eadem facultate. Concess. m°do incipiat proximis comitijs.‘ Register of Congregation i, f. 184^v.Google Scholar

124 Boase, op. cit., 232.Google Scholar

125 H. Robinson ed., The Zurich Letters, 2 vols., Parker Society (1842–5) i, 29, Letter xii.Google Scholar

126 See Fletcher, Registrum, 190–191.Google Scholar

127 E. M. Thompson and W. H. Frere eds, Registrum Matthei Parker: Diocesis Cantuariensis A.D. 1559–1575, 3 vols., Canterbury and York Society xxxv, xxxvi, xxxix (1928, 1933); ii, 706.Google Scholar

128 Fletcher, Registrum, 197. Earlier in the year another Merton fellow, Dr William Tresham, had been deprived of his canonry at Christ Church and committed to the custody of Archbishop Parker at Lambeth.Google Scholar

129 Ibid., 198.Google Scholar

130 Ibid., 204. He was reinstated on 26 May, 1562.Google Scholar

131 Ibid., 203. Under the terms of his will dated 18 October 1524, Thomas Linacre, the humanist scholar and founding president of the Royal College of Physicians, made provision for two endowed lectureships in medicine (physic) at Oxford and one at Cambridge. At Oxford the junior lecturer was to deal with medical theory as propounded by Galen for an annual stipend of £6; the senior lecturer received twice as much, but was given the more demanding task of commenting on topics treated in the literature of practical medicine. Various colleges in the university examined the scheme before Merton agreed to take it on, and as a consequence of this delay the first lecturers were not appointed until 1550. The agreement between the college and Linacre's executors is printed in Fletcher Registrum 220–222; see also Gillian Lewis ‘The Faculty of Medicine’, The History of the University of Oxford iii: The Collegiate University, ed. James McConica (Oxford, 1986), 221–3.Google Scholar

132 ‘Supplicat etc. Rogerus gifford artium m^r quatenus studium trium annorum in re medica sibi sufficiat ut admittatur ad lectionem alicuius libri aphorismorum hippocratis. Concess. simpliciter’: Register of Congregation i, f. 197^v.Google Scholar

133 Ibid., f. 202v; Roger Marbeck was senior proctor.Google Scholar

134 Ibid., f. 207^v.Google Scholar

135 Ibid., f. 208^v.Google Scholar

136 Victoria County History of Oxford iii, 105.Google Scholar

137 Fletcher, Registrum, 209.Google Scholar

138 See Thompson and Frere, Registrum, ii, 799–800, and Fletcher, Registrum, 210–11.Google Scholar

139 John Strype, Life and Acts of Matthew Parker, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1821), i, 228–32.Google Scholar

140 The following account is based on Thompson and Frere, Registrum, ii, 684–717.Google Scholar

141 Gifford, no doubt anticipating the impending visitorial retribution, had already relinquished his fellowship on 7 May, and addressed his letter of resignation to Lambeth. The authorities at Merton were apparently unaware of this, which explains why his name still appears on the list of college personnel sent to Parker later that month. His absence from the proceedings cannot therefore be taken as an expression of contempt. See Fletcher, Registrum, 219, and Thompson and Frere, Registrum, 687–8.Google Scholar

142 Hall retired to University College, where he died a few months later. His will was witnessed by Richard Smith and Roger Gifford, to each of whom he bequeathed ‘my twoo great ringes’. Hall's executors, however, refused to act for him, so letters of administration were granted to his brother at Oxford on 7 January 1563 (Register of the Chancellor's Court, ff. 201 and 203).Google Scholar

143 Fletcher Registrum, 217–20 and 224. Gifford held the post until 20 April 1565, when he was succeeded by Thomas Jessop; ibid., 252.Google Scholar

144 See Brodrick, G. C., Memorials of Merton College, Oxford Historical Society iv (1885), 53, and B. W. Henderson, Merton College, College Histories Series (London, 1899), 90.Google Scholar

145 See Fletcher, Registrum, 225 and 229. The Feast of the Name of Jesus (7 August) was of course expunged from the Anglican calendar; however, St. Peter ad Vincula (1 August) coincided with Lammas day and was retained.Google Scholar

146 Warden Mann had left Oxford the previous February to become the Queen's ambassador in Madrid; see Fletcher, Registrum, 260–61.Google Scholar

147 Ibid., 263–1.Google Scholar

148 ‘Supplicat etc. Rogerus Gifforde bacchalaureus in re medica quatenus studium octo annorum in eadem facultate posuerit cum varijs exercitijs tarn pub. quam privatim habitis haec ei sufficiant ut admittatur ad incipiendum in eadem facultate. Concess. modo incipiat proximis Commitijs.‘ Oxford University Archives: Register of Congregation ii (1564–1582) f. 17.Google Scholar

149 ‘Supplicat venerabili convocationi magistrorum regentium et non regentium Rogerus Gifford artium m^ret in re medica bacchalaureus quatenus studium quatuor annorum et amplius in eadem facultate post gradum susceptum, cum responsione publica in commitijs in eadem facultate sibi sufficiat ut creetur doctor et non teneatur stare in commitijs et convivij liberetur sumptibus. Concess. modo satisfaciat pub. lectori in eadem facultate officiariis et ministris universitatis et creetur doctor ante reginae adventum et paratus sit ad disputandum coram regina, et ea prestet eo tempore ad que per universitatem astringetur’: ibid., f. 32^v.Google Scholar

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151 A number of contemporary accounts of the royal visit are printed in John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, 3 vols. (London 1823), and Charles Plummer ed., Elizabethan Oxford, Oxford Historical Society viii (1886). These give the surnames only of the doctors and other worthies present at the proceedings; Plummer (175, fn. 21) follows Nichols (i, 232) in identifying Dr Gifford as John Gifford of New College, M.D. 1598!Google Scholar

152 Plummer, op. cit., 202.Google Scholar

153 See ibid., 185–6 for a summary of the various Latin speeches.Google Scholar

154 Fletcher, Registrum, 275.Google Scholar

155 London, Royal College of Physicians, MS: Annals, vol. i, f. 31^v.Google Scholar

156 PRO Prob 11/54.Google Scholar

157 British Library, Lansdowne MS 21, no. 60. The document is dated 30 January 1576, but internal evidence shows that it was written some four years earlier; it is transcribed (with serious inaccuracies) in Sir George Clark, A History of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1964–66), i, 129–30.Google Scholar

158 See the typewritten transcript of lay sudsidies paid in 18 Elizabeth, shelved on bookcase 8/73 of PRO.Google Scholar

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160 Munk, op. cit., i (1518–1700), 68–9.Google Scholar

161 PRO Docket Book S03/1, and C66/1305.Google Scholar

162 P. W. Hasler ed., History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558–1603, 3 vols. (London, 1981), ii, 190–91.Google Scholar

163 Edward Yardley, Menevia Sacra, ed., Francis Green, Cambrian Archaeological Association (London, 1927), 133. The close connection that existed between the clerical and medical professions is illustrated by the careers of John Warner (the first Regius Professor of Medicine at Oxford) and his deputy Thomas Francis; see Munk, op. cit., 61–3. For an account of priest-physicians as a group within the medical profession, see M. Pelling and C. Webster, ‘Medical Practitioners’, Health, Medicine and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century, ed. Charles Webster (Cambridge, 1979), 199–200.Google Scholar

164 This was finally granted on 14 October 1596, with a number of provisos attached., The case, however, dragged on into the new century; see Clark, op. cit., 146–8.Google Scholar

165 Bath Longleat Manuscripts: v Talbot, Dudley and Devereux Papers 1533–1659, Historical Manuscripts Commission 58, p. 260.Google Scholar

166 His death is recorded in the second volume of the Annals of the Royal College of Physicians, f. 124^v: ‘Dictus ornatissimus vir, et Doctor D. Giffard 27 January 1596 obijt, ex rupta vena in ventriculo: et sepultus est in parochia Sanctae Brigettae in Fleestreet.‘Google Scholar

167 P.C.C. 77 Cobham (PRO Prob 11/90).Google Scholar

168 Both of Gifford's daughters married into prominent Shropshire families. Mary's eventual husband was Thomas Oteley of Pitchford, and Thomas Harris's family seat was at Tong Castle; see G. Grazebrook and J. P. Rylands eds, The Visitation of Shropshire 1623, 2 vols., Harleian Society 28 and 29 (London, 1889), i, 223–4; ii, 380–2.Google Scholar

169 Henry Cuffe was elected to a fellowship at Merton in 1586, after he had been expelled from Trinity for expressing his views on the character of the founder. He was Regius Professor of Greek from 1590 to 1596, and served as private secretary to the Earl of Essex c.1594, but was executed in 1601 for his involvement in the latter's rebellion; see D.N.B.Google Scholar

170 Atkins served the Earl of Essex in the capacity of physician on a naval expedition to Spain in 1597, but was so sea-sick that he had to be put ashore at Plymouth. He was later Physician in Ordinary to both James I and Charles I; see Munk, op. cit., i, 93–5.Google Scholar

171 Foster, Alumni, i, 564. The Register of the University of Oxford gives his place of origin as London, and his social condition as the son of an armiger; see Oxford Historical Society, xi (1887), 180.Google Scholar

172 Admission Book 3 (1589–1603) f. 21^v; the corresponding entry in Black Book 5 (f. 474^v) erroneously gives May as the month of admission.Google Scholar

173 Each admission was signed not only by the Reader or Bencher by whom admission was made, but also by one, two, or three sureties or manucaptors; these were members of the Inn who had proposed the new member, and who were bound to ensure the payment of dues.Google Scholar

174 Called to the bar in 1580, he was Recorder of Beaumaris by 1586; he became a bencher in 1589, and was Autumn reader in 1593 – the year of his death. He sat as M. P. for Beaumaris in 1584, 1586, 1589, and 1593 (P. W. Hasler, op. cit., i, 514).Google Scholar

175 Catholic Record Society, xiii, 109. David Pole, the Marian bishop of Peterborough who died in 1568, bequeathed to Thomas ‘fyve poundes and the corse of Paulus de Castro upon Civill’ (PRO Prob 11/50). What is more, his brother Richard had received his early education in the household of Bishop Bonner (P. W. Hasler, op. cit., 513).Google Scholar

176 Black Book 4, f. 356.Google Scholar

177 See Catholic Record Society, liv (1962), 124–7, and W. R. Prest, The Inns of Court under Elizabeth I and the Early Stuarts, 1590–1640 (London, 1972), 180.Google Scholar

178 See Foster Alumni, i, 653, and Register of Congregation 1582–1595, f. 184^v.Google Scholar

179 Lincoln's Inn Admission Book 3 (1589–1602), f. 34Google Scholar

180 Black Book 6 (35/36 Elizabeth to 1619), f. 4^V.Google Scholar

181 A True Historicall Discourse of Muley Hamet's Rising to the Three Kingdomes of Moruecos, Fes, and Sus (London, 1619), quoted in John Bruce ed., Letters and Papers of the Verney Family, Camden Society, Old Series, lvi (1853), 96.Google Scholar

182 One should also mention the remote possibility that the ‘Philip’ of the ‘Gyffard’ partbooks is Lady Philippa Giffard. In contemporary documents, and indeed in her own will, her name is abbreviated to ‘Phillipp’ or ‘Phylip’. She was the daughter of Robert Trapps, a London goldsmith, and married firstly Edmund Shaa, variously described as haberdasher or goldsmith in the city. Her second husband was Sir George Giffard of Middle Claydon, Bucks., the wealthiest of Dr Gifford's four uncles. When he died in 1557, she married Richard Norton of Norton Conyers in Yorkshire, who was Sheriff of the county. He fled the country because of his involvement in the Northern Rebellion of 1569, and died in exile. Lady Giffard, who retained the title brought to her by her second marriage, died in 1593. We know that she had an interest in music, for in 1555 Edward Gifford of Wicken, Northants., bequeathed ‘unto my ladye Philip Gifforde, wife unto S^r George Gifforde knighte my venice lute, the whiche she hathe allredie in her custodie…’ (PRO Prob 11/38). On 27 February 1591, while living at Sheldon, Warwicks., she was indicted for recusancy. She appears to have spent the final years of her life with her son Thomas at the family home in Buckinghamshire, where it was reported that she ‘dothe usuallie resorte to the parishe Churche of Middle Cleydon aforesaid accordinge to her Majestes Lawes …’ (PRO SP 12/243 [Part 2 End]). Such conformity was only superficial, however, as may be seen from the preamble to her will, where she hopes her soul might share ‘… the blisse of heaven, with our blessed Ladye St. Marye the virgin mother of god and man and of all the holye Companye of heaven to whose holye intercession and of the Catholicke Churche militaunt here in earthe I commend my Sowle.’ (PRO Prob 11/82) The document mentions neither Dr Gifford nor his children. Lady Philippa appears to have moved in a different social set to that of her nephew, and no beneficiary is common to both their wills. It is difficult to imagine how she could be the ‘Philip’ who was associated with Thomas and Charles Gifford.Google Scholar

183 Black Book 5, f. 21^v.Google Scholar

184 Black Book 5, f. 51^v.Google Scholar

185 ‘Thomas Giforde de Essex generosus et Dorothea Savile generosa de Nova Aula Juxta Elandiam’; see Clay, JohnWilliam, The Registers of Elland, Co Yorkshire (Leeds, 1897), 331. There are Gifford pedigrees in W. H. Turner ed., op. cit., 176–81, and Joseph Foster ed., Glover's Visitation of Yorkshire 1584–1585; St. George's Visitation of Yorkshire 1612 (London, 1875), 521; for the Savile descent, see Hunter, Joseph, South Yorkshire, 2 vols. (London, 1828 and 1831) ii 374.Google Scholar

186 Clay, op. cit., 237.Google Scholar

187 She was baptized on 6 December 1607, and was buried in Elland church on 22 November 1608; see Clay ibid 240 and 129.Google Scholar

188 Clay ibid., 242 and 245. Helenor also survived no more than a few months; what appears to be her burial is recorded under 17 April 1610; see ibid., 132.Google Scholar

189 Foster, Visitation of Yorkshire, 521. This pedigree reproduces the error of Lbl Harley MS 1487 f. 416^v by giving the name of Thomas's younger brother as Thomas also. Furthermore, it wrongly states that Francis was aged nine at the time of visitation.Google Scholar

190 Francis Collins ed., The Registers of Farnham, Yorkshire, 1569–1812, Parish Register Society lvi (1905), 12.Google Scholar

191 Ibid., 12–13.Google Scholar

192 The will is in the Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, York.Google Scholar

193 Collins, op. cit., 79.Google Scholar

194 Puttick and Simpson Sale Catalogues 1849–1853, British Library, Dept. of Printed Books, call-mark Hirsh 565.Google Scholar

195 Miscellaneous Sales Catalogues, British Library, Dept. of Manuscripts, call-mark PR 1. C. 50–51; see p. 30 of catalogue no. 14.Google Scholar

196 The brothers William and Thomas Boone were Bond Street booksellers who acted as agents for the British Museum from the spring of 1849; see George Smith and Frank Benger, The Oldest London Bookshop (London, 1928) 61–4. We can follow the various stages in the Museum's acquisition of the partbooks from Sir Frederic's Journal for the year 1849 (Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Eng. hist. C. 162):Google Scholar

197 The original document was apparently destroyed in the 1940s. The call-marks of the Bodleian and British Library copies of the typescript are B1.367 (open shelves, Catalogue Room, Old Library) and C.131.K.15 respectively.Google Scholar

198 Alphabetical list of some of the principal sales of Literary Property Music and Works of Art, conducted by Messrs Puttick & Simpson, 191 Piccadilly and 47 Leicester Square, 1846 to 1870 (typewritten, 1928), 2.Google Scholar

199 Also spelled Ayreton, Airton, Aerton.Google Scholar

200 See the articles on Edmund and William Ayrton in The New Grove; also Harold Watkins Shaw, The Succession of Organists (Oxford, 1991), 277.Google Scholar

201 J. and J. A. Venn Alumni Cantabrigienses, Part 1, vol. 1, p. 61; PRO Institution Books: Series B (1660–1721) iii, f. 389 (new f. 398) Chester diocese; Memorials of the Church of SS. Peter and Wilfred, Ripon, vol. 2, Surtees Society lxxviii (1886 for 1884), 324; [Nugent Chaplin], A Short Account of the Families of Chaplin and Skinner and Connected Families (privately printed, 1902), Pedigree C: ‘The Ayrton Family’, between pp. 18–19; for ‘Nidd-cum-Stamley’ read ‘Nidd-cum-Stainley’.Google Scholar

202 See The New Grove article for a brief biographical sketch.Google Scholar

203 See Mateer, David, ‘Further light on Preston and Whyte’, Musical Times, 115 (1974), 1074–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

204 The Masses and Motets of William Byrd (London 1981), p. 80. Actually, Paul Doe has uncovered evidence to suggest that Parsons's death by drowning occurred in 1572; see the introduction to his forthcoming edition of the composer's vocal works in the series Early English Church Music.Google Scholar

205 The New Grove article gives John Mundy's birth-date as c.1555. E.H. Fellowes suggests c.1554 in his Organists and Masters of the Choristers of St. George's Chapel in Windsor Castle (2nd ed., Windsor, 1979), 30.Google Scholar

206 See for instance F. Ll. Harrison, op. cit., 289, and Hugh Baillie, ‘Squares’ Acta Musicologica, 32 (1960), 183.Google Scholar

207 British Library, Harley MS 5800, f. 20^v.Google Scholar

208 Under normal circumstances, the three-fold Christe eleison would be sung: polyphony - plainsong - polyphony, with the last ‘Christe’ repeating the music of the first. The Kyries by Tye and William Mundy, however, develop this scheme by providing the third ‘Christe’ with new music, thus making four polyphonic sections overall: Kyrie 2, Christe 1 & 3, Kyrie 5.Google Scholar

209 John Mundy's six-part Dum transisset Sabbatum (Och Mus. 979–83, no. 156) may be another pedagogical essay in the same technique.Google Scholar

210 See Mateer, David, ‘The Compilation’, op. cit., 22–6.Google Scholar

211 Briquet, C. M., Les filigranes, ed., A. H. Stevenson, 4 vols., (Amsterdam, 1968), no. 13154.Google Scholar

212 Heawood, E., ‘Sources of early English Paper-Supply ii: The Sixteenth Century’ Transactions of the Bibliographical Society [The Library], 4th Series, x (March 1930), 427–54 (especially 435 and 440). In his Watermarks mainly of the 17th and 18th centuries (Hilversum, 1950; repr. Amsterdam, 1970) the device appears as no. 2163. Heawood also claims to have found it in Linschoten's Discours of Voyages (trans. William Phillip, 1598); the maps in the three British Library copies of that work are indeed printed on paper with a grape watermark, but there the similarity ends.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

213 For a discussion of its date and contents see Noble, Jeremy, op. cit., and Warwick Edwards, ‘The Sources of Elizabethan Consort Music’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1974) 90–97.Google Scholar

214 British Library, Royal MS 18.D.iii.Google Scholar

215 It also occurs in a printed psalter of 1576; see J. S. G. Simmons ed., Tromonin's Watermark Album (Hilversum, 1965), plate XXXI, nos. 457–8.Google Scholar

216 The second type of watermark does not occur in the Burghley papers (British Library, Lansdowne MSS) before c.1580. The best examples of the device are to be found in large folio-size books, such as the churchwardens' accounts of St. Stephen Walbrook for 1577–81 (Guildhall Library, MS 573/3), and of St. Lawrence Pountney for 1530–1681 (ibid., MS 3907/1). When the paper on which the latter are written was purchased in 1575, accounts for the period 1530–50 were recopied at the beginning of the volume. The space left for the years 1551–75 was never filled, however, and these blank leaves now provide excellent sightings of the watermark.Google Scholar

217 Their names appear in the same weekly Battels accounts until Gifford's departure for Merton.Google Scholar

218 Devotion to the Name of Jesus was widespread in England from about the middle of the fifteenth century. A famous guild of that dedication, founded in 1459, met in the ‘Crowdes’ or crypt of St. Paul's Cathedral, where the Dean (or in his absence the Subdean or a Cardinal) sang high mass on the feast of the Holy Name. Every Friday mass of Jesus was solemnly sung, followed immediately by a mass of Requiem by note. However, the setting in ‘Gyffard’, which is for men's voices, is unlikely to have been used on such occasions, as the guild's accounts show that choristers were among the singers paid for their services in the crypt (see my forthcoming article ‘Music at St. Paul's Cathedral 1500–1600‘). The Name of Jesus was also held in special reverence at Magdalen College, Oxford, and the pre-Reformation Libri Computi are littered with entries such as the following:Google Scholar

219 See Table: Fascicles II (sub-sections i and iii), IV, VI, and VII. Alcock's Salve regina, which appears near the end of the first layer of Fascicle VII, could have been brought by Whitbroke from Lichfield to London.Google Scholar

220 See Table; Fascicle II, sub-section ii.Google Scholar

221 Barber's music was probably brought to London by Knight. For the latter's association with Winchester, see p. 27.Google Scholar

222 Bramston's family ties with London are discussed on pp. 26–7.Google Scholar

223 Op. cit., 75Google Scholar

224 Windsor Muniments, XV.56.36. Alternatively, the pieces from St. George's Chapel could have been provided by John Mundy, who may well have known Dr Gifford personally through their common association with the second Earl of Essex - the dedicatee of the composer's Songs and Psalmes composed into 3, 4, and 5, parts (1594). It is even possible that the music of Stoning and Ensdale came to Gifford directly from the Earl, for the Devereux family, whose seat was at Chartley, Staffs., had close links with Lichfield cathedral and city.Google Scholar