¹ The obvious exception here are Marian exiles, who had deep familiarity with various locations in the Empire. As will be seen, two of the three authors (Robert Beale and Daniel Rogers) had spent time in Germany during Mary's reign. On Beale's authorship, see below, pp. 11–16.

² The fullest account is McEntegart, Rory, Henry VIII, the League of Schmalkalden and the English Reformation (Woodbridge, 2002)Google Scholar; see also Rory McEntegart, , ‘Towards an ideological foreign policy: Henry VIII and Lutheran Germany, 1531–47’, in Doran, Susan and Richardson, Glenn (eds), Tudor England and its Neighbours (Basingstoke, 2005), 74–105 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an overview of studies on Anglo-German relations during the Reformation, see Gehring, David Scott, ‘From the strange death to the odd afterlife of Lutheran England’, Historical Journal, 57:3 (2014), 825–844 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the following paragraphs, Gehring, David Scott, Anglo-German Relations and the Protestant Cause: Elizabethan Foreign Policy and Pan-Protestantism (London, 2013)Google Scholar.

³ Lloyd, T.H., England and the German Hanse, 1157–1611: A Study of their Trade and Commercial Diplomacy (Cambridge, 1991), 292–362 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 341–343. See also below, pp. 5–6 n. 10 and 32–33 n. 98.

⁴ Camden, William, The History of the Most Renowned and Victorious Princess Elizabeth Late Queen of England, Selected Chapters, ed. MacCaffrey, W.T. (Chicago, IL, 1970), 12Google Scholar. Killigrew's service record, BL, Lansdowne MS 106, item 32, fo. 132r.

⁵ For an excellent and up-to-date discussion, see Dingel, Irene, ‘The culture of conflict in the controversies leading to the Formula of Concord (1548–1580)’, in Kolb, Robert (ed.), Lutheran Ecclesiastical Culture, 1550–1675 (Leiden, 2008), 15–64 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Dated but still useful, Kolb, Robert, ‘Dynamics of party conflict in the Saxon late Reformation: Gnesio-Lutherans vs. Philippists’, in Luther's Heirs Define his Legacy: Studies on Lutheran Confessionalization (Aldershot, 1996), ch. 1Google Scholar. For a longer chronological overview, Cohn, Henry J., ‘The territorial princes in Germany's second Reformation, 1559–1622’, in Prestwich, Menna (ed.), International Calvinism, 1541–1715 (Oxford, 1985), 135–165 Google Scholar.

⁶ Rogers to Walsingham, 6 April 1578, TNA, SP 81/1/54.

⁷ This admittedly brief synopsis cannot possibly do full justice to the complexity of diplomacy with German powers in the context of wider European relations. Franco-German ties in the west of the Empire were more established than Anglo-German contacts under Elizabeth (particularly early in the reign), while the Prince of Orange had his own family relations and contacts. English negotiations, therefore, always needed to take into account existing relationships among the Protestant princes in Germany, the French king and nobility, and the Dutch.

⁸ Palavicino to Burghley, 13 June 1591, TNA, SP 81/7, fos 29r–30v; quotation from Stone, Lawrence, An Elizabethan: Sir Horatio Palavicino (Oxford, 1956), 173 Google Scholar.

⁹ On Spithovius, see ODNB; Adams, Simon and Gehring, David Scott, ‘Elizabeth I's former tutor reports on the parliament of 1559: Johannes Spithovius to the chancellor of Denmark, 27 February 1559’, English Historical Review, 128:530 (2013), 35–54 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ For overviews of these diplomatic difficulties, see Kirchner, Walther, ‘England and Denmark, 1558–1588’, Journal of Modern History, 17:1 (1945), 1–15 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cheyney, Edward P., ‘England and Denmark in the later days of Queen Elizabeth’, Journal of Modern History, 1:1 (1929), 9–39 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; NB Cheyney confuses Daniel Rogers with his brother, Dr John Rogers on pp. 2–4 and 12–13. For the evolution of, and negative international reaction to, the Sound dues, see Lockhart, Paul Douglas, Frederik II and the Protestant Cause: Denmark's Role in the Wars of Religion, 1559–1596 (Leiden, 2004), 25, 41–42 Google Scholar; and Paul Douglas Lockhart Denmark, 1513–1660: The Rise and Decline of a Renaissance Monarchy (Oxford, 2007), 106–111. For calendars of relevant items in Rigsarkivet, Statens Arkiver, Copenhagen, TKUA, SD, England AI, AII; TKUA, AD, Kopibog Latina 7–8, see Macray, William Dunn, ‘Report on the royal archives of Denmark’, The Forty-Fifth Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1885), Appendix ii, 1–59 Google Scholar; and The Forty-Sixth Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1886), Appendix ii, 21–41.

¹¹ On Frederik, the Formula of Concord, and Protestant alliance, see Lockhart, Frederik II, 157–189.

¹² The final instructions for Bodley, 27 April 1585, BL, Cotton MS Titus, F. XII, fos 46r–49r; cf. Robert Beale's preparatory notes for ‘the gent that goethe to the kinge of Denmarke’, April 1585, TNA, SP 81/3/65. For discussions of the missions of Bodley and Willoughby, see Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 97–105, nn. on 194–197); Lockhart, Frederik II, 227–230, 235–241. On Willoughby and Frederik's investiture, Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 85–87, nn. on 189–190.

¹³ Lockhart, Frederik II, 228. Bodley to Walsingham, 28 June 1585, TNA, SP 75/1/55.

¹⁴ On the potential circulation of these accounts, see below, pp. 37–39.

¹⁵ Cynthia Fry, ‘Diplomacy and deception: King James VI of Scotland's foreign relations with Europe (c.1584–1603)’, PhD thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014, 12.

¹⁶ See for examples, Stafford, Helen Georgia, James VI of Scotland and the Throne of England (New York, 1940)Google Scholar; Susan Doran ‘Loving and affectionate cousins? The relationship between Elizabeth I and James VI of Scotland 1586–1603’, in Doran and Richardson, Tudor England and its Neighbours, 203–234; Stevenson, David, Scotland's Last Royal Wedding: The Marriage of James VI and Anne of Denmark (Edinburgh, 1996)Google Scholar; for a longer chronological view, see Riis, Thomas, Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot: Scottish-Danish Relations c.1450–1707, 2 vols (Odense, 1988)Google Scholar. On other Scottish links with Scandinavia, see also works by Grosjean, Alexia and Murdoch, Steve, including their edited volume, Scottish Communities Abroad in the Early Modern Period (Leiden, 2005)Google Scholar. Currently less well known is Frederik Bredahl Petersen's doctoral thesis on John Macalpine, who (it is argued) was the initiator of the Melanchthonian tradition in Danish theology and spiritual father of Niels Hemmingsen, ‘Dr. Johannes Macchabæus, John MacAlpin: Scotland's contribution to the Reformation in Denmark’, PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1937; summarized briefly in Christensen, Thorkild Lyby, ‘Scots in Denmark in the sixteenth century’, Scottish Historical Review, 49:148 (1970), 125–145, at 138Google Scholar.

¹⁷ On the Netherlands, see Ferguson, James (ed.), Papers Illustrating the History of the Scots Brigade in the Service of the United Netherlands, 1572–1782 . . ., 1: 1572–1697 (Edinburgh, 1899)Google Scholar; Daemen-De Gelder, Katrien A.L., ‘The letters of Adriaan Damman (†1605), Dutch ambassador at the court of James VI and I’, Lias: Sources and Documents Relating to the Early Modern History of Ideas, 31:2 (2004), 239–248 Google Scholar. On Germany, Zickermann, Kathrin, Across the German Sea: Early Modern Scottish Connections with the Wider Elbe-Weser Region (Leiden, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kathrin Zickermann, ‘“Britannia ist mein patria”: Scotsmen and the “British” community in Hamburg’, in Grosjean and Murdoch (eds), Scottish Communities Abroad, 249–276.

¹⁸ NDB, VIII (1969), 352–354; online at DB.

¹⁹ A convenient if incomplete miscellany of James VI's correspondence and foreign policy materials between 1587 and 1603 can be found in Cameron, Annie I. (ed.), The Warrender Papers, II (Edinburgh, 1932)Google Scholar. For an example of how James's writings of the 1590s were received on the European mainland – and how he embraced his reputation as a potential leader among Protestants – see Stilma, Astrid, A King Translated: The Writings of King James VI & I and their Interpretation in the Low Countries, 1593–1603 (Farnham, 2012)Google Scholar.

²⁰ For the militant Protestantism of the young James, see Smuts, Malcolm, ‘The making of Rex Pacificus: James VI and I and the problem of peace in an age of religious war’, in Fischlin, Daniel and Fortier, Mark (eds), Royal Subjects: Essays on the Writings of James VI and I (Detroit, MI, 2002), 371–387 Google Scholar; Schneider, Lukas M., ‘Der Zweifrontenkrieg als Damoklesschwert über England? Schottland in der spanischen Konfliktstrategie während des ersten Armada-Feldzuges von 1588’, Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen, 57 (1998), 1–22 Google Scholar. James's relations with Spain grew increasingly important during the 1590s as King Philip II's daughter, Isabella, was positioned as (an admittedly weak) claimant to the English throne; she was a distant descendant of Edward III. In 1595 James sent an ambassador to Madrid and Rome to discourage any Spanish attempts after Elizabeth's death. James's relations with Spain and the Papacy are too complex to explore further here, but as Fry observes, the king did at times employ some ‘coy diplomatic posturing’ with Spain. Fry, ‘Diplomacy and deception’, 22. See also Saenz-Cambra, Concepción, ‘James VI's ius suum conservare: His intrigues with Spain, 1580–1603’, International Review of Scottish Studies, 30 (2005), 86–107 Google Scholar.

²¹ For sources and discussion of the baptism in an international context, see Cameron, Warrender Papers, II, 232–262; Fry, ‘Diplomacy and deception’, 98–105. For all the international intentions of King James, it is curious that his propaganda piece by Fowler, William, A True Reportarie of the Most Triumphant, and Royal Accomplishment of the Baptism of [. . .] Frederik Henry (Edinburgh and London, 1594)Google Scholar (STC 11214.6–11214.8), was neither translated into Latin nor printed abroad. On the embassy by David Cunningham and Peter Young in 1598, Cameron, Warrender Papers, II, 358–380; Fry, ‘Diplomacy and deception’, 118–121. Henry Frederick's wide international connections from a tender age are evident in BL, Harley MSS 7007 and 7008.

²² For the most exhaustive account, see Kouri, E.I., England and the Attempts to Form a Protestant Alliance in the Late 1560s: A Case Study in European Diplomacy (Helsinki, 1981)Google Scholar. For Killigrew's role, Miller, A.C., Sir Henry Killigrew: Elizabethan Soldier and Diplomat (Leicester, 1963), 101–122 Google Scholar. For a more recent overview, Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 44–47, nn. on 176–177.

²³ Killigrew travelled to France in December 1553 to gain support for an uprising against Mary, but after the failed Wyatt rebellion he entered the household of the Protestant François de Vendôme, vidame de Chartres, and later moved to Strasbourg where he met Thomas Randolph. ODNB. On Killigrew's service in 1558 and 1559, see, with caution, the narrative in Miller, Sir Henry Killigrew, 32–38. On Mundt's service (which was suspended during Mary's reign), Esther Hildebrandt, ‘Christopher Mont, Anglo-German diplomat’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 15:3 (1984), 281–292. For additional English activity during the 1560s, Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 28–44, nn. on 167–176. On Ascham, see below, pp. 24–25, 33–34 n. 100.

²⁴ Killigrew's instructions, January 1569, BL, Harley MS 36, fos 91r–95r; other copies abound, but see especially Cecil's comments (emphasizing the widest possible alliance with the Germans) in an early draft of the instructions, BL, Cotton MS Galba, B. XI, fos 281r–284v. Elizabeth's offering of such an enormous loan (roughly £60,000 to £90,000) was only possible after the seizure of Spanish payships. Read, Conyers, ‘Queen Elizabeth's seizure of the Duke of Alva's pay-ships’, Journal of Modern History, 5:4 (1933), 443–464 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ Beale's entry in Hasler, P.W., The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558–1603 (London, 1981), I, 411–412 Google Scholar; online at www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1558-1603/member/beale-robert-1541-1601. Brooks, Christopher Wilson, ‘A puritan collaboration in defence of the liberty of the subject: James Morice, Robert Beale, and the Elizabethan campaign against ecclesiastical authority’, in Scott, Paul (ed.), Collaboration and Interdisciplinarity in the Republic of Letters: Essays in Honour of Richard G. Maber (Manchester, 2010), 3–16 Google Scholar. Collinson, Patrick, ‘Servants and citizens: Robert Beale and other Elizabethans’, Historical Research, 79:206 (2006), 488–511 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Basing, Patricia, ‘Robert Beale and the Queen of Scots’, British Library Journal, 20 (1994), 65–82 Google Scholar. Patricia Ann Brewerton, ‘Paper trails: Re-reading Robert Beale as clerk to the Elizabethan privy council’, PhD thesis, Birkbeck College, University of London, 1998. Beale also figures largely in Jacqueline D. Vaughan, ‘Secretaries, statesmen and spies: The clerks of the Tudor privy council, c.1540–c.1603’, PhD thesis, University of St Andrews, 2007. The most comprehensive work on Beale remains Mark Taviner, ‘Robert Beale and the Elizabethan polity’, PhD thesis, University of St Andrews, 2000.

²⁶ Collinson, ‘Servants and citizens’, 502. For biographical information and time in Paris to 1572, see Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 46–103. See also ODNB.

²⁷ In Strasbourg Beale was staying with his uncle, Richard Morison, who appears to have been a crucial early link to later associates and patrons of Beale. Brewerton, ‘Paper trails’, 111–116. AAVitebergensis, II, 4 lists Beale for 17 May. Noted correctly as 17 May in Smith, Preserved and Bar, Robert, ‘Englishmen at Wittenberg in the sixteenth century’, English Historical Review, 36:143 (1921), 422–433 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 429. Erroneously ‘1 May’ in Nicollier-de Weck, Béatrice, Hubert Languet (1518–1581): Un Réseau Politique International de Melanchthon à Guillaume d'Orange (Geneva, 1995), 17 Google Scholar, but see also 226–227 on Languet and Beale, Mundt, and Daniel Rogers. Simply ‘May’ in Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 53. Quotation from Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 53–4. Correspondence between Beale and Languet survives in BL, Egerton MS 1693.

²⁸ Tracing Beale's whereabouts during the early 1560s is difficult, though his travels may have also included a trip to Padua to study law. Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 54, 59, 78. Beale was recruited at this time to canvass the opinions of German legal authorities regarding the marriage of Edward Seymour, 1st Earl of Hertford, to Lady Katherine Grey (Lord Grey's niece). Beale's ‘discourse’ on the marriage's legitimacy was essentially correct. Cambridge University Library, MS Ii.5.3, art. 4. ODNB, but see also the discussion in Brewerton, ‘Paper trails’, 119–121.

²⁹ Rerum Hispanicarvm Scriptores Aliqvot, quorum nomina versa pagina indicabit. Ex Bibliotheca clarißimi viri Dn. Roberti Beli Angli . . . (Frankfurt, 1579). For context, see R.J.W. Evans, ‘The Wechel presses: Humanism and Calvinism in central Europe 1572–1627’, Past & Present, Supplement 2 (1975), noting Beale at p. 43. Cf. the observation that for informal travellers without official governmental charge, ‘it was a good plan to take up lodgings with an eminent bookseller. For statesmen, advocates and other sorts of great men came to the shop, from whose talk much could be learned’, Howard, Clare, English Travellers of the Renaissance (London, 1914), 43 Google Scholar.

³⁰ Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 64, 61. Smith's account given to Beale (BL, Additional MS 48026, fos 29v–31v) dealt predominantly with taxes in France, but see also the lot of documents regarding Smith and France in BL, Additional MS 48085, fos 352r–375v. Smith later recommended Beale to Cecil as ‘a rare man & of excellent giftes’ in a letter from Blois on 9 March 1572, TNA, SP 70/146, fo. 55r; Beale was the bearer.

³¹ Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 61, noting also that what exactly ‘Beale was doing in Paris is hard to pin down. [. . .] Beale was not a secretary, servant or member of the household of any of the resident English ambassadors Sir Thomas Hoby, Hugh Fitzwilliam or Sir Henry Norris.’ See also, however, Beale's discussion of the attributes necessary for an ambassador in France, with reference to all three and his ‘better’ hope for Norris: Beale to Cecil, November 1566, TNA, SP 70/87, fos 75r–76v; cf. Beale's copies of Norris's and Smith's materials from Paris in May 1567, BL, Additional MSS 48023, fos 340r–349r; 48024, fos 209v–213v. Kouri, England and the Attempts, 176, noting that ‘every now and then [Beale] visited the German courts’. In 1565 Hales was imprisoned in the Tower for writing a book arguing the validity of the marriage between Hertford and Lady Grey (and therefore incorporating Beale's ‘discourse’), but he was released the following year (with Cecil's help) and lived under house-arrest for the next four years. ODNB. See also materials (much in Cecil's hand) with reference to Beale's role during to the interrogation of Hales and Francis Newdigate in April–May 1564, CP 154/57–65.

³² Advertisements from Germany, 15 January 1568, TNA, SP 70/96, fos 65r–66v; the document is missing initial leaf/leaves, but the hand is clearly Beale's. Sending intelligence back to England may have been a way Beale had thought to regain favour after the fallout of his ‘discourse’ and Hales's book on the succession. Later in his career Beale would take writing such reports and treatises to another level entirely, writing at least 11 between 1571 and 1597. Vaughan, ‘Secretaries, statesmen and spies’, 171, with a list of the treatises, n. 37.

³³ For overviews, see the studies by Bernard Vogler, ‘Le rôle des électeurs palatins dans les guerres de religion en France (1559–1592)’, Cahiers d'histoire, 10 (1965), 51–85; and Bernard Vogler, ‘Henri IV et les princes allemands’, in Henri IV: Le Roi et la Reconstruction du Royaume, Volumes des actes du colloque Pau-Nérac 14–17 Septembre 1989 (Pau, 1990), 373–383.

³⁴ Louis Frennes, Seigneur de Lumbres, to Beale, February 1569, Aberdeen University Library, MS 1009/1/22. Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 65–67. For Killigrew in Heidelberg in March and April, see Kouri, England and the Attempts, 90–96. Having sailed with Junius from Harwich on 20 February, Killigrew had previously been in Hamburg for a week from 6 March to discuss the Merchant Adventurers’ cloth market, and he made his way to Heidelberg via Kassel, where he met with Landgrave Wilhelm. Kouri, England and the Attempts, 86–88.

³⁵ Friedrich to Elizabeth, 28 September 1569, Bodleian Library, Oxford, Ashmole MS 1729, fos 126r–127v (item 68), noting per praesentium latorem Robertum Beel; followed by Friedrich to Killigrew (fos 128r–131v, item 69), same date, noting discussions at Erfurt. Contemporary copies of Friedrich to Elizabeth among Cecil's papers, CP, MS 156, fo. 145r–v; printed in Kluckhohn, August (ed.), Briefe Friedrich des Frommen Kurfürsten von der Pfalz mit verwandten Schriftstücken (Brunswick, 1870), IIGoogle Scholar, i, 362–363; Friedrich's letter to Killigrew, Kluckhohn, Briefe Friedrich des Frommen, II, i, 360–362; the place of writing is clearly noted in the edns by Kluckhohn. In his discussion in England and the Attempts on 176, Kouri does not clearly differentiate between two separate missives from the Elector Palatine to Elizabeth, one dated 10 September (the official reply of the German princes to Killigrew's mission, in Latin and German, BL, Cotton MS Galba, B. XI, fos 288r–296v) and the other 28 September (Kouri cites copies in Germany). As noted in Friedrich's of 28 September, Beale in fact carried both missives. On the convention at Erfurt, where Palatine proposals for religious unification and English plans for alliance were discussed, see Kouri, England and the Attempts, 137–164.

³⁶ On the issue of dating the composition, see p. 90 n. 433.

³⁷ On Beale's later diplomatic activity in 1577, see p. 19, n. 48. For others who shared a pan-Protestant outlook for diplomatic purposes in a different context, while privately holding to more Reformed tendencies, see Riches, Daniel, Protestant Cosmopolitanism and Diplomatic Culture: Brandenburg-Swedish Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Leiden, 2013), 61–66 Google Scholar.

³⁸ See below, p. 73 n. 238.

³⁹ Details of the existing versions are discussed below, pp. 42–43. For examples of later additions to the Beale papers in the Yelverton collection, see below, p. 37 n. 112. Beale and Shrewsbury became necessary associates given Talbot's role as custodian of Mary, Queen of Scots, and Beale's own role in the imprisonment and execution of the queen. See Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 185–243. Additionally, Shrewsbury would have been interested to know more of mining techniques in Germany, particularly because of his development of the mineral resources on his own lands. Shrewsbury's interest is evident in the same papers at Lambeth (e.g. Anthony Barly to Shrewsbury, 23 June 1570, MS 697, fos 83r–84r), with some documentation of his exporting lead to the European mainland in exchange for wine from Gascony or weapons from Germany. Catherine Jamison, rev. Bill, E.G.W., A Calendar of the Shrewsbury and Talbot Papers in Lambeth Palace Library and the College of Arms, I: Shrewsbury MSS in Lambeth Palace Library (MSS 694–710), (London, 1966), x Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ When the author of ‘the state of Germany’ was in Dresden on 24 June 1569, for example, Mundt wrote to Cecil from Speyer, having been in Heidelberg the previous day. CSPF, IX, items 305–306.

⁴¹ On Frederik II's final months and Rogers's mission, see Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 121–124, nn. on 202–203; Lockhart, Frederik II, 290–311. See also but use with caution, Slavin, Arthur J., ‘Daniel Rogers in Copenhagen, 1588: Mission and memory’, in Thorp, Malcolm R. and Slavin, Arthur J. (eds), Politics, Religion and Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of De Lamar Jensen (Kirksville, MO, 1994), 245–266 Google Scholar.

⁴² See above, pp. 6–7.

⁴³ Slavin, ‘Daniel Rogers in Copenhagen’, discusses Rogers's experience in Wittenberg and elsewhere during the Marian exile.

⁴⁴ Rogers signified his Wittenberg origins by styling himself Albimontani in his Latin epigram at the beginning of the great work by his kinsman, Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Antwerp, 1570), which is discussed in the notes to the account, p. 112 n. 7 et passim. Similarly, in a collection of Rogers's poems written predominantly during the 1560s and 1570s but later compiled largely in his own hand, he styled himself Albimontij Angli, or ‘of Wittenberg [and] of England’. HEHL, HM 31188; see the incomplete list of addressees (omitting the ‘obscure’ foreigners) in Fourth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts (London, 1874), Appendix, 251–254. For a brief summary of Rogers's international education and contacts, ODNB; for his connection with Leiden, van Dorsten, J.A., Poets, Patrons, and Professors: Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers, and the Leiden Humanists (Leiden, 1962), 9–75Google Scholar; cf. the wider context in Daniela Prögler, English Students at Leiden University, 1575–1650: ‘Advancing your abilities in learning and bettering your understanding of the world and state affairs’ (Farnham, 2013). Rogers graduated BA in 1561 at Oxford. Apparently he did not finish his studies at Wittenberg; nor does his name appear in the Album Academiae Vitebergensis, so his study with Melanchthon may have been informal. Daniel's father, John Rogers matriculated at Wittenberg on 25 November 1540, the same day as Jo[h]annes Macc[h]abeus (i.e. John Macalpine). AAVitebergensis, I, 186. See the numerous poems regarding Melanchthon in HEHL, HM 31188, e.g. fos 114v, 342r; on Languet on fos 363v–364v; on Sturm on fos 71r, 298r–299r.

⁴⁵ The fullest account of Rogers's captivity remains van den Brink, J.N., ‘Daniel Rogers, Engelsche gevangene te Breedevoort, 1580–1584’, De Gids, 1 (1943), 26–37, 82–96Google Scholar. In 1580 Rogers's mission was to include visits and negotiations not only with Protestant princes such as Elector August and Landgrave Wilhelm but also Emperor Rudolf II to ‘treat with him for stay of a decree to be mad against oure marchantes residinge at Embdene’. See Rogers's instructions, 7 September 1580, BL, Harley MS 36, fos 250r–252r.

⁴⁶ For a more personal connection between Rogers and Beale, see the poems addressed to Beale in HEHL, HM 31188, fos 85v, 99r, 104r (noting Beale's library), 116v, 184v, 188v, 216v, 228v, 234r, 301r. Beale had fallen out of Elizabeth's favour after his involvement in the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots in 1587. On Beale as Clerk, see Brewerton, ‘Paper trails’; Vaughan, ‘Secretaries, statesmen and spies’, esp. p. 38 for Rogers effectively replacing Beale, though Beale did remain a clerk until his death in 1601.

⁴⁷ Burghley's copy of the instructions, with observations, June 1590, BL, Cotton MS Caligula, D. II, fos 1r–4v; printed in Rymer, Thomas (ed.), Foedera, Conventiones, Literae, Et Cujuscunque Generis Acta Publica, Inter Reges Angliae, Et Alios quosvis Imperatores, Reges . . ., 2nd edn (London, 1727), XVI, 68Google Scholar–71, quotation at 71. On the mission, the most recent and fullest account is Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 133–138, nn. on 206–208. Patterson, W.B., James VI and I and the Reunion of Christendom (Cambridge, 1997), 29Google Scholar, ignores the anti-Catholicism explicit in the sources, while Stafford, James VI of Scotland, 124–131, does not incorporate the English involvement. The most recent notice is Fry, ‘Diplomacy and deception’, 9, 78, and passim in Appendix II. During the embassy Skene received additional instructions for a 2nd mission (without Stewart) to the Dutch Republic to secure repayment of debts owed to Col. Stewart for previous military service. This second mission is included in the report below on pp. 190–209.

⁴⁸ Beale travelled with Elizabeth's letters to 9 princes, plus one to the Electress of Saxony. His mission was the culmination of previous attempts that year by Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers, and Dr John Rogers (Daniel's brother). On the embassies of the Rogers brothers and Beale in the context of the Lutheran Formula of Concord, Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 61–74, nn. on 82–186. Another, perhaps better comparison is the mission of Jacques de Ségur-Pardaillan on behalf of the king of Navarre in 1583–1584, when he canvassed the German Protestant princes for military aid and (less directly) support for Navarre's right of succession. For an overview, Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 92–97, nn. on 192–194.

⁴⁹ For biographical information, ODNB; Skene, William Forbes (ed.), Memorials of the Family of Skene of Skene (Aberdeen, 1887), 106–113 Google Scholar; see also the letters between 1586 and 1598 to Skene from a number of men in Germany, including Caspar Peucer and Hermann Rennecher, 155–179. Skene's links to Germany also continued when his second, eponymous, son enrolled at the University of Helmstedt, where several other Scots learned at the feet of Duncan Liddel. See the matriculation lists online at http://uni-helmstedt.hab.de/index.php?section=matrikel.

⁵⁰ AAVitebergensis, II, 170, under 16 March.

⁵¹ On Languet at this time, see Nicollier-de Weck, Hubert Languet, 273–310, 345–367.

⁵² Killigrewto Walsingham?, 18 July 1574, BL, Cotton MS Caligula, C. IV, fo. 272r.

⁵³ Bowes to Burghley, 31 May 1590, TNA, SP 52/45, fos 51r–52v.

⁵⁴ Memoirs of his own Life by Sir James Melville of Halhill. M.D.XLIX–M.D.XCIII (Edinburgh, 1827), 366.

⁵⁵ Marriage contract, signed original of 20 August 1589, National Archives of Scotland, SP 8/7.

⁵⁶ Watkins, John, ‘Toward a new diplomatic history of medieval and early modern Europe’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 38:1 (2008), 1–14 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Schweizer, Karl W. and Schumann, Matt J., ‘The revitalization of diplomatic history: Renewed reflections’, Diplomacy & Statecraft, 19:2 (2008), 149–186 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (London and Boston, 1955; citations from reprint, Harmondsworth, 1965). Anderson, M.S., The Rise of Modern Diplomacy, 1450–1919 (London, 1993)Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Riches, Protestant Cosmopolitanism, 4; pp. 4–16 offer a summary of the ‘new diplomatic history’ vis-à-vis European cosmopolitanism and diplomatic culture, but see also the useful discussion and bibliography in Sowerby, Tracey, ‘“A memorial and a pledge of faith”: Portraiture and early modern diplomatic culture’, English Historical Review, 129:537 (2014), 296–331 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Carrió-Invernizzi, Diana, ‘A new diplomatic history and the networks of Spanish diplomacy in the Baroque Era’, International History Review, 36:4 (2014), 603–618 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 609; at 606 the new diplomatic history is referred to as ‘a simple variation of the old diplomatic history, from which of course it draws deeply’. These new directions, however, cannot be dismissed as old wine in new bottles.

⁶⁰ For a wide-ranging collection of studies on various aspects of networks and personalities, see von Thiessen, Hillard and Windler, Christian (eds), Akteure der Außenbeziehungen: Netzwerke und Interkulturalität im historischen Wandel (Cologne, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For examples of studies centred on a specific court or person, see Osborne, Toby, Dynasty and Diplomacy in the Court of Savoy: Political Culture and the Thirty Years War (Cambridge, 2002)Google Scholar; Kohlndorfer-Fries, Ruth, Diplomatie und Gelehrtenrepublik: Die Kontakte des französischen Gesandten Jaques Bongars (1554–1612) (Tübingen, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the both/and argument, Riches, Protestant Cosmopolitanism, 16–17.

⁶¹ The vigorous interdisciplinarity and international scope of the ‘new diplomatic history’ has been evident not only in publications but also at various conferences.

⁶² Frigo, Daniela (ed.), Politics and Diplomacy in Early Modern Italy: The Structure of Diplomatic Practice, 1450–1800 (Cambridge, 1999)Google Scholar. Kármán, Gábor and Kunčević, Lovro (eds), The European Tributary States of the Ottoman Empire in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Leiden, 2013)Google Scholar. On northern Europe, see also Lockhart, Frederik II; Lavery, Jason, Germany's Northern Challenge: The Holy Roman Empire and the Scandinavian Struggle for the Baltic, 1563–1576 (Boston, MA, 2002)Google Scholar.

⁶³ For the classic discussions, see Stoye, John, English Travellers Abroad, 1604–1667: Their Influence in English Society and Politics, rev. edn (New Haven, CT, 1989)Google Scholar, which focuses on France, Italy, the Low Countries, and Spain, with no discussion of travellers to (or from) the Holy Roman Empire; Black, Jeremy, The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1992)Google Scholar, which offers a more thematic approach.

⁶⁴ Fynes Moryson, An Itinerary vvritten by Fynes Moryson (London, 1617) (STC 18295).

⁶⁵ Hakluyt, Richard, The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English nation made by Sea or ouer Land (London, 1589)Google Scholar (STC 12625). The book was greatly expanded and published again in 1598–1600 (STC 12626, 12626a).

⁶⁶ On Hakluyt and the genre, see the long-standing series by the Hakluyt Society and the more recent Mancall, Peter, Hakluyt's Promise: An Elizabethan's Obsession for an English America (New Haven, CT, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carey, Daniel and Jowitt, Claire (eds), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe (Farnham, 2012)Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ For England, see for examples, Suranyi, Anna, The Genius of the English Nation: Travel Writing and National Identity in Early Modern England (Newark, DE, 2008)Google Scholar; Ord, Melanie, Travel and Experience in Early Modern English Literature (New York, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Games, Alison, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion 1560–1660 (Oxford, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on ‘the domestication of travel’ before the Grand Tour on 17–46, nn. on 304–312; Sell, Jonathan P.A., Rhetoric and Wonder in English Travel Writing, 1560–1613 (Aldershot, 2006)Google Scholar; Mitsi, Evi, ‘“Nowhere is a place”: Travel writing in sixteenth-century England’, Literature Compass, 2 (2005), 1–13 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Europe more widely, see Hulme, Peter and Youngs, Tim (eds), The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing (Cambridge, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Betteridge, Thomas (ed.), Borders and Travellers in Early Modern Europe (Aldershot, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Phiston, William, The Estate of the Germaine Empire, with the description of Germanie (London, 1595)Google Scholar (STC 10922).

⁶⁹ Roger Ascham, A Report and Discourse written by Roger Ascham, of the affaires and state of Germany and the Emperour Charles his court, duryng certaine yeares while the sayd Roger was there (London, c.1570) (STC 830). Ascham wrote his letters as reflections and diplomatic intelligence rather than as a coherent account of travel, but by the time of publication their purposes had changed to reflect a renewed interest in Germany. The exact timing and circumstances of A Report’s publication by John Day remain unclear, despite The Scholemaster’s publication in 1570. It is tempting to suggest that ‘the state of Germany’ may have had something to do with it in late 1569. If Cecil knew of or had seen ‘the state of Germany’ late in 1569, he may have pushed Day to publish Ascham's Report. For discussion, see Ryan, Lawrence V., Roger Ascham (Stanford, CA, 1963), 156–192 Google Scholar. A similar snapshot (and history) of Italy was Thomas, William’s The historie of Italie (London, 1549, 1561)Google Scholar (STC 24018–24019). Ascham's The Scholemaster included more critical thoughts on educational travel, particularly in Italy. On enthusiasm for travel, The Scholemaster, and the critical reaction, see Warneke, Sara, Images of the Educational Traveller in Early Modern England (Leiden, 1995), 41–73 Google Scholar. The chronological divide in 1570 between Warneke's first and second chapters is significant.

⁷⁰ For a convenient collection of the English, see Smith and Bar, ‘Englishmen at Wittenberg’. For the official lists, AAVitebergensis.

⁷¹ Older historiography is discussed in Dollerup, Cay, Denmark, Hamlet, and Shakespeare: A Study of Englishmen's Knowledge of Denmark towards the End of the Sixteenth Century with Special Reference to Hamlet, 2 vols (Salzburg, 1975)Google Scholar, see esp. II, 173–199; but see also Maxwell, Julie, ‘Counter-Reformation versions of Saxo: A new source for Hamlet?’, Renaissance Quarterly, 57:2 (2004), 518–560 Google Scholar; Sjörgren, Gunnar, ‘Thomas Bull and other “English instrumentalists” in Denmark in the 1580s’, Shakespeare Survey, 22 (2007), 119–124 Google Scholar. For players with political or noble support, see MacLean, Sally-Beth, ‘Leicester and the Evelyns: New evidence for the continental tour of Leicester's men’, Review of English Studies, 39:156 (1988), 487–493 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Spohr, Arne, ‘How chances it they travel?’: Englische Musiker in Dänemark und Norddeutschland (Wiesbaden, 2009), 90–141 Google Scholar; on Leicester, 127–130. See also Adams, Simon (ed.), Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, Camden Fifth Series, VI (Cambridge, 1995), 11, 353Google Scholar, on the players sent to Denmark. I am grateful to Dr Andras Kisery for sharing Ch. 2 (‘Some travellers return: Diplomatic writing, political careers, and the world of Hamlet’) from his forthcoming book, Hamlet's Moment: Drama and Political Knowledge in Early Modern England (Oxford, 2016).

⁷² Worthington, David, British and Irish Experiences and Impressions of Central Europe, c.1560–1688 (Farnham, 2012), 29 Google Scholar. On Sidney, see Stillman, Robert E., Philip Sidney and the Poetics of Renaissance Cosmopolitanism (Aldershot, 2008)Google Scholar. For Sidney's thoughts on travel in 1579, see his letter to his brother, Robert, printed in Pears, Steuart A. (ed.), The Correspondence of Sir Philip Sidney and Hubert Languet (London, 1845), 195–198 Google Scholar; the letter was first printed in 1633 (see p. 28, n. 80).

⁷³ This group of men – save Peyton – has also been analysed by Dr Nicholas Popper, though the present editor is happy to report that we have come to similar conclusions independently.

⁷⁴ See, e.g., Adams, Robyn, ‘A most secret service: William Herle and the circulation of intelligence’, in Adams, Robyn and Cox, Rosanna (eds), Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture (Basingstoke, 2011), 63–81 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ The pattern of the early modern traveller is similar to the aspirations of the ambassador, though the former often started their travels based on their own initiative, whereas the latter already possessed a strong degree of connection to the state. Of course, a career path of traveller to minor secretary, to ambassador, to major secretary was entirely possible; such was Beale's. For the argument on the relative novelty of the ‘laicization’ and professional restructuring, see Gary M. Bell, ‘Elizabethan diplomacy: The subtle revolution’, in Thorp and Slavin, Politics, Religion and Diplomacy, 267–288. On information flows between aspiring servants and the state, see Jardine, Lisa and Sherman, William, ‘Pragmatic readers: Knowledge transactions and scholarly services in late Elizabethan England’, in Fletcher, Anthony and Roberts, Peter (eds), Religion, Culture and Society in Early Modern Britain: Essays in Honour of Patrick Collinson (Cambridge, 1994), 102–124 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A far more detailed and wide-ranging discussion of travel and career development is found in Elizabeth Rachel Williamson, ‘Before “diplomacy”: Travel, embassy and the production of political information in the later sixteenth century’, PhD thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012, 22–83. I am also grateful to Dr Nicholas Popper for sending me a draft of his work-in-progress, ‘The social production of political knowledge in early modern England’, which discusses these issues.

⁷⁶ On Powle and Wotton, the ODNB provides the outlines, but the discussion in Popper, ‘The social production’ is better and follows the argument of Warneke, Images, 48.

⁷⁷ Sobecki, Sebastian, ‘John Peyton's a relation of the state of Polonia and the accession of King James I, 1598–1603’, English Historical Review, 129: 540 (2014), 1079–1097 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Sebastian Sobecki, ‘“A man of curious enquiry”: John Peyton's Grand Tour to central Europe and Robert Cecil's intelligence network, 1596–1601’, Renaissance Studies, 29 (2015), 394–410, quotation at 407.

⁷⁸ ‘A breef description of the famous Cittie of Norenberg in High Germany’, LPL, MS 508, includes separate dedications to Carey (dated 20 November 1594), Burghley (20 August 1594), and Edward, 11th Baron Zouch (dated 20 September 1594). Another copy, BL, Additional MS 78167, is dated 20 August 1594 and includes the dedication to Burghley alone. A third copy exists without dedications in the Nürnberg Stadtbibliothek and has been published as ‘Smith, William: “A description of the cittie of Noremberg” (Beschreibung der Reichsstadt Nürnberg) 1594’, Roach, William and Goldmann, Karlheinz (eds), Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 48 (1958), 194–258 Google Scholar. Francis Davison, son of William, also wrote a relation on Germany during the 1590s, though his (on Saxony) no longer survives. See the letters printed in the introduction to Davison, Francis, The Poetical Rhapsody: To which are Added, Several Other Pieces, Nicolas, Nicholas Harris (ed.), 2 vols (London, 1826)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ ‘A relation of the state of religion’, presentation MS given to Whitgift, with the latter's annotations, LPL, MS 2007, on Lutherans at fo. 193v; printed in 1605 (STC 21716), sig. Q4v. Additional copy in the Queen's College, Oxford, MS 280, fos 91r–142v. Cf. Henry Wotton's The State of Christendom, written before 1594 but only published in 1657 (Wing W3654). MS copy, BL, Harley MS 3499. For biographical information on Sandys, ODNB.

⁸⁰ Cf. the comment of Thomas Platter, the Swiss physician who travelled to England in 1599, ‘the English for the most part do not travel much, but prefer to learn foreign matters and take their pleasures at home’. Williams, Clare (ed.), Thomas Platter's Travels in England 1599 (London, 1937), 170 Google Scholar. Contrast the argument against such armchair-travellers in the preface by Fisher, Benjamin to Profitable Instructions; Describing what speciall Obseruations are to be taken by Trauellers in all Nations, States and Countries (London, 1633)Google Scholar (STC 6789); the ‘instructions’ were by William Davison c.1595 (for his son, see p. 27 n. 78), by Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, in 1596, and Philip Sidney in 1579 (see p. 25 n. 72).

⁸¹ On Tilney's book, see Streitberger, W.R., Edmond Tyllney, Master of the Revels and Censor of Plays: A Descriptive Index to His Diplomatic Manual on Europe (New York, 1986)Google Scholar; and Streitberger, W.R. (ed.), Edmond Tyllney, Topographical Descriptions, Regiments, and Policies: Book VI: England and Wales, Book VII: Scotland, Book VIII: Ireland (New York, 1991)Google Scholar. The unfinished Elizabethan text, Folger Shakespeare Library, MS V.b.182. The complete version for James, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Pre-1650 MS 0109. On Tilney generally, Streitberger, W.R., ‘On Edmund Tyllney's biography’, Review of English Studies, 29 (1978), 11–35 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Tilney and his use of history, Nicholas Popper's forthcoming, ‘European historiography in English political culture’, in Smuts, Malcolm (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Age of Shakespeare (Oxford, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I am grateful to Dr Popper for sharing his work and thoughts before publication. Noteworthy here is the distinct possibility that Tilney did not incorporate much printed material from beyond the English market apart from maps and images.

⁸² This typology is laid out in William H. Sherman, ‘Stirrings and searchings (1500–1720)’, in Hulme and Youngs, Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing, 17–36. For an overview of the methodization and primary authors of early travel manuals, see Stagl, Justin, The History of Curiosity: The Theory of Travel, 1550–1800 (Chur, 1995), 47–94 Google Scholar.

⁸³ Palmer, Thomas, An Essay of the Meanes hovv to make our Trauailes, into forraine Countries, the more profitable and honourable (London, 1606)Google Scholar (STC 19156).

⁸⁴ Divers voyages touching the discouerie of America (London, 1582) (STC 12624). A Notable Historie (London, 1587) (STC 15316). Bourne, William’s A booke called the Treasure for traueilers (London, 1578)Google Scholar (STC 3432) was not intended as a general book for travellers as much as it was designed specifically to help in navigation by using tools and calculating distances and latitudes. For a discussion of early English books on navigation, exploration, and travel, see Parker, John, Books to Build an Empire: A Bibliographical History of English Overseas Interests to 1620 (Amsterdam, 1965)Google Scholar. See also the definitive reference work, Cox, Edward Godfrey, A Reference Guide to the Literature of Travel, 3 vols (Seattle, WA, 1935–1949)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ London, STC 24336, but published a year earlier as De Peregrinatione et Agro neapolitano Libri II (Strasbourg, 1574) (VD16 T 2315). For brief discussion and extracts of Turler's observations on England, see Rye, William Brenchley (ed.), England as seen by Foreigners in the Days of Elizabeth and James the First (London, 1865), xxvii–xxviii, 83–84Google Scholar. On English translations of early German manuals and the comparison between Germany and England as ‘somewhat removed from the older and more civilized nations [making it] necessary for them to make an effort to learn what was going on at the centre of the world’, Howard, English Travellers, 22–27, quotation at 22. Additional publications of the 1570s, though not translated into English, include Zwinger, Theodor, Methodvs Apodemica: In eorvm gratiam, qvi cum fructu in quocunque tandem uitae genere peregrinari cupiunt (Basle, 1577)Google Scholar (VD16 Z 748); Pyrckmair, Hilarius, Commentariolus de Arte Apodemica, sev Vera Peregrinandi Ratione (Ingolstadt, 1577)Google Scholar (VD16 P 5423). Turler and Pyrckmair (among others) were reprinted in De Arte Peregrinandi Libri II (Nuremberg, 1591) (VD16 P 5424).

⁸⁶ London, STC 17784, but earlier publications were Methodvs Describendi regiones, vrbes & arces, & quid singulis locis praecipue in peregrinationibus homines nobiles ac docti animaduertere, obseruare & annotare debeant (Helmstedt, 1587) (VD16 M 2301); Methodus Apodemica, sev Peregrinandi, Perlvstrandique regiones, vrbes & arces ratio (Leipzig, 1588) (VD16 M 2302).

⁸⁷ Meyer's topics included cosmography, astronomy, geography, chorography, topography, husbandry, navigation, political affairs, scholastic and academic interests, the Church, literature, history, and chronicles. In the English version, section ‘IX Scholastica’ became ‘The tenth Section. Literature wherein is to be noted.’ A previous work with a connection to Drake was Breton, Nicholas’s A Discourse in commendation of the valiant as vertuous minded Gentleman, Maister Frauncis Drake, with a reioysing of his happy aduentures (London, 1581)Google Scholar (STC 3646.5, but not in EEBO), which was primarily a celebration of Drake's circumnavigation but also a commentary on the merits of travel at sigs Aii[i]v–Aiiiir, [Aviiir]. Other possible influences on Rogers's ‘discourse’ are discussed below, pp. 37–38.

⁸⁸ London, STC 21360 included descriptions of the cities and changed the order of the locations listed, but the distances and locations were the same as in the original. The as yet unidentified original was Gail, Jörg, Ein neüwes nützliches Raißbüchlin der fürnemesten Land vnnd Stett (Augsburg, 1563)Google Scholar (VD16 G 74), which did not include descriptions of the cities. This very rare book is available in facsimile in Krüger, Herbert (ed.), Das älteste deutsche Routenhandbuch: Jörg Gails “Raißbüchlin”. Mit 6 Routenkarten und 272 Originalseiten im Faksimile (Graz, 1974), 357–424 Google Scholar. The earliest printed German roadmap dates from 1501 but appears never to have been reproduced in England. Brief discussion of Rowlands and allusion to Wintzenberger's book of 1577 in Fordham, H. George, The Earliest French Itineraries 1552 and 1591: Charles Estienne and Théodore de Mayerne-Turquet (London, 1921), 197, 212–213Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Wintzenberger, Daniel, Ein Naw Reyse Büchlein von der Stad Dreßden aus durch gantz Deudschlandt (Dresden, 1577)Google Scholar (VD16 W 3558) was the 1st part of a book completed with the 2nd part describing routes from Leipzig (Dresden, 1579) (VD16 W 3560). On such routes in and diplomacy between France, Spain, and England, see Allen, E. John B., Post and Courier Service in the Diplomacy of Early Modern Europe (The Hague, 1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁰ Ortelius's Theatrum Orbis Terrarum was enormously influential after its initial publication in 1570. In more ways than can be enumerated here, the work became the gold standard for cartography on a large scale, and almost all subsequent works were largely dependent on Ortelius. On Rogers and Ortelius, see above, pp. 16–17, and below, p. 112 n. 7. On the use of manuscript, not printed, maps, see Adams, Robyn, ‘Sixteenth-century intelligencers and their maps’, Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography, 63:2 (2011), 201–216 Google Scholar.

⁹¹ On Germany, Meurer, Peter H., ‘Cartography in the German lands, 1450–1650’, in Woodward, David (ed.), The History of Cartography, III: Cartography in the European Renaissance, Part II (Chicago, IL, 2007), 1172–1245 Google Scholar; on England, Peter Barber, ‘Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470–1650’, ibid. 1589–1669. A more detailed discussion of regional chorography in Germany is found in Strauss, Gerald, Sixteenth-Century Germany: Its Topography and Topographers (Madison, WI, 1959), 60–85 Google Scholar.

⁹² William R. Mead, ‘Scandinavian Renaissance cartography’, in Woodward, The History of Cartography, 1781–1805, Jordanus's map on pp. 1790–1791, but note that part 4 of Civitates was first published in 1588, not 1617. See below on p. 134, Figure 5.

⁹³ Johann Casimir arrived in England on 21 January and left on 17 or 18 February. CSPF, XIII, items 530, 564, 571. His time in London has not yet been fully examined, but see for contemporary comment Walsingham to Davison, 20 February 1579, CSPF, XIII, item 569. Some discussion in Piepho, Lee, ‘Paulus Melissus and Jacobus Falckenburgius: Two German Protestant humanists at the court of Queen Elizabeth’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 38:1 (2007), 97–110 Google Scholar; Waddington, Raymond B., ‘Elizabeth I and the Order of the Garter’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 24:1 (1993), 97–113 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 106; Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 77, n. at 187. In Cox, A Reference Guide, I, 93, a work apparently no longer extant but listed in the stationer's register appears: A Discourse of ye Lowe Cuntries since Don Jhons Deathe with ye estate and particularities of ye last yere there. With A briefe Declaration of ye commynge of Duke Casimyr thither, and his honourable enterteynment in England. London, 1579.

⁹⁴ von Bülow, Gottfried (trans.), ‘Journey through England and Scotland made by Lupold von Wedel in the years 1584 and 1585’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, New Series, 9 (1895), 223–270 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁵ The account of Friedrich's travels, Rye, England as seen by Foreigners, 1–53; discussion of the circumstances in the Introduction, lv–xciv. Friedrich's son, Ludwig Friedrich, also travelled to England in 1610; see ibid. cxii–cxx, 55–66. Friedrich's experiences in England were published as Kurtze vnd Warhaffte Beschreibung der Badenfahrt (Tübingen, 1602) (VD17 39:130958M).

⁹⁶ Hentzner's travels published as Itinerarivm Germaniae, Galliae, Angliae, Italiae (Nuremberg, 1612) (VD17 23:246746L), with section on England translated by Richard Bentley (and published by Horace Walpole) as A Journey into England (Strawberry Hill, 1757); extracts revised, enlarged, and annotated in Rye, England as seen by Foreigners, 103–113. Williams, Thomas Platter's Travels worked from the MS in the Universitätsbibliothek Groos, Basel. G.W. (ed.), The Diary of Baron Waldstein: A Traveller in Elizabethan England (London, 1981)Google Scholar, working from the original MS, Vatican Library Reg. lat. 666. Akrigg, G.P.V., ‘England in 1609’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 14:1 (1950), 75–94 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, working from Folger Shakespeare Library, MS V.a.316; like Offenbach, Hentzner used Camden when writing his account.

⁹⁷ Beale's matriculation at Wittenberg in May 1560 suggests both that he did not return to England immediately after Elizabeth's accession, and that he might have contemplated staying in Germany indefinitely. Contrast Taviner, ‘Robert Beale’, 53 with Beale's entry in Hasler, The History of Parliament. See above, p. 12.

⁹⁸ On the Hanse, see Lloyd, England and the German Hanse, and Justyna Wubs-Mrozewicz and Stuart Jenks (eds), The Hanse in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Leiden, 2013). See the overview of German immigration in Raingard Esser, ‘Germans in early modern Britain’, in Panikos Panayi (ed.), Germans in Britain since 1500 (Hambledon, 1996), 17–27, at 22; nn. on 214–217. Daniel Höchstetter, a member of the Augsburg firm, Langnaur and Haug, was the manager of the mines and smelting works in Keswick, Cumberland. See Beale's connection to mines in Cockermouth, Cumberland below at p. 73 n. 238.

⁹⁹ During the later seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Anglo-German connections grew increasingly complex due to trade and dynastic issues. See the translated study, Margrit Schulte Beerbühl, trans. Klohr, Cynthia, The Forgotten Majority: German Merchants in London, Naturalization, and Global trade, 1600–1815 (New York, 2014)Google Scholar. On French and Dutch immigrants, Pettegree, Andrew, Foreign Protestant Communities in Sixteenth-Century London (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar, is the classic study but has little to say of German immigrants. On immigration more generally, see the wide-ranging studies in Vigne, Randolph and Littleton, Charles (eds), From Strangers to Citizens: The Integration of Immigrant Communities in Britain, Ireland and Colonial America, 1550–1750 (Brighton, 2001)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ See above, pp. 24–25 n. 69. In some ways Ascham's letters on Germany during the 1550s could be seen as offering inspiration for ‘the state of Germany’ in 1569, but a more immediate influence and context was Sir Thomas Smith and Beale's newsletters of the late 1560s. In any event, Ascham's letters were published after, not before ‘the state of Germany’ was written. See also Thomas Chamberlain's report on the Low Countries in 1553, BL, Cotton MS Galba, B. XII, fos 238r–239v. For discussion of such writings under Edward VI and Mary, and in the early years of Elizabeth's reign, see David Potter, ‘Mid-Tudor foreign policy and diplomacy: 1547–63’, in Doran and Richardson, Tudor England and its Neighbours, 106–138.

¹⁰¹ For a scholarly treatment of the Elizabethan era, see Alford, Stephen, The Watchers: A Secret History of the Reign of Elizabeth I (New York, 2012)Google Scholar; for a more popular perspective, Hutchinson, Robert, Elizabeth's Spymaster: Francis Walsingham and the Secret War that Saved England (London, 2006)Google Scholar. For an international perspective over a longer period, see the studies in Szechi, Daniel (ed.), The Dangerous Trade: Spies, Spymasters and the Making of Europe (Dundee, 2010)Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy, on reports and relazioni on 105–107, quotation at 107.

¹⁰³ Neale, J.E., ‘The diplomatic envoy’, in Essays in Elizabethan History (London, 1958), 125–145 Google Scholar, at 142. Probably not by coincidence, a copy of Carew's account of France precedes ‘the state of Germany’ in BL, Additional MS 48062, on fos 60r–133v.

¹⁰⁴ On Rogers's account and Albrecht Meyer's treatise on travel, see above, pp. 29–30. The blending of secret, governmental intelligence with open, public discussion on travel during the 1580s is a development not yet fully appreciated in existing scholarship.

¹⁰⁵ Behrens, B., ‘Treatises on the ambassador written in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries’, English Historical Review, 51:204 (1936), 616–627 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 8 of the 10 treatises surveyed by Behrens were printed in the mid to late 16th c. In this same genre was Maggi, Ottaviano, De Legato Libri Dvo (Venice, 1566)Google Scholar. For publications in England, see Gentili, Alberico, De Legationibus Libri Tres (London, 1585)Google Scholar (STC 11737); Hotman, Jean, The Ambassador (London, 1603)Google Scholar (STC 13848), expanded and published in French in Paris in 1604 and in Düsseldorf in 1613 (VD17 1:009487Y). On such treatises, see Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy, 201–212.

¹⁰⁶ Robert Beale, ‘A treatise of the office of a councellor and principall secretary to her majestie’, 1592, BL, Additional MS 48149, fos 3v–9v; printed in Read, Conyers, Mr. Secretary Walsingham and the Policy of Queen Elizabeth (Oxford, 1925), I, 423–43Google Scholar. Hughes, Charles (ed.), ‘Nicholas Faunt's discourse touching the office of the Principal Secretary of estate, &c. 1592’, English Historical Review, 20:79 (1905), 499–508 Google Scholar. Still another example is Thomas Wilkes's ‘A Briefe and Summary T[r]actate shewing what appertaineth to the place dignitie and office of a Councellor of state in a Monarchie or other Commo[n]wealth’, c.1595–1597, BL, Stowe MS 296, fos 7r–20r. For a discussion of Beale's and Wilkes's (and to a lesser extent Faunt's) accounts, Brewerton, ‘Paper trails’, 202–236.

¹⁰⁷ As summarized in Queller, Donald E., ‘The development of ambassadorial relazioni ’, in Hale, J.R. (ed.), Renaissance Venice (Totowa, NJ, 1973), 174–196 Google Scholar, at 180.

¹⁰⁸ Queller, ‘The development’, 181, summarizing the final four points of a Venetian recordi printed in Queller, Donald E., ‘How to succeed as an ambassador: A sixteenth-century Venetian document’, in Strayer, Joseph R. and Queller, Donald E. (eds), Post Scripta: Essays on Medieval Law and the Emergence of the European State in Honor of Gaines Post (Rome, 1972), 653–671 Google Scholar, on 663–665.

¹⁰⁹ For a discussion of the production and circulation of relazioni, see de Vivo, Filippo, ‘How to read Venetian relazioni ’, Renaissance and Reformation, 34:1–2 (2011), 25–59 Google Scholar, on Oxford at 33.

¹¹⁰ Thesoro politico cioè relationi instruttioni trattati, discorsi varii d'ambasciatori: Pertinenti alla cognitione, & intelligenza delli stati, interessi, & dipendenze de più gran principi del mondo: Nuovamente impresso a benefficio di chi si diletta intendere, & pertinentemente discorrere li negotii di stato (Cologne, 1589) (USTC 806507); ‘nuovamente impresso’ suggests that the publication of 1589 was not the first, but no earlier printed versions have yet been located.

¹¹¹ ‘A treatise’, BL, Additional MS 48149, fos 5r–v, 7r; ‘A treatise’, Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham, 428–430, 435.

¹¹² See Beale's sixteenth-century relazioni in BL, Additional MSS 48080. Most of the other relazioni in the Yelverton Collection (e.g. Additional MSS 48089, 48107, 48108, 48112, 48121 48123, 48131, 48144, 48148, 48153) were probably acquired by the Yelverton family during the 17th c. See Patricia Basing, ‘Part II – The Yelverton Library’, in The British Library Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts: The Yelverton Manuscripts, Part 1: Descriptions (London, 1994), xix–xxxv, on xxiv–xxv.

¹¹³ As David Potter has observed, ‘the question of the sources drawn on is inevitably highly complex and obscure’, and determining every last source used in these accounts would be impossible, but some have been identified in the notes to the documents. The range of source material on Denmark available to, e.g., Daniel Rogers would have included everything from the published works by Saxo Grammaticus and Sebastian Münster to inside information known only to the highest ranking officials in the regency government. For Rogers's historical interests, see Levy, F.J., ‘Daniel Rogers as antiquary’, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 27:2 (1965), 444–462 Google Scholar. For the analogous French context, Potter, David, Foreign Intelligence and Information in Elizabethan England: Two English Treatises on the State of France, 1580–1584, Camden Fifth Series, XXV (Cambridge, 2004), 14–17 Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Walsingham kept various ‘books of matters’ on both domestic and foreign affairs. See his ‘table book’, BL, Stowe MS 162, which includes reference to these books, with material relative to Denmark on fos 107r–108v. Discussion, partial transcription, and list available in Williamson, ‘Before “diplomacy”’, 215–222, 244, Appendix 4, 303–307, noting ‘full publication of this document is suggested’ at 303.

¹¹⁵ Beale assumed the position of Elizabeth's expert on Denmark during the 1590s. For examples of his extensive materials on Denmark, see BL, Additional MSS 48001, 48094, 48126, 48152.

¹¹⁶ For an example and discussion, see Adams, Simon and Greengrass, Mark (eds), ‘Memoires et procedures de ma negociation en Angleterre (8 October 1582–8 October 1583) by Jean Malliet, Councillor of Geneva’, in Archer, Ian W. et al. (eds), Religion, Politics, and Society in Sixteenth-Century England, Camden Fifth Series, XXII (Cambridge, 2003), 137–196 Google Scholar; on the mémoire/procès-verbal, 141–142.

¹¹⁷ Edited by C. Behrend as ‘En dagbog fra en rejse I Danmark 1588’, Danske Magazin, 6th ser., 1:3 (1912), 334–344.

¹¹⁸ Walsingham's entry for, e.g., Sunday, 27 May 1571 records simply ‘I went to taulke with the Spanish Ambassadour’, and the reader does not learn the substance of the conversation. Printed as Charles Trice Martin (ed.), ‘Journal of Sir Francis Walsingham, from Dec. 1570 to April 1583’, in The Camden Miscellany, VI, iii (Westminster, 1871).

¹¹⁹ Leicester's ‘jornall’, BL, Additional MS 48014, fos 149–164v, followed by Beale's on 167r–176v. This volume is a collection of copies of letters and papers relating to the Low Countries during Leicester's expedition and the mission of Beale and Henry Killigrew to the Netherlands in 1587.

¹²⁰ TNA, SP 105/91, fos 64r–67v, 70r.

¹²¹ BL, Cotton MS Vespasian, F. X.

¹²² See the helpful discussion of diplomatic letter-books and the journals mentioned here in Williamson, ‘Before “diplomacy”’, 144–199, esp. 192–194.

¹²³ On Skene's return, see below, p. 215 n. 487.

¹²⁴ Kouri, England and the Attempts, p. 128. On August's previously limited but increasing knowledge of Latin, the author of ‘the state of Germany’ recorded as follows: ‘Nott longe since his Mynde was to learne the Lattine Tounge, Whereof hee was vtterlie Ignorant, And nowe he hath soe profited in a shorte time therein, that hee is able Comonlie to vnderstand anie thing that is either spoken or written in Lattine.’ See below, p. 77. Kouri did not make extensive use of the copy he consulted at Lambeth Palace.

¹²⁵ Slavin, ‘Daniel Rogers in Copenhagen’, 263, 264, 265. Pace Slavin, for included in the file for the ‘discourse’ at the Huntington Library is the long list of other scholars who have consulted it, and the item is included in the catalogue compiled by Conyers Read for the Ellesmere collection; claiming discovery may be a stretch. So too would Slavin's ‘discovery’ of the journal by Josias Mercier available in a modern edition printed in full, Behrend ‘En dagbog’. Slavin's final ‘discovery’ of Rogers's ‘Copenhagen working papers’ was probably aided by Macray, ‘Report on the royal archives of Denmark’ and the Rigsarkivet's manuscript catalogue description for TKUA, SD England, AII, 10: England Politiske Forhold, 1585–91.

¹²⁶ ODNB. The sentence relating to Skene's embassy of 1590 is general enough to have been based on the sources available in CSPScotland, X, which is included among the sources consulted.

¹²⁷ Lockhart, Frederik II, 312.

¹²⁸ Fry, ‘Diplomacy and deception’, 9, 78, and passim in Appendix II.

¹²⁹ The issue of provenance in the Yelverton Collection is too complex to explore here. See the admirable work by Patricia Basing in the second part of the introduction to the catalogue on pp. xix–xxxv; on xxii and xiii MS 48062 (Yelverton MS 68) is noted as a compilation by an unknown foliator of papers originally owned by Beale and others of a later acquisition, one dating from 1635 or later. Because the copy of ‘the state of Germany’ in this volume is written in a 17th-c. hand, it seems probable that it was acquired by the Yelverton family, but it is also possible that it is a copy of a text originally among Beale's own papers but subsequently lent and not returned (or lost otherwise). In Bernard, Edward, Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae in unum Collecti (Oxford, 1697)Google Scholar (Wing C1253), p. 144, the account is described thus: ‘The State of Germany, the revenues, and forces of every particular Province, the form of the Emperor[’]s sitting in diet, and a particular of Expences how 6000 horsemen, and 2 Regiments are entertained for one whole year by the Kings of France and Spain, f. 184 to 213. The ten Circles or Provinces of the Empire; how and what they Contribute to the Empire, and how the Protestants do double their Contributions, f. 214.’ For early catalogues of the Yelverton library, see BL, Additional MSS 48195, 48196; BL, Hargrave MS 107.

¹³⁰ Bernard, Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum, 100, among the MSS ‘Nathanielis Johnsoni’ (i.e. not ‘Johnston’, as is correct in the Lambeth Palace catalogue), ‘The State of Germany, in English, about A.D. 1569’. According to the ODNB, Johnston was ‘an indefatigable antiquary’ from the 1660s forward and wrote ‘substantial histories of the earls of Shrewsbury’. For Beale's connection to George Talbot, 6th Earl of Shrewsbury, see above, p. 15 n. 39. The hand in this MS is not a typical hand of about 1600. It looks, rather, like a rough imitation of Beale's own hand as found, e.g., in Walsingham to Burghley, 30 July 1571, TNA, SP 70/119, fos 49r–50r.

¹³¹ The electronic version in EEBO is from the microfilm of the original in the BL (General Reference Collection 114.i.14). The copy in John Cosin's Library at Durham University (shelfmark Cosin L.4.45/6) is a clean copy without annotation and has been consulted where imperfections arise in the electronic version. Clarke's geographic and chorographic interests and publication history included similar titles like A Description of the Seaventeen Provinces Commonly called The Low-Countries (London, 1672) (Wing C4507); A Geographicall Description Of all the Countries In the known World (London, 1657) (Wing C4516); and A New Description of the World (London, 1689) (Wing C4554).

¹³² See above, pp. 17–18. For a detailed overview and bibliography of the Ellesmere collection, with reference to Sir Thomas Egerton as a patron of literature, see Guide to British Historical Manuscripts in the Huntington Library (San Marino, CA, 1982), 21–45.

¹³³ From NLS, Adv. MS.23.6.17, ‘Ane catalogue of the Books Manuscripts and pamphlets Belonging to Robert Mylne writer in Edr. 1709’, it appears that Mylne owned Skene's Regiam Maiestatem and another relevant work, Travels through Denmark And some Parts of Germany: By way of Journal in the Retinue of the English Envoy, in 1702 (London, 1707). Dennistoun probably considered publishing it for the Bannatyne Club. His figures included 88 pp. of MS at 36 lines each, with 7 words to a line. He calculated that it would be 74 pp. at 30 lines, or 80 pp. at 28 lines, then 10 Club sheets to text, and another 2 in notes. In total he estimated the cost at £25.10. NLS staff have informed the present editor that the MS was purchased at Dowell's Edinburgh Auction House, Lot 126, on 19 December 1938.

¹³⁴ Pepys was looking at documentation owned by John Evelyn, though much of the latter's naval ledgers and Elizabethan correspondence ended up in Pepys’ library. See the entry in Pepys's diary for 24 November 1665, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Robert Latham and William Matthews (eds), VI (London, 1972), 307–308 nn. 1–2; Knighton, C.S., ‘A century on: Pepys and the Elizabethan navy’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 14 (2004), 141–151 Google Scholar, at 144 (NB Knighton changes Pepys's ‘in’ to ‘on’).