¹ Rogers's letters to Walsingham (dated 24 July 1588) and Burghley (dated 10 August 1588) offer some of same observations contained in ‘A discourse’, though not nearly to the degree of detail or analysis. The letters were initially intended as informative material for the English government but soon became preparatory material for when Rogers wrote the present treatise. To Walsingham, TNA, SP 75/1, fos 259r–266v, 274r–v. To Burghley, BL, Lansdowne MS 57, fos 79r–82v. Also valuable for background information is the detailed journal of Rogers's secretary, Josias Mercier, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS Latina 10383, ed. Behrend, C., ‘En dagbog fra en rejse i Danmark 1588’, Danske Magazin, VI, 1:3 (1912), 334–344 Google Scholar. Discussion of Rogers's mission in 1588: Lockhart, Paul Douglas, Frederik II and the Protestant Cause: Denmark's Role in the Wars of Religion, 1559–1596 (Leiden, 2004)Google Scholar, 200, 309–311; Gehring, David Scott, Anglo-German Relations and the Protestant Cause: Elizabethan Foreign Policy and Pan-Protestantism (London, 2013)Google Scholar, 123–124, nn. on 202–203; Slavin, Arthur, ‘Daniel Rogers in Copenhagen, 1588: Mission and memory’, in Thorp, Malcolm R. and Slavin, Arthur J. (eds), Politics, Religion and Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of De Lamar Jensen (Kirksville, MO, 1994), 245–266 Google Scholar, to be used with caution. Brief mention in Cheyney, Edward P., ‘England and Denmark in the later days of Queen Elizabeth’, Journal of Modern History, 1:1 (1929), 9–39 Google Scholar.

² Upper left margin, Rogers's hand: ‘Septemb 1588’.

³ Elizabeth sent Rogers to Denmark the previous year to discuss with Frederik II issues including a Scottish marriage alliance and the Protestant alliance to support the Huguenots in France. Lockhart, Frederik II, 285–288. Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 120–122, nn. on 201–202). Briefly mentioned in Slavin, ‘Daniel Rogers in Copenhagen’, 259. Rogers had previously been to Denmark with Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby, during the latter's mission of 1585, when he wrote ‘suche consideratione concearninge the negociation of Denmarke and Germany’ for Walsingham. Rogers to Walsingham, 24 October 1585, TNA, SP 12/183, fo. 152r; cited incorrectly by Slavin. The use of ‘her Majestie’ rather than ‘your Majestie’ (here and below) suggests Rogers's account was not ‘intended for presentation to the queen’, as Slavin speculates, ‘Daniel Rogers in Copenhagen’, 264.

⁴ Rogers may have had in mind the pro-Swedish account culled from Münster, Sebastian, The Description of Swedland, Gotland, and Finland [. . .] the moste horrible and incredible tiranny of the second Christiern, kyng of Denmarke, agaynst the Swecians (London, 1561)Google Scholar (STC 18662); Early English Books Online incorrectly dates this description to 1581, but the printer, John Awdely, died in 1575, and both the title page and colophon clearly record 1561 as the year of publication. From a more geographic perspective, the ‘hydrographer’ Robert Norman translated Cornelis Antoniszoon's survey for sailors as The safegard of Sailers, or great Rutter, Concerning the Courses, Distances, Depthes, Soundings, Floudes and Ebbes [. . .] of England, Fraunce [. . .] and the Soundes of Denmarke (London, 1584) (STC 21545), with subsequent printings in 1587 and several times in the 17th c.

⁵ Left margin, ‘The kinge of Denmarkes titles and Dominions.’

⁶ The recently deceased King Frederik II included at the head of his missives to Elizabeth his full title: Fridericvs Secundus Dei gratia, Daniae, Norvagiae, Vandalorum Gottorumque Rex: Dux Slesuici, Holsatiae, Stormariae ac Ditmarsiae, Comes in Oldenburg & Delmenhorst. Example from Frederik to Elizabeth, 26 January 1588, TNA, SP 75/1, fo. 249r.

⁷ It is rare to find Ortelius's, Abraham Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Antwerp, 1570)Google Scholar described as ‘slenderlie’ depicting a region, which included the ‘Daniae Regni Typvs’ along with a brief description of Denmark at fo. 21 (culled from Saxo Grammaticus, whose Danish history had been published in Latin in Basle in 1534 and would be again in Frankfurt am Main in 1576 [VD16 S 2049–2050]), followed by a map and short description of Prussia and the Ditmarschen, or ‘Thietmarsia’ at fo. 22r. See Figure 4. Rogers was not only aware of Ortelius's work; he contributed the Latin epigram to its preface, and he dedicated several poems to Ortelius and his work. HEHL, HM 31188, fos 99v, 117r, 192r, 239r–241r. Additionally, Rogers and Ortelius were kinsmen and corresponded regularly. van Dorsten, J.A., Poets, Patrons, and Professors: Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers, and the Leiden Humanists (Leiden and London, 1962), 19–22 Google Scholar. Ortelius's atlas was not translated into English until its ‘epitome’ and full version were printed in the early 17th c. (STC 18855–18857).

⁸ Left margin, ‘Jutia. The firste parte of Denmarke.’ Mercier considered Jutland one of four principal areas (Dania in quatuor maxime partes diuidatur), and described these territories in his entry for 23 July. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 340–342.

⁹ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Angelhem.’ Rogers here follows Caspar Peucer, who followed Tacitus (though according to Ptolemy, the Angli [. . .] sunt gens maxima in mediterraneis). Melanchthon, Philip and Peucer, Caspar, Chronicon Carionis (Wittenberg, 1580)Google Scholar (VD16 M 2718), sigs diiiv, ciiv (sic, but should be eiiv), esp. Ccir (p. 301), noting the coming of the Angli to Britain: Ab his in Pomerania nomen oppidi Angleem, quasi patria vel domicilium Anglorum. During the late 1590s the Danish ambassador to London, Niels Krag, made the same point of Anglo-Danish natural and historical affinity. Cheyney, ‘England and Denmark’, 27. Modern Anklam (in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Germany) is likely the town in question, in which case Rogers was significantly in error with his geography, as Anklam is about 250 miles east of modern Tönning, which is in Jutland and lies at the mouth of the Eider.

¹⁰ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Eidora fl.’; i.e. the Eider.

¹¹ Left margin, ‘The kinges custome for the transportacion of Oxen and horses into Germanye.’

¹² i.e. husbandmen or simple country farmers.

¹³ On currency exchange for the British Isles, the Holy Roman Empire, and Denmark (which was closely linked to the Hanse currencies of Lübeck), see Peter Spufford, with the assistance of Wilkinson, Wendy and Tolley, Sarah, Handbook of Medieval Exchange (London, 1986)Google Scholar, 198–212, 235–283; and Brady, Thomas A. Jr., Oberman, Heiko A., and Tracy, James D. (eds), Handbook of European History, 1400–1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance, and Reformation, 2 vols (Leiden, 1994–1995)Google Scholar, I, 671–678; see also above, p. 53, n. 21. As a loose approximation for English sterling to Danish daler or rigsdaler c.1600 £1 = 1 Danish rosenoble = 4 daler (which was nearly equivalent to 4 Reichsthaler used in the Empire).

¹⁴ For discussion of royal hunts in Denmark, with specific reference to Frederik II's cultivation of herds on royal lands, see Christianson, John Robert, ‘The hunt of king Frederik II of Denmark: Structures and rituals’, The Court Historian: The International Journal of Court Studies: Royal Hunts Issue, 18:2 (2013), 165–187 Google Scholar; see also Simon Adams's contribution, ‘“The queenes majestie . . . is now become a great huntress”: Elizabeth I and the chase’, 143–164.

¹⁵ i.e., a provision made for the maintenance of royal children, consisting of a gift of land, an official position, or money; from Latin, appanare, ‘provide with the means of subsistence’, from ad + panis.

¹⁶ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Sleswick. Host. Stormare. Ditmarsh.’

¹⁷ ‘Holstein’ and ‘Holsatia’ stem from the German ‘Holt’ or ‘Holz’, a wood.

¹⁸ Adolf, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein (b.1526, d.1586), fathered ten children, one of whom, Christina, later married Charles IX, King of Sweden. Adolf I, NDB, I (1953), 86; online at DB.

¹⁹ Left margin, ‘Ditmars conquered 1559.’

²⁰ Superscript addition in Rogers's hand. On Frederik's invasion of the Ditmarschen, which was not a duchy but an independent peasant republic, and Rogers's previous experience in the Ditmarschen when his father had been pastor there, Lockhart, Frederik II, 36–38, 286. Elizabeth's acknowledgement of Frederik II and Adolf's virtues and activity in the Ditmarschen noted in Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 26, 166nn; de Treschow, Chr., Contributions to the History of Queen Elizabeth Derived from Documents in the Danish State Archives (London, 1871)Google Scholar, 17.

²¹ The hash refers to the note in the margin: ‘# The foure Bishoprickes of Jutia are these: Ripe, Arhous: Alburgh, and Wiburgh.’ See below, p. 122, n. 70.

²² From the mouth of the Elbe River to Skagen (noted by Ortelius as at the ‘Cimbricum Prom[ontorium]’) is about 270 modern miles by the most direct measurement (i.e. latitude and longitude), and about 330 by modern motorways. For a later reckoning of distances in Denmark, see Crull, Jodocus, Denmark Vindicated: Being an Ansvver to a late Treatise called, An Account of Denmark, As it was in the year 1692 (London, 1694)Google Scholar (Wing C7426). According to Mercier, Rogers saw Skagen on 1 July 1588. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 335.

²³ Left margin, ‘The second parte of Denmarke.’

²⁴ Left margin, ‘Zelandia.’ ‘Fionia [. . .] Huena’ noted by Ortelius as Fvinen, Selandia, Femeren, Als, Falster, Loilant, Langelant, Bornholm; Ortelius does not include Huena. Modern place names are Funen, Zealand, Fehmarn, Als, Falster, Lolland, Langeland, Bornholm and Hven (or Ven). Here and elsewhere it is evident that Rogers did not follow Ortelius's naming of the isles; rather, he actually travelled to most of them throughout July and early August 1588, as documented in Behrend, ‘En dagbog’.

²⁵ Left margin, ‘Hafnia.’

²⁶ Left margin, ‘The kinge hath 36 warlicke shippes.’

²⁷ Mercier noted the number of royal ships as 40. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 338. On Danish military and naval developments, see Lockhart, Frederik II, 55–62, esp. 55–56, noting that ‘the Danish approach to national defence was much the same as contemporary England’s: a strong reliance on the navy, with relatively little resources devoted to land forces. [. . .] The fleet, however, was essential to Denmark's security and to the maintenance of the dominium maris Baltici. [. . .] As new ships replaced old, the size of the fleet remained fairly steady – around forty vessels altogether, not counting merchantmen which could be armed in time of war – during the 1570s and ’80s.’

²⁸ Cf. Mercier's description of the University of Copenhagen, Fredrik's stipends, and the subjects taught in Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 339.

²⁹ Left margin, ‘Roschilde’; i.e. Roskilde, which Rogers visited on 29 July 1588. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 343.

³⁰ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Sieburghe’; i.e. Søborg, just north-west of Copenhagen.

³¹ End of word missing due to tear in the MS.

³² End of word missing due to tear in the MS. Søborg, or Rogers's ‘Sieburghe’, is simply Danish for ‘lake-castle’; the ruins still exist. Rogers spent the night at Søborg on 4 July 1588. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 335.

³³ Frederik consolidated royal lands in this area of north-east Zeeland specifically for the purposes of increasing economic potential and hunting. Christianson, ‘The hunt of King Frederik’, 167–169; note esp. the Great Hunt of summer 1587 described on pp. 176–185.

³⁴ Left margin, ‘Helsingora. Croenburghe.’

³⁵ Kronborg Castle, at Helsingør, was Frederik's most significant palace where English ambassadors like Peregrine Bertie (Lord Willoughby) and Thomas Bodley were entertained in the Banqueting Hall (the largest in northern Europe), by fireworks, great feasts, and heavy drinking. Rogers spent a fair bit of July 1588 there, too. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’. Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 86, 100, 102–105, nn. on 189–190, 195–197; John Christianson, Robert, ‘Terrestrial and celestial spaces of the Danish court’, The Court Historian: The International Journal of Court Studies, 12:2 (2007), 141 Google Scholar. The castle and fortifications were built between 1574 and 1577, solidifying Frederik's position as gatekeeper of the Sound. Lockhart, Frederik II, 140; cf. the account of Bodley's embassy, 228–230. On the construction, Norn, Otto, Kronborgs Bastioner: En Fortificationshistorisk Studie (Copenhagen, 1954)Google Scholar, with English summary on 47–53. The castle was immortalized for English audiences by Shakespeare in Hamlet.

³⁶ Left margin, ‘Tole at Elsenoer.’ The Sound dues (or lastetold) were Denmark's primary and ever-growing source of revenue often alienating Frederik's confessional allies in England and the Netherlands. For the development of Frederik's fiscal policy, Lockhart, Frederik II, 41–42.

³⁷ For English commercial disputes and difficulties, see Kirchner, Walther, ‘England and Denmark, 1558–1588’, Journal of Modern History, 17 (1945), 1–15 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Mercier's thoughts regarding the toll at Helsingør on 23 July 1588. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 341.

³⁸ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘1588’.

³⁹ Rogers noted his activity on behalf of the English merchants, along with the observation on Kronborg that the ‘Castell for the situacion, magnificencie, force, and reuenues, hath not his [sic] like (I thinke) in Europe, begonne and ended by the last deceased kinge’, in his letter to Walsingham, 24 July 1588, TNA, SP 75/1, fos 256r–259r, quotation at 256r.

⁴⁰ Left margin, ‘Passage allmost ended from ye riuer Albis into the East sea by Wismare.’

⁴¹ Johann Albrecht I (b.1525, d.1576). NDB, X (1974), 499; online at DB. Ulrich III, Duke of Mecklenburg (b.1527, d.1603), married Elizabeth, daughter of King Frederik I of Denmark. ADB, XXXIX (1895), 225–226; online at DB. Ulrich had attempted to finish the canal in June 1577, even planning nine locks between Wismar and the Schwerin See, but work slowed considerably during the 1580s when finances became tight. For Ulrich's thrify nature and regional policies with reference to Denmark, see Schnell, Heinrich, Mecklenburg im Zeitalter der Reformation, 1503–1603 (Berlin, 1900), 275–280 Google Scholar, esp. 278. Bypassing the Sound continued to be a ‘worst comes to worst’ possibility during the 1590s. Cheney, ‘England and Denmark’, 16.

⁴² Left margin, ‘Eidor fl:’; i.e. the Eider, which was intended to connect with the Schlei, which runs from Schleswig out to the North Sea.

⁴³ MS obscured at centre fold.

⁴⁴ i.e. modern Narva in Estonia, east of Tallinn.

⁴⁵ Kai Rantzau, son of Heinrich the Danish Statthalter in the Duchies, was serving as courier between Frederik II and the Duke of Parma during the king's secret but sincere efforts to mediate in the Netherlands. For discussion from a Danish perspective, Lockhart, Frederik II, 280–282. For the English view, see Sir Thomas Wilkes's letters to Elizabeth, Leicester, and Walsingham, 19 January 1587, TNA, SP 105/91, fos 21r–24v; CSPF, XXI, part 2, 320–324, followed by the States General to Frederik, 324–325.

⁴⁶ Left margin, ‘A double taxacion of those of Lubecke.’ Representatives of Lübeck and the Hanse cities voiced complaints regarding Danish tolls, English monopolies, and Swedish machinations. See Leeb, Josef (ed.), Deutsche Reichstagsakten: Reichsversammlungen 1556–1662. Der Reichstag zu Augsburg 1582, 2 vols (Munich, 2007)Google Scholar, I, 606, 624–5; II, 792–795, 843–861.

⁴⁷ Left margin, ‘Tole for Rostock & Hamburgh beare.’; i.e. beer. The same phrase occurs in Rogers's letters to Walsingham and Burghley.

⁴⁸ Left margin, ‘Huena’; i.e. Hven (or Ven).

⁴⁹ Left margin, ‘Ticho Brahe’. Rogers visted Hven and Brahe's Uraniborg on 9 July; see Mercier's glowing description in Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 337–338. Rogers also noted his meeting Brahe when en route from Kronborg to Copenhagen (where he arrived on 10 July) in his first letter to Walsingham, 24 July 1588, TNA, SP 75/1, fo. 258r. King James VI of Scotland also later visited Brahe in March 1590. Stevenson, David, Scotland's Last Royal Wedding: The Marriage of James VI and Anne of Denmark (Edinburgh, 1997), 50–51 Google Scholar. The standard biography is Thoren, Victor E., The Lord of Uraniborg: A Biography of Tycho Brahe (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar. See also Raeder, Hans, Strömgren, Elis, and Strömgren, Bengt (trans and eds), Tycho Brahe's Description of his Instruments and Scientific Work: As Given in Astronomiae Instauratae Mechanica (Wandesburgi 1598) (Copenhagen, 1946)Google Scholar; Christianson, John Robert, On Tycho's Island: Tycho Brahe, Science, and Culture in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 2000)Google Scholar; his works and correspondence, Tychonis Brahe Dani Opera Omnia, J.L.E. Dreyer (ed.), 15 vols (Copenhagen, 1913–1929; repr. Amsterdam, 1972); on Brahe in Frederik's service, Christianson, On Tycho's Island, 7–27; Lockhart, Frederik II, 80.

⁵⁰ Left margin, ‘Fionia’; i.e. Funen (or Fyn); cf. Ortelius's ‘Fvinen’.

⁵¹ Left margin, ‘Rugarde’; i.e. Rugård, about 10 miles north-west of Odense.

⁵² Left margin, ‘Ottenzea’; i.e. Odense, established as a bishopric in 988 during the period of Danish diocesan organization. Eljas Orrman, ‘Church and society’, in CHS, I, 421–462.

⁵³ Left margin, ‘Lolandia. Fastria’; i.e. Lolland and Falster; cf. Ortelius's ‘Lollant’ and ‘Falster’. Mercier noted on 23 July 1588 that Lolland and Falster were part of the queen's dowry. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 341.

⁵⁴ Left margin, ‘Fimbria’; i.e. Fehmarn; cf. Ortelius's ‘Femeren’.

⁵⁵ Left margin, ‘Alsen’; i.e. Als; cf. Ortelius's ‘Als’.

⁵⁶ Hans Blome (b.1530, d.1599), Holsteiner and German expatriate in Danish royal service, was later implicated in the political rivalry between the queen mother, Sofie, and the Rantzaus. Lockhart, Frederik II, 192, 308; DBL (3rd edn), II, 266; online at DSD-DBL.

⁵⁷ Left margin, ‘Langeland’; cf. Ortelius's ‘Lange lant’.

⁵⁸ Left margin, ‘Lessoe’; i.e. Læsø; cf. Ortelius's ‘Leße’, well north of Zealand.

⁵⁹ Left margin, ‘Tassinga’; i.e. Tåsinge.

⁶⁰ Left margin, ‘Bornholmia’; i.e. Bornholm.

⁶¹ Rogers seems mistaken here, as the castle on Bornholm was called Hammershus, a key ecclesiastical stronghold from the 13th c. Medieval Danish kings occasionally gained (and lost) control of the castle from the Church, but it was ultimately ceded to the crown during the Reformation. Orrman, ‘Church and society’, 446. According to Mercier's account, Rogers does not appear to have actually visited Bornholm.

⁶² Left margin, ‘Fare, Massol, sproe, Durholme, Fanne, Asse, Wedderre, &c.’

⁶³ Moena; i.e. Møn or Ortelius's ‘Mven’, has white cliffs of chalk on the east coast of the island. The royal castle was Stegeborg, not Elmelunde, which was a church 5 miles east of Stekoe; i.e. Stege or Ortelius's ‘Steck’.

⁶⁴ Left margin, ‘The thirde parte of Denmarke: Schonia’; i.e. Scania, or modern Skåne, Sweden; cf. Ortelius's ‘Scania’. Rogers's ‘Schonia’ appears a blend of the German ‘Schonen’ and Latin ‘Scania’.

⁶⁵ Modern Halland and Blekinge are now separate provinces; cf. Ortelius's ‘Halandia’ and ‘Bliecker’.

⁶⁶ Rogers's understanding of ‘Schonia’, as reflecting ‘beauty’, or the German schön, is a false etymology. ‘Scania’ and ‘Scandinavia’ are more plausibly linked to the Latin of Pliny the Elder and the Germanic stem *skaðan, signifying ‘danger’ and ‘the dangerous land on the water’ due to the reefs and sandbanks threatening seafarers between Kattegat and the Baltic. Knut Helle, ‘Introduction’, in CHS, I, 1–2.

⁶⁷ Left margin, ‘Londen’; i.e. Lund; cf. Ortelius's ‘Londen’.

⁶⁸ The first written evidence citing Lund's importance is King Cnut's charter dated 1085 in favour of the cathedral of Lund, but it is possible that a previous oral tradition of verse and poems linked Lund to Uppåkra, which is just 3 miles south and dates to the 1st c. bc. Archaeological and historical work is ongoing at Uppåkra, with findings in Hårdh, Birgitta (ed.), Viking Age Uppåkra (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia. Uppåkrastudier 11) (Stockholm, 2010)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Left margin, ‘Falsterbie. Taking of herringes’; i.e. Falsterbo, the south-west tip of Scania; cf. Ortelius's ‘Falsterbode’.

⁷⁰ Left margin, ‘Seauen Bishoprickes of Denmarke annexed to ye Crowne.’ The four of Jutland were Vendsyssel (with Børglum the episcopal seat), Viborg, Århus, and Ribe; the one (not two) of Zealand was Roskilde; the one of Funen was Odense (Rogers seems to have been confused here); the one of Scania was Lund.

⁷¹ King Christian III introduced an official, Lutheran Reformation from 1536 with a Danish church order following the next year; the order was then translated into English and appended to Calvin's, Jean A Faythful and most Godly treatyse concernyng the most sacred sacrament of the blessed body and bloud of our sauiour Christ (London, 1548)Google Scholar (STC 4409.5–12). See esp. Martin Schwarz Lausten, ‘The early reformation in Denmark and Norway 1520–1559’, and Lyby, Thorkild and Grell, Ole Peter, ‘The consolidation of Lutheranism in Denmark and Norway’, in Grell, Ole Peter (ed.), The Scandinavian Reformation: From Evangelical Movement to Institutionalisation of Reform (Cambridge, 1995)Google Scholar, 12–41, 114–143. See also Lockhart, Frederik II, 16–17, 65–83. On the elective monarchies across Scandinavia during the late Middle Ages, Herman Schück, ‘The political system’, Jens E. Olesen, ‘Inter-Scandinavian relations’, CHS, I, 679–709, 710–770.

⁷² Left margin, ‘The kinge conuerted cloisters to schooles.’

⁷³ Sorø Abbey had been the most prestigous and powerful monastic house in Denmark prior to the Reformation, but during the 1580s Frederik sent his two sons (Christian and Ulrik) to ‘Sorø Cloister’ for their royal education. Lockhart, Frederik II, 224, 300. On Sorø's Benedictine foundation and later Cistercian development, see Kim Esmark, ‘Religious patronage and family consciousness: Abbey, Sorø and the “Hvide family”, c.1150–1250’, in Jamroziak, Emilia and Burton, Janet E. (eds), Religious and Laity in Western Europe, 1000–1400 (Turnhout, 2007), 93–110 Google Scholar; Hybel, Nils and Poulsen, Bjørn, The Danish Resources c.1000–1550 (Leiden, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁴ Left margin, ‘Religion.’

⁷⁵ Left margin, ‘Booke of Concorde.’

⁷⁶ On Frederik and the ‘Book of Discord’, Lockhart, Frederik II, 157–174, esp. 172–173. Frederik's burning of the book was well known in the Empire and was discussed among ambassadors elsewhere. See Bernardino de Mendoza's comments in his letter of 15 May 1582 to King Philip II after the former's conversation with the Danish ambassador in London: Martin A.S. Hume (ed.), Calendar of Letters and State Papers Relating to English Affairs, Preserved Principally in the Archives of Simancas (London, 1896), III, 361–362. For the situation in Denmark vis-à-vis Rogers's attempts on Queen Elizabeth's behalf to quell controversy in Lutheran Germany and build a Protestant league, Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 55–79, nn. on 179–188). For an overview of the Reformation in Denmark (as well as Norway and Iceland), see Olesen, Jens E., ‘Dänemark, Norwegen und Island’, in Asche, Matthias and Schindling, Anton (eds), Dänemark, Norwegen und Schweden im Zeitalter der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung: Nordische Königreiche und Konfession 1500 bis 1660 (Münster, 2003)Google Scholar, 27–106.

⁷⁷ Left margin, ‘Nicolaus Hemingius.’ Ten works by Niels Hemmingsen (or Hemmingius) were translated into English and printed over 20 times during Elizabeth's reign (STC 13056.5–13067), though his influence and recognition among Elizabethans has yet to be fully appreciated by modern scholarship. Hemmingsen's reputation in Lutheran Germany was split between Philippists who called on him as one of their own, and Gnesio-Lutherans who considered him a dangerous Calvinist. Lockhart, Frederik II, 159–163. The only full-length study dedicated to Hemmingsen is Lausten, Martin Schwarz, Niels Hemmingsen: Storhed og Fald (Copenhagen, 2013)Google Scholar. Mercier dubbed Hemmingsen Lumen eius urbis [Roskilde] et totius Daniae magnum after he and Rogers met the theologian on 29 July 1588. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 343. Rogers, like Mercier, was wrong about the age of Hemmingsen, who was born on 22 May/4 June 1513, making him 75 years old in September 1588. DBL (3rd edn), VI, 247–249; online at DSD-DBL.

⁷⁸ Rogers has written ‘the’ on top of the original writer's ‘a’. Note Rogers's attention to detail here and elsewhere.

⁷⁹ Superscript in Rogers's hand, here and below. On fasting as political action in an English context, see Mears, Natalie, ‘Public worship and political participation in Elizabethan England’, Journal of British Studies, 51:1 (2012), 4–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁰ Left margin, ‘Gouuernemente Ecclesiasticall.’ On the use of the clergy to police public morals, the beginning of social discipline, and the first secular marriage law in Denmark, as promulgated in 1579, Lockhart, Frederik II, 70–71.

⁸¹ Left margin, ‘Lawes.’

⁸² For a brief discussion of royal legislative initiative during the Valdemarian age, with specific reference to Valdemar II (b.1170, d.1241) and the Law of Jylland, see Inge Skovgaard-Petersen, ‘The Danish kingdom: Consolidation and disintegration’, CHS, I, 356–360. For an in-depth treatment in a provincial context, see Per Andersen, Legal procedure and Practice in Medieval Denmark (Leiden, 2011), 71–203.

⁸³ Left margin, ‘vsurie.’

⁸⁴ Left margin, ‘Succession.’ Cf. the discussion of inheritance in ‘The State of Germany’ on pp. 85–86.

⁸⁵ Left margin, ‘The Kingdome of Norway.’

⁸⁶ ‘the’ modified to ‘this’.

⁸⁷ Left margin, ‘Nidrosia. Bergen. Staffanger. Hammaria’; i.e. Nidaros (with Trondheim the epsicopal seat), Bergen, Stavanger, Hamar. ‘Trondheim’ is a derivation from the Old Norse meaning ‘home of the strong and fertile ones’; in German (and late 17th-c. English) it was rendered ‘Drontheim’. Rogers's link to the Druids seems tenuous.

⁸⁸ i.e. Iceland and Greenland.

⁸⁹ Discussions of the Kalmar Union of Denmark-Norway-Sweden in 1397 and subsequent developments in Schück, ‘The political system’, esp. 683–702; Olesen, ‘Inter-Scandinavian relations’, esp. 720–733

⁹⁰ Left margin, ‘Warehouse. Bergen.’ Rogers's ‘Warehouse’ is clear in the MS, but other Englishmen referred to modern Vardø (the north-easternmost tip of Norway) as ‘Wardhouse’. See, e.g., Hakluyt's The Principal Nauigations (London, 1599–1600) (STC 12626a); and more recently, Cheney, ‘England and Denmark’, 22, 34–35.

⁹¹ During his embassy to Frederik II in 1585, Thomas Bodley sent Walsingham some gammons, though he also remarked ‘I knowe not howe your Honour can like ye bacon of this country’. Bodley to Walsingham, 28 June 1585, TNA, SP 75/1/55.

⁹² i.e. Archangel (or Arkhangelsk), Russia. Left margin, ‘The king of Denmark trauelleth to hinder ye nauigation vnto St Nicholas Porte.’

⁹³ The trade agreement was negotiated by Elizabeth's envoy, John Herbert, in summer 1583, and is best understood as a product of Frederik's investiture into the Order of the Garter in 1582. Burghley's notes of July–August, Elizabeth's letters patent of 12/22 October, and other notes of October 1583 all record the value of 100 rosenobles, not 80 angels, but the letters patent did address the issue of currency fluctuation. TNA, SP 78/10/35 and SP 75/1/37–8; CSPF, XVIII, 98–100, 138–139, 191–192. Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 86–87, 190nn); Lockhart, Frederik II, 188.

⁹⁴ Left margin, ‘Gotlande’; i.e. Gotland, east of Kalmar and south of Stockholm.

⁹⁵ Left margin, ‘Wisbow’; i.e. Visby.

⁹⁶ The Seven Years’ War of the North (1563–1570) hardly resolved the perennial issue of the dominion of the Baltic, though Denmark renounced claims to Sweden while Sweden did likewise for Norway, Skåne, and Gotland. According to one scholar, the Danish admiral, Hans Lauridsen, did indeed go down with 7,000 men in late July 1566. Frost, Robert I., The Northern Wars: War, State and Society in Northeastern Europe, 1558–1721 (Harlow, 2000)Google Scholar, on the war generally 29–37, nn. on 42–43, storm on 35–36; Frost relies significantly on the most exhaustive study, Frede P. Jensen, Danmarks Konflikt med Sverige 1563–1570 (Copenhagen, 1982). For the role of Lübeck and the Hanse, Lavery, Jason Edward, Germany's Northern Challenge: The Holy Roman Empire and the Scandinavian Struggle for the Baltic, 1563–1576 (Leiden, 2002), 88–102 Google Scholar; noting the storm that grounded ‘three ships from Lübeck and eleven Danish ships’ but numbering the dead as ‘dozens’, 90, citing inter alia, Jensen, Danmarks Konflikt, 184–186.

⁹⁷ Left margin, ‘Islande: called by some Thule’; i.e. Iceland. Among others, Bede followed ancient writers when he wrote of Thule in De Ratione Temporum.

⁹⁸ Treaty and articles of 1490, BL, Cotton MS Nero, B. III, fos 47r–56v; Rymer, Thomas (ed.), Foedera, Conventiones, Literae, Et Cujuscunque Generis Acta Publica, Inter Reges Angliae, Et Alios quosvis Imperatores, Reges. . ., 2nd edn (London, 1727), XII, 381–387 Google Scholar. Extracts from the treaties of 1432, 1449, 1465, 1473, 1490, and 1523 in Laursen, L. (ed.), Traités du Danemark et de la Norvège: Danmark-Norges Traktater, 1523–1750 (Copenhagen, 1912)Google Scholar, II (1561–1588), 616–619, note; materials relative to negotiations by John Rogers and Anthony Jenkinson in 1577 and Peregrine Bertie, Baron Willoughby, in 1583, 612–644. Cf. Mercier's thoughts on the agreement between the English and ‘Joanne I’ in his entry for 23 July 1588. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 341. The Iceland fisheries were a frequent topic of commercial complaint by the English. In 1577, precisely when Rogers was serving as Elizabeth's ambassador in Germany and trying to forge a Protestant alliance, the queen sent Dr John Rogers (Daniel's brother) to negotiate with Danish commissioners regarding several issues, but before he left London he consulted existing Anglo-Danish treaties in the Tower. See the bill he paid, including charges for writing paper and the Keeper of the Records’ opening of the door, BL, Lansdowne MS 25, fo. 116r, as well as his report after negotiations had ended in August 1577, TNA, SP 75/1/3. See also Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 61–67, nn. on 182–183; and Kirchner, ‘England and Denmark’, 8.

⁹⁹ Hólar and Skálholt were officially within the province of Trondheim, but some degree of autonomy remained. For late medieval developments, Orrman, ‘Church and society’, 426–440.

¹⁰⁰ Gudbrandur Thorlaksson (or Guðbrandur Þorláksson), Bishop of Hólar, was responsible for the first complete translation of the Lutheran Bible into Icelandic. It was published in ‘Holum’ (Hólar) in 1584. Thorlaksson was also responsible for the translation and publication in Iceland of other Lutheran works, such as Palladius's, Peder Catechismus (Holum, 1576)Google Scholar (USTC 302230). See also Lockhart, Paul Douglas, Denmark, 1513–1660: The Rise and Decline of a Renaissance Monarchy (Oxford, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 76; Olesen, ‘Dänemark, Norwegen und Island’, 73–75.

¹⁰¹ Corresponding to the hash, left margin, ‘In this Islande is a mount called Hecla, which continuallie burneth, euen as Aetna in Sicilia. Fabulous wryters affirme that the soules of damned men are there martired: But ye true cause of ye perpetuall fire in ye said mountaine, commeth from the source of brimstone, which is there in great quantitie.’ Cf. Mercier's description of Iceland as an insula ferax sulphuris. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 341–342. Hecla (or Hekla) was believed to be the gateway to Hell during the Middle Ages, but Rogers's contemporaries, including Caspar Peucer, still believed as much. The volcano is still active. Sigurdur Thorarinsson, Hekla: A Notorious Volcano, trans. Johann Hannesson and Petur Karlsson (Reykjavik, 1970), 1–6.

¹⁰² Rogers is a little off on dates. The Orkneys and Shetland Isles were pawned in the Treaty of Copenhagen in 1468 for 60,000 Rhenish florins, and the marriage took place on 13 July 1469. See Norman Macdougall, ‘James III (1452–1488)’, ODNB.

¹⁰³ Superscript in Rogers's hand.

¹⁰⁴ For discussion of the disputed isles in the context of Anglo-Scots alliance and Protestant league-building, Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 116–119, 128–130, nn. on 200–201, 204–205).

¹⁰⁵ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Oesel’ (or Ösel); i.e. modern Saaremaa, Estonia.

¹⁰⁶ Curland (or Courland) is the peninsula west of Riga, Latvia. ‘Wicke’ signifies the bishopric of Ösel-Wiek, and here Rogers is following the German place name. ‘Mokneme’, the island between Livonia (modern Estonian mainland) and Ösel (Saaremaa), is Muhu, also part of modern Estonia. For an overview of Danish rule in these territories, see Olesen, Jens E., ‘Die Hochstifte Ösel und Kurland under dänischer Herrschaft’, in Asche, Matthias, Buchholz, Werner, and Schindling, Anton (eds), Die baltischen Lande im Zeitalter der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung: Livland, Estland, Ösel, Ingermanland, Kurland und Lettgallen: Stadt, Land und Konfession 1500–1721, 4 vols (Münster, 2009)Google Scholar, II, 191–216; see also contributions by Aleksander Loit on rural areas (‘Reformation und Konfessionalisierung in den ländlichen Gebieten der baltischen Lande von ca. 1500 bis zum Ende der schwedischen Herrschaft’, I, 49–215;) and Enn Tarvel on towns (‘Kirche und Bürgerschaft in den baltischen Städten im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert’, III, 17–99). For chroniclers’ depictions of the territorial (and more abstract) divisions in the region, see Hormuth, Dennis, Livonia est omnis divisa in partes tres: Studien zum Mental Mapping der livländischen Chronistik in der Frühen Zeuzeit (1558–1721) (Stuttgart, 2012)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ In 1560 Frederik II purchased Ösel as an appanage for his brother, who complicated matters signficantly when he got involved in disputes between Sweden and Russia during the following decade. Magnus's troubled relationship with Frederik II and title of ‘King of Livonia’ discussed in Lockhart, Frederik II, 38–39, 137–138.

¹⁰⁸ Superscript in Rogers's hand.

¹⁰⁹ The seat of the Bishop of Ösel-Wiek was the cathedral in Haapsalu, which is on the mainland, not the island of Ösel (Saaremaa). Arensburg Castle (modern Kuressaare Castle) is, however, on the island, but it is not to be confused with the Elector of Cologne's castle of the same name in Westphalia. On Haapsalu and Arensburg, see Olesen, ‘Die Hochstifte Ösel und Kurland’, 193–197.

¹¹⁰ Corresponding to the hash, left margin and bottom of the page, ‘As for ye diocess of Curlande left vnto ye king by Duke Magnus his brother: for so much as ye last kings of Poland & Denmarke were in controuersie for ye same, both were contented to permitt ye decyding of ye said controuersie vnto Georg Frederick Duke of Prussia: who in ye yere 1585 brought ye matter so farre, yat ye king should receaue 30000 dollars, being not full 7000^l sterling, & giue ouer his right, suffring his owne sisters sonne, Christian Duke of Brunswycke and Luneburghe to hold & posseede ye same, as Feodum of ye king of Polande: wherefore in ye moneth of July 1585, Bredo Rantzow was sent from the late king of Denmarke to discharge Th’inhabitantes of ye said Diocess of their oath; with which they were bound vnto ye king before. Afterward ye Cardinall Radzeuill, the king of Polandes Lieutenant in Liuonia did institute as inuest ye said Duke ^with of ye possession of this Diocess.’ Details corroborated in Breide Rantzau (b.1556, d.1618), DBL (3rd edn), XI, 604–606; online at DSD-DBL.

¹¹¹ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Oldenburgh. Delmenhorst.’

¹¹² See the newsletter from Emden, noting that commissioners from Brussels had instructed the Count of Oldenburg to restore lordship of Jeveren (Jever) to the Count of Emden (not the other way round), 12/22 August 1588, CSPF, XXII, 156.

¹¹³ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Hamburche.’

¹¹⁴ Lockhart, Frederik II, 290 notes that the ‘[d]ate for [Hamburg’s] formal homage to the king was set for July 1588. [Frederik] would already be three months dead by that date; 45 years would pass before Christian IV would manage to force Hamburg into the Oldenburg orbit.’

¹¹⁵ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Havons of Denmarcke.’ See Antoniszoon's discussion of the Sound, The safegard of Sailers, fos 58r–59r.

¹¹⁶ Left margin, ‘Amaggar.’ Ortelius noted this island as ‘Anick’ and its principal town ‘Drackoer’; i.e. Amager and Dragør. After Christian II's visit to the Netherlands in 1521, the king invited a large group of Dutch farmers to Amager to supply produce for Copenhagen and to cultivate wet meadows. Christian II, DBL (3rd edn), III, 293–7; online at DSD-DBL. Holm, P., ‘South Scandinavian fisheries in the sixteenth century: The Dutch connection’, in Roding, Juliette and van Voss, Lex Heerma (eds), The North Sea and Culture (1550–1800) (Hilversum, 1996), 108–123 Google Scholar, esp. 113–114.

¹¹⁷ Left margin, ‘The kinges armes.’

¹¹⁸ The detailed description here includes three items not found on the royal coat of arms as used by Frederik II and Christian IV: a lamb carrying a banner, a crowned white ling (stockfish similar to cod), and an eagle; though these items were the arms for Gotland, Iceland, and Ösel. Additionally, one item on the royal arms is not noted by Rogers: a yellow cross on a blue background. The arms are depicted in Hans Knieper's portrait of Frederik II in 1581. The original remains in The Museum of National History at Frederiksborg Castle in Hillerød, Denmark; a reproduction is available as Plate 1 in Lockhart, Frederik II, following 122. Edmund Tilney's MS account of European regiments and topography still did not have the Danish arms correctly depicted when it was completed c.1597–1601, but he was fairly close. Folger Shakespeare Library, MS V.b.182, fo. 125r; cf. the later version completed for James VI and I, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Pre-1650 MS 0109.

¹¹⁹ Left margin, ‘Th’inhabitantes of ye kingdomes of Denmarke and Norway.’

¹²⁰ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘The king of Denmarck mightie.’; i.e. Christian IV.

¹²¹ Charles de Dançay had been the French legate in Copenhagen since 1548 and was firmly attached to (and trusted by) Frederik and his councillors. Dançay spent a good deal of time with Rogers from 11 to 20 July 1588 and proved an advantageous correspondent for the English. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 338–339. Lockhart, Frederik II, 107 et passim.

¹²² Superscript in Rogers's hand.

¹²³ Compare the comment on Augustus of Saxony's wealth in the account of 1569, pp. 71–72.

¹²⁴ Left margin, ‘Gouuernemente of Denmarke.’

¹²⁵ Far from the absolute monarchy instituted in 1660, the elective monarchy in Denmark was nevertheless largely hereditary and the king held prerogative powers in deciding foreign policy. The king's other abilities were limited by a consensual, power-sharing ‘dyarchy’ between himself and the aristocracy known later as adelsvælden, and ‘[u]nlike elsewhere in Europe, the term “crown” did not refer to the particular interests of the king; instead, the king and Council together made up the “crown of Denmark” (Danmarks krone), and shared joint stewardship of the kingdom.’ Lockhart, Frederik II, 26. On the ‘death of government by consensus’ and the rise of absolutism in Denmark, see the excellent overview and bibliography in Lockhart, Denmark, 1513–1660, 194–210, 226–247. For a historiographical survey, Leon Jespersen, ‘Knud Fabricius og den monarkiske bølge: Nogle kommentarer til de statsretlige brydninger i 15–1600-tallets Danmark’, Historie (1997), 54–85.

¹²⁶ Frederik took the initiative to secure the royal succession for his son after the failed assassination attempt on his life in early 1585 (known as the Sabinus Plot) and the failed Parry Plot against Elizabeth's the previous year. Lockhart, Frederik II, 219–225.

¹²⁷ Left margin, ‘Places where hommage is done vnto ye kinge.’

¹²⁸ i.e. Viborg, Odense, Ringsted, and Lund. Viborg and Odense were episcopal seats, Rinsted abbatial, and Lund archiepiscopal. Scania (or Skåne) is almost an island – a peninsula (if a stubby one). Neither Ortelius's maps nor Jordanus's depict Skåne as an island, though Gerard Mercator's later Daniae Regnvm (in his Atlas, Düsseldorf, 1595; VD16 K 2334) did connect two rivers stretching from Ängelholm in the west and Sölvesborg in the east. On Jordanus, see p. 31 and p. 134, Figure 5.

¹²⁹ i.e. Trondheim, the archiepiscopal seat.

¹³⁰ See above, p. 111 n. 3.

¹³¹ King Valdemar I (the Great) acceded to the throne in 1157; his descendent, Valdemar IV (Atterdag), died in 1375, after which the Danish crown changed hands among several houses until Christian I, Count of Oldenburg, established the Oldenburg dynasty in Denmark when he was elected king in 1448, precisely 140 years before Rogers's treatise.

¹³² Left margin, ‘Christierne ye first of yat name, king of Denmarke, Norwegen, and Sweden.’

¹³³ For materials relative to the treaties of 1449 and 1465 (as well as 1490 and 1523), BL, Cotton MS Nero, B. III, fos 38r, 47r–57v; Rymer, Foedera, XI, 264–267, 273–274, 537–538, 543–544, 551–556, 560; XII, 381–387; XIII, 798–804; Danmark-Norges Traktater, II, 616–619n.

¹³⁴ Left margin, ‘John kinge of Denmarke &c.’

¹³⁵ Rogers has altered ‘who’ to ‘wch’.

¹³⁶ See above, p. 128 n. 102.

¹³⁷ Left margin, ‘Christierne the second king of Denmarke. &c.’

¹³⁸ Left margin, ‘Frederick the first, kinge of Denmarke. &c.’

¹³⁹ Letters and papers relative to Henry VIII's dealings with Christian II of Denmark in BL, Cotton MS Nero, B. III, fos 64r–118r; Brewer, J.S., Gairdner, James, and Brodie, R.H. (eds), Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, 21 vols (London, 1864–1910)Google Scholar, III–V, passim. See also Lausten, Martin Schwarz, ‘The contradiction between evangelical faith and political aims by the Danish exiled King Christian II with reference to his relations with King Henry VIII’, in Brohed, Ingmar (ed.), Church and People in Britain and Scandinavia (Lund, 1996), 109–121 Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Rogers is mistaken here. Dorothea, first daughter of Frederik I with his first wife (Anna of Brandenburg), married Albrecht of Prussia on 1 July 1526. Dorothea (b.1504, d.1547), DBL (3rd edn), IV, 19; online at DSD-DBL. Frederik's four children with his second wife, Sophie of Pomerania, were Adolf, Elizabeth, Frederik, and Hans the Elder. Frederik I (b. 1471, d.1533), DBL (3rd edn), IV, 523–525; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁴¹ Left margin, ‘Christian the thirde king &c.’ Christian (b.1503, d.1559), also a child of Anna of Brandenburg, DBL (3rd edn), III, 297–302; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁴² Hans the Elder (or den Ældre, b.1521) died in 1580, not 1582. DBL (3rd edn), V, 547–549; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁴³ Left margin, ‘Fredericke ye second kinge &c.’

¹⁴⁴ See Figure 6.

¹⁴⁵ John II, Duke of Sønderborg (b.1545, d.1622). Hans (den Yngre), DBL (3rd edn), V, 549–550; online at DSD-DBL; Johann der Jüngere, NDB, X (1974), 534–535; online at DB.

¹⁴⁶ Dorothea of Saxe-Lauenburg (b.1511, d.1571), Duchess of Saxony and Queen of Denmark.

¹⁴⁷ Left margin, ‘Duke John of Sleswykes children’. Duke John (or Hans, or Johann) married Elizabeth, daughter of Ernst the Younger, Duke of Braunschweig-Lüneburg, on 19 September 1568. Elizabeth then bore him 14 (not 13) children (eight sons, six daughters). The final child, not named in the DSD-DBL or DB, was Albrecht, born 16 April 1585, died 26 October 1596.

¹⁴⁸ Hans (or Johann) Adolf, not Adolphus-Johannes; otherwise Rogers's details are correct. DBL (3rd edn), V, 551–552; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁴⁹ Superscript ‘Augustus’ and comma after ‘whom’ in Rogers's hand. Agnes Hedwig (b.1573, d.1616), widow of August and daughter of Prince Joachim Ernst of Anhalt, would bear Duke John another nine children (three sons, six daughters).

¹⁵⁰ The wedding on 14 February 1588 at Sønderborg (German: Sonderburg) Castle was indeed attended by King Frederik, despite his declining health. Lockhart, Frederik II, 295. Sønderborg is not an island, but rather a place on the island of Als (Rogers's ‘Alsen’).

¹⁵¹ Adolf, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein (b.1526, d.1585), had been a suitor to Queen Elizabeth in 1560 and subsequently played two hands as both a Knight of the Garter and pensioner of the Spanish king, Philip II. Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 26–27, 98; nn. on 167, 194.

¹⁵² Comma in Rogers's hand. The third son was Johann Friedrich, Archbishop of Bremen from 1596 and Bishop of Lübeck from 1607 (b.1579, d.1634). NDB, X (1974), 481; online at DB.

¹⁵³ Philip, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf (b.1570, d.1590), ruled as Duke from 1587.

¹⁵⁴ Johann Adolf, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf (b.1575, d.1616), ruled as Duke from 1590 upon his brother Philip's death, as Archbishop of Bremen from 1585, and as Bishop of Lübeck from 1586; each of these titles was transferred to his brother Johann Friedrich. NDB, X (1974), 535–536; online at DB.

¹⁵⁵ Philip's mother was Christine (b.1543, d.1604), daughter of Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.

¹⁵⁶ On Queen Sofie's role in the succession dispute, Lockhart, Frederik II, 306–308. On the partition of lands in Schleswig-Holstein, Territorien des Reichs, II, 140–164.

¹⁵⁷ Left margin, ‘The next of blood Gouuernors of ^yong Princes in Germany, in their nonage.’

¹⁵⁸ Compare the examples of succession and inheritance in the report of 1569.

¹⁵⁹ Johann Casimir, Count Palatine of the Rhine and Administrator of the Palatinate (b. 1543, d.1592). On his tenure as administrator and tutor of the young Friedrich IV from the death of the previous Elector, his brother Ludwig VI, in 1583, to Johann Casimir's own death, see Press, Volker, Calvinismus und Territorialstaat: Regierung und Zentralbehörden der Kurpfalz 1559–1619 (Stuttgart, 1970), 322–368 Google Scholar. Johann Casimir's ambassador, Adam Gans von Podelitz, met Rogers in Helsingør on 7 July 1588 when they attended a church service with the entire Danish court in the chapel of Kronborg. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 336–337. See also Rogers's poems dedicated to Johann Casimir in HEHL, HM 31188, fos 152r, 214r.

¹⁶⁰ ‘Joachim’ crossed out and superscript ‘George’ in Rogers's hand.

¹⁶¹ Albrecht Friedrich (b.1553, d.1618) had shown symptoms of mental illness during the 1560s, but from 1572 his inabilities were widely recognized. ADB, I (1875), 310–314; online at DB. Both before and after 1572 he often sent Elizabeth falcons, which the queen gratefully accepted. See her letters to Albrecht Friedrich, Cambridge University Library, MS Dd.III.20, fos 16r, 46v–47r, 71r–v, 142v–143r (items 18, 53, 74, 173).

¹⁶² Left margin, ‘The nobilitie of Denmarke.’

¹⁶³ As Lockhart states, ‘[o]fficially there was no ranking of the noble estate; there was no peerage per se, and there would be no titled nobility in Denmark until 1671’. Frederik II, 303–304. Nevertheless, Denmark's untitled worthies grew evermore influential during the 16th c. On the crises of the aristocracy during the late Middle Ages, and its revival during the early modern period, see Erik Ulsig, ‘The nobility of the late middle ages’, CHS, I, 635–652; Petersen, E. Ladewig, The Crisis of the Danish Nobility 1580–1660 (Odense, 1967)Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁴ On the Council of State (or Rigsråd) vis-à-vis the king generally, and its problems upon Frederik's death in particular, Lockhart, Frederik II, 26–27, 304–308.

¹⁶⁵ i.e. become angry. The two German-born councillors were Breide Rantzau and Henrik (or Heinrich) Below.

¹⁶⁶ Cf. Rogers's other lists: to Walsingham, TNA, SP 75/1, fo. 274r–v; to Burghley, BL, Lansdowne MS 57, fo. 82r, MS 112, fo. 107r–v; another copy, BL, Cotton MS Nero, B. III, fo. 266r–v. Rogers met and negotiated with many of the following in July–August 1588, and his comments below, e.g. on Gert Rantzau and Heinrich (or Henrik) Ramel, are corroborrated in Mercier's account. Behrend, ‘En dagbog’, 338–339, 342.

¹⁶⁷ Niels Kaas (b.1534, d.1594). DBL (3rd edn), VIII, 430–432; online at DSD-DBL. Rogers described Kaas as ‘the Pearle of Denmarke’ in his letters to Walsingham and Burghley.

¹⁶⁸ Peder Gyldenstierne (b.1533, d. 1594). DBL (3rd edn), V, 424; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁶⁹ Peder Munk (b.1534, d.1623). DBL (3rd edn), X, 126–127; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷⁰ Jørgen Rosenkrantz (b.1523, d.1596). DBL (3rd edn), XII, 356–358; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷¹ Christoffer Valkendorf (b.1525, d.1601). DBL (3rd edn), XV, 252–255; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷² Steen Brahe (b.1547, d.1620). DBL (3rd edn), II, 428–429; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷³ Jørgen Skram (b.1534, d.1592). DBL (3rd edn), XIII, 486; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷⁴ Manderup Parsberg (b.1546, d.1625). DBL (3rd edn), XI, 161–162; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷⁵ Erik Hardenberg (b. c.1534, d.1604). DBL (3rd edn), VI, 27–28; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷⁶ Hak Holgersen Ulfstand (b.1535, d.1594). DBL (3rd edn), XV, 154–155; online at DSD-DBL. Line of abbreviation above ‘ins’ in ‘Haguins’ clarified by comparison with TNA SP 75/1, fo. 274r, and BL, Lansdowne MS 57, fo. 82r.

¹⁷⁷ Anders Bing (b.1525, d.1589). DBL (3rd edn), II, 135; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷⁸ Henrik (or Heinrich) Below (b.1540, d.1606), of Mecklenburg. DBL (3rd edn), I, p. 551; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁷⁹ Axel Gyldenstierne (b.1542, d.1603). DBL (3rd edn), V, 411–412; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁸⁰ Corfitz Tønnesen Viffert (b.?, d.1592). DBL (3rd edn), XV, 519; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁸¹ Absalon Gjøe (or Gøye) (b.1539, d.1602). DBLexicon, VI, 54; online at DBLexicon (no entry in DBL (2nd and 3rd edn)).

¹⁸² Jacob Seefeldt (b.1545, d.1599). DBL (3rd edn), XIII, 306–307; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁸³ Breide Rantzau (b.1556, d.1618), of Holstein. DBL (3rd edn), XI, 604–606; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁸⁴ Christen Skeel (b.1543, d.1595). DBLexicon, XVI, 15–16; online at DBLexicon (no entry in DBL (2nd and 3rd edn)).

¹⁸⁵ Albert Friis (b.1542, d.1601). DBL (3rd edn), IV, 617; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁸⁶ Arild Huitfeldt (b.1546, d.1609). DBL (3rd edn), VI, 598–602; online at DSD-DBL. See Rogers's poem dedicated to Arild (or Arnold[us] Wintfeld[us] Dan[us], nobil[is]) in HEHL, HM 31188, fo. 142v; cf. another to the deceased Ottonis Witfeldij, Danj adolescentis, fo. 138r; and another to Rogers's ‘singular friend’, the Dane ‘Karol[us] Quering[us]’, fo. 156v.

¹⁸⁷ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Kinges Chauncellour.’

¹⁸⁸ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Chauncellor of the kingdome.’

¹⁸⁹ Cf. Lockhart, Frederik II, 27–28, noting also the role of having German-born councillors in the execution of foreign policy (such as Breide Rantzau and Henrik (or Heinrich) Below).

¹⁹⁰ Opposing Rogers's account and Slavin's assertions, Lockhart points out that the four members of the Regency did not serve for only one year, and that they and the Council of State were the primary power brokers after Frederik II's death, not the German-born officers. Lockhart, Frederik II, 310; cf. Slavin, ‘Daniel Rogers in Copenhagen’, 259–264.

¹⁹¹ Along with his immense family wealth in Holstein, the Statthalter in the Duchies, Heinrich Rantzau (b.1526, d.1598) was probably, as Lockhart puts it, Frederik's ‘single most valuable intelligence resource’ and without question his ‘primary adviser on Continental affairs’. Rantzau's correspondence network extended throughout the Empire and beyond, and he was well recognized as a devoted and consistent champion of the Protestant cause. Frederik II, 61, 88. Henrik Rantzau (b.1526, d.1598), DBL, (3rd edn), XI, 622–627; online at DSD-DBL. Rantzau, Heinrich, ADB, XXVII (1888), 278–279; online at DB. On Heinrich Rantzau's intrests and patronage, with connections to Albrecht Meyer's Methodvs Describendi and Marcus Jordanus's map of Denmark, see above, pp. 29, 31.

¹⁹² Peder Rantzau (b.1535, d.1602). DBLexicon, XIII, 472; online at DBLexicon (no entry in DBL (2nd edn or 3rd edn)).

¹⁹³ Hans Blome (b.1530, d.1599). DBL, (3rd edn), II 266; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁹⁴ Hans Rantzau (b.?, d.1608). DBLexicon, XIII, 436; online at DBLexicon (no entry in DBL (2nd or 3rd edn)).

¹⁹⁵ Benedict (or Bendix) Ahlefeldt of Lehmkulen (b.1546, d.1606) was the son of Bertram Ahlefeldt of Lehmkulen (b.1508, d.1571), the Statthalter who married into the Rantzau family in 1541. DBL, (3rd edn), I, 77–78; online at DSD-DBL (though without the tables of the Ahlefeldt family tree placing Bendix below Bertram).

¹⁹⁶ George (or Jørgen) of Kluvensiek, came from a different branch of the family than did Steen Maltesen Sehested, Frederik's Court Marshal. See below, p. 146 n. 205. The Sehesteds were nobility of north Jutland. See Table II mentioning Jørgen, DBL, (3rd edn), XIII, 313; online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁹⁷ Little is known of the Detlev (or Ditlev) here, but the Brockdorffs were nobility in Holstein. NDB, II (1955), 620; online at DB.

¹⁹⁸ Little is known of the Daniel here, but the Rantzau family connections were extensive; another Daniel Rantzau (b.1529, d.1569) served Frederik early in the reign as a military commander. DBL, (3rd edn), XI, 602–603 (family trees), 612–615 (Daniel); online at DSD-DBL.

¹⁹⁹ Henry (or Henrik or Heinrich) and the next person, Nicholas (or Nicolaus), remain elusive but must have been part of the Ahlefeldt nobility.

²⁰⁰ ‘Geltinge’ in Rogers's other lists.

²⁰¹ This Christopher (or Christoffer) is not the same Christoffer who died in 1571. DBLexicon, XIII, 417; online at DBLexicon (no entry in DBL (2nd edn or 3rd edn)).

²⁰² Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Henry Rantzow’.

²⁰³ Underlining and superscript in Rogers's hand.

²⁰⁴ On the rivalry, reorganization, and isolationism during the regency, Lockhart, Frederik II, 300–308.

²⁰⁵ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Stein Maltisen.’ Steen Maltesen Sehested (b.1553, d.1611) had supported William of Orange in the Netherlands against the Spanish and afterwards became Court Marshal and one of Frederik's intimates. Steen also joined him during the Great Hunt of 1587. Christianson, ‘The hunt of King Frederik’, 182. DBL (3rd edn), XIII, 332–333; online at DSD-DBL.

²⁰⁶ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Gerard Rantzow.’ Gert (or Gerhard) Rantzau (b.1558, d.1627), son of Heinrich, also served Frederik as a diplomat and minor advisor, though after the death of his older brother, Breide, in 1618, he became Statthalter in the Duchies. DBL (3rd edn), XI, 618–621; online at DSD-DBL. ADB, XXVII (1888), 278; online at DB.

²⁰⁷ Comma in Rogers's hand.

²⁰⁸ Comma in Rogers's hand. Rogers recording 31 years was incorrect; in September 1588 Gert was 29, in mid October, 30.

²⁰⁹ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Eustiche Tunen.’ Little is known of Frederik's Master of the Horse, Eustachius von Thümen, but he – like Steen Maltesen Sehested – accompanied the king during the Great Hunt of 1587. Christianson, ‘The hunt of King Frederik’, 182.

²¹⁰ Left margin, ‘Henry Rammell’. Heinrich (or Henrik) Ramel (b. c.1550, d.1610) entered Frederik's employ only in 1581 but rose to become the secretary of the German Chancery, travelled with the king, and was present at nearly every audience granted to foreign ambassadors by Frederik. Lockhart, Frederik II, 192. DBL (3rd edn), XI, 590–591; online at DSD-DBL. Along with Heinrich Rantzau, Ramel had been a key councillor close to Frederik's ear and was a sympathetic ally and correspondent of the English before, during, and after his embassy in 1586.

²¹¹ On the extravagant and impressive show of military strength that was the embassy, despite its underwhelming results, see Lockhart, Frederik II, 245–247.

²¹² Ramel married Abel Rantzau, daughter of Daniel, on 2 February 1589, not a full year after Frederik's death on 4 April 1588.

²¹³ The ‘heart and soul of the Regency’, Niels Kaas (b.1535, d.1594), as with Heinrich Rantzau and Heinrich Ramel, was a correspondent of the English and sympathetic to the Protestant cause. The Regency did not really reject the cause so much as it was beset with domestic turmoil among the nobility, though isolationist tendencies did come to characterize those in power, despite the goodwill borne esp. by Kaas, Rantzau, and Ramel. Lockhart, Frederik II, 315.

²¹⁴ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Factions in Denmarcke’.

²¹⁵ On Frederik's consolidation of royal lands and restriction of hunting privileges, Christianson, ‘The hunt of King Frederik’, 166–174.

²¹⁶ This gentleman remains elusive.

²¹⁷ Left margin, Rogers's hand, ‘Alliaunce to be maynteyned betwixt the kingdomes of Dennemarcke and England.’ Existing commercial treaties and agreements were to continue under Christian IV's reign, as did correspondence and embassies. Cheyney, ‘England and Denmark’.

²¹⁸ On similarity in religion, see Rogers's comment above, p. 123: ‘for the most parte, [religion in Denmark] agreeth with the Ausburghe Confession, as lykewise in Ceremonies, saving that they be more moderate then the Lutheranes’.

²¹⁹ For English concerns regarding the Spanish Armada's seeking aid from Denmark, see Rogers's letters to Walsingham and Burghley. For Thomas Bodley's instructions regarding a mission to Denmark after Gravelines, see Gehring, Anglo-German Relations, 124–126, 203nn. See also Lockhart, Frederik II, 301–303, 310.

²²⁰ Signed in Rogers's hand with manu propria symbol of abbreviation.