No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 July 2015
The earliest member of the lineage who is identifiable in the sources is one Gilbert, who possessed an estate of 3½ hides at Winterbourne Monkton (Wiltshire) in 1086 as a tenant of Glastonbury Abbey. The Wiltshire geld rolls identify him as Gilbert ‘Gibard’ (literally, ‘moonface’) and the Marshal descent from him was deduced by Neil Stacy from the possession of the same estate by John Marshal (I) and the incidence of the surname ‘Giffard’ carried by John's clerical brother, William. Gilbert does not appear in 1086 as holder of known Marshal centres (notably Hamstead and Cheddar, though a Gilbert was perhaps the predecessor of John Marshal at Easton Royal in Kinwardstone Hundred, Wiltshire). This indicates that the breakthrough of the family into the royal court and marshalcy came after the Domesday Survey. Was this Gilbert Giffard of Winterbourne the father or grandfather of John Marshal? Chronologically he could be either. Were he the grandfather he might as well have been the maternal as the paternal forbear of John. Though John Marshal had a brother known as William Giffard – which at first sight makes it more likely that Gilbert would have been the father or paternal grandfather – the contemporary Basset-Ridel example indicates that a maternal surname might well be taken by a younger son. The origins of the Giffard-Marshal lineage is only otherwise indicated by a mention of its kinship with the Herefordshire family of Evreux, major tenants of the Lacy family and lords of Lyonshall castle. The kinship might derive from a marriage at the time of Gilbert (I) or it might be that the two families shared a common lineage, though the possession by the Marshals of a Herefordshire estate in 1155 at Upleadon perhaps indicates just such a marriage. There is a reference in Henry II's charter to John Marshal (II) of the family's unspecified lands in Normandy, which tends to confirm that the Giffard-Marshals were ultimately of continental not English origin.
1 Stacy, ‘Henry of Blois’, 32 and nn.
2 Gilbert's surname appears in the Wiltshire geld rolls, which are roughly contemporary with the Inquest and mention Gilbert Gibard as pardoned 2½ hides and ½ virgate out of the assessment for Selkley hundred, in which his 3½ Domesday hides at Winterbourne Monkton was located, VCH Wiltshire 2: 200. The five hides at Estone, Domesday Book 1: fo. 73a, which one Gilbert held of Dreux fitz Pons in 1086 have never been identified successfully with any of Wiltshire's several Eastons, and the suggestion here is only tentative, by a process of elimination.
3 In 1207 William Marshal is made to refer to Estiemble mon cosin d’Evreues, HWM 2: lines 13490–13491. For a study of the Evreux family, Holden, B., Lords of the Central Marches: English Aristocracy and Frontier Society, 1087–1265 (Oxford, 2008), 97–102Google Scholar.
4 App. I, no. 2.
5 PR 31 Henry I, 14; CP, 10: App. G, p. 93n. For the opponents to Gilbert in his case over the marshalship, Round, J.H., The King's Serjeants and Officers of State (London, 1911), 89–91Google Scholar. A subsequent incumbent of Cheddar church was a ‘W(illiam) nephew of John Marshal’, and thus probably a son of William Giffard, see nos 3–4.
6 Domesday Book, 1: fo. 63b.
7 Constitutio domus regis, ed. and trans. S.D. Church (Oxford, 2007), 210.
8 John was holding Marlborough ‘a very strong castle belonging by right to the king’ and another fortification at Ludgershall in 1138, Annales de Wintonia, in AM, 2: 51. For the description of Marlborough, Gesta Stephani, ed. K.R. Potter and R.H.C. Davis (Oxford, 1976), 106. The king was dating writs at Ludgershall as early as 1103, Regesta, 2: nos 630–631.
9 Ceriel, held by John Marshal as terrae datae in the pipe roll of 1155 is interpreted as Cherhill, Wiltshire, by Painter, Marshal, 10, though Cheverell seems a more likely derivative form, being Cheurel in 1086.
10 Crouch, Marshal, 15–16.
11 For this, Crouch, D., ‘Robert Earl of Gloucester's mother and sexual politics in Norman Oxfordshire’, Historical Research, 72 (1999), 323–325CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Marshal, 17–19.
12 For Mildenhall, Stacy, ‘Henry of Blois’, 32–33. For the remarriage, see App. I, no. 1. John also held (Temple) Rockley from the Salisbury family, perhaps a consequence of the marriage, see no. 8. Rockley was demesne of Edward of Salisbury in 1086, Domesday Book, 1: fo. 69d.
13 For the connection and lands, Thompson, K., Power and Border Lordship in Medieval France: The County of the Perche, 1000–1226 (Woodbridge, 2002), 167–171Google Scholar; she does not deal with the Marshal evidence, however.
14 Ymagines Historiarum, in The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols, Rolls Series (1876) 1: 308.
15 Cheney, M., ‘The litigation between John Marshal and Archbishop Thomas Becket in 1164’, in Law and Social Change in British History, ed. Guy, J.A. and Beall, H.G. (London, 1984), 9–18Google Scholar.
16 He was dead at Michaelmas 1165, PR 12 Henry II, 95. His anniversary mass at Longueville Priory was endowed by his son William to be held on 22 July, see no. 66.
17 This is the first instance of the Franco-Germanic name Ancel, Ansel, Hansel or (in French) Anseau in the family, easily confused with the homophonic Anselm. Little is known of this son, though he appears at Lagny in 1179 in his brother's retinue, and also in that of his cousin, Count Rotrou IV of the Perche, Séez, archives départmentales de l’Orne, H 2621.
18 See the study in English Episcopal Acta, 11: Exeter, 1046–1184, ed. F. Barlow (British Academy, 1996), pp. xliv–xlv. Henry may not have been originally intended for the church; he was not even in subdiaconal orders when elected dean of York in 1189 (at which time he would probably have been in his thirties) which shows he had kept his options open, Howden, 3: 17.
19 HWM, 1: lines 61–116, 368–398. For the Nettlecombe charter, see no. 5.
20 CP 10: App. G. p. 95n; Vincent, N., ‘The borough of Chipping Sodbury and the Fat Men of France’, Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 116 (1998), 42–59Google Scholar. It is worthy of note that an undated charter of William, earl of Gloucester, (died 1183) issued in Normandy at some point after 1160 has among the witnesses his seneschal William le Gros and, further on, one Willelmo Mairscallo, listed as last of the lay witnesses and perhaps in company with his brother-in-law, Archives départementales du Calvados, H 6510 (Cartulary of St-André-en-Gouffern), fo. 22v (a charter overlooked in R.B. Patterson's edition of the Gloucester acts).
21 Regesta, 3: no. 339, also App. I, no. 1.
22 PR 12 Henry II, 95 (Devon) ‘Gill(eber)tus maresc(allus) debet .c. libras. pro parte terre patris sui. sed mortuus est’.
23 Bodl. Libr., MS Rawlinson B 499, fo. 2r; Berkeley Castle Muniments, Select Charter 47; The Irish Cartularies of Llanthony Prima et Secunda, ed. E. St John Brooks (Dublin, 1953), 79–80.
24 App. I, nos 3–5. He took over payment of the farm for Bosham from the reeves who had previously owed it at Michaelmas 1190, PR 2 Richard I, 7.
25 PR 5 Richard I, 14.
26 PR 2 Richard I, 58, 59; Howden, 3:34. John's consequent loss of reputation is evident, as Nicholas Vincent points out, in Newburgh's characterization of him in the guise of Pilate in his account of the event, ‘William of Newburgh, Josephus and the New Titus’, in Christians and Jews in Angevin England, ed. S. Rees Jones and S. Watson (York, 2013), 70–71.
27 HWM, 1–2: lines 10018–10076.
28 For her parentage, HWM, 2: lines 10062–10064.
29 For this John and his mother, Crouch, Marshal, 89–90n.
30 Crouch, D., ‘Writing a biography in the thirteenth century: The construction and composition of the “History of William Marshal”’, in Writing Medieval Biography: Essays in Honour of Frank Barlow, ed. Bates, D., Crick, J., and Hamilton, S. (Woodbridge, 2006), 221–235Google Scholar. The following section is principally based on my earlier biographical studies of the Marshal.
31 For this problematical incident, see HWM, 3: 61–62.
32 Vincent, N., ‘William Marshal, King Henry II and the honour of Châteauroux’, Archives, 25 (2000), 1–15Google Scholar.
33 Howden, 3: 9, 16–17.
34 HWM, 2: lines 10312–10318.
35 Howden, 4: 90.
36 In April 1200 he was with the king at Westminster, Rot. Chart., 46–47. His act to Longueville priory (no. 69) was issued in England and dates between 2 June and 24 September 1200, as Archbishop John of Dublin was a witness.
37 Chartularies of St Mary’s, 2: 307–308; Monasticon, 6: 1136 (see App. I, no. 11 for consideration of this), my thanks to Nicholas Vincent for pointing this out.
38 Rot. Litt. Pat., 38; Flanagan, ‘Angevin Ireland’, 47.
39 See on this the recent reinterpretations, in Flanagan, ‘Angevin Ireland’, 43–49; Veach, Lordship, 134–136.
40 Crouch, Marshal, 104–105; Flanagan, ‘Angevin Ireland’, 49–50.
41 Foedera 1: pt 1, 144.
42 Cartulary of Worcester Cathedral Priory, ed. R.R. Darlington, Pipe Roll Society, (1968), 174–175.
43 Royal Letters, 1: 532.
44 For the date and interment, Worcestre, William, Itineraries, ed. and trans. Harvey, J.H. (Oxford, 1969), 54Google Scholar; Harrison, ‘Tintern’, 95: a similar notice of death and burial comes from Dublin, Chartularies of St Mary’s, 1: 142, and from 15th-c. historical memoranda in both the (now lost) ‘Liber Rubeus’ and the extant ‘Liber Primus’ of Kilkenny, relating to the Marshal family descent, which in their turn drew on Tintern sources, BL Additional MSS 4791, fol. 64v; 4792, fol. 81r; 4793, fol. 109v; Liber Primus, 64–65. A 16th-c. copy of an epitaph purportedly carved on the tomb of Isabel and her daughter at Tintern Abbey, which records the year of her death as 1220, is to be found in London, College of Arms, MS Philipot 12.80, fol. 60r.
45 HWM, 2: lines 14917–14956. See also CP, 10: 364n.
46 Bodl. Libr., MS Dugdale 39, fo. 72r; here, nos 25 and 247.
47 HWM, 2: lines 16208–16209.
48 HWM, 2: line 13273. For the Aumale associations of Richard Siward, another of his knights, Crouch, ‘Last Adventure’, Morgannwg, xxxv (1991), 7–30.
49 App. I, no. 14. Barbara English speculates that Alice was in fact daughter of Count Baldwin not by Hawise of Aumale but by an earlier liaison, The Lords of Holderness, 1086–1260 (Oxford, 1979), 35. However, she was acknowledged as his sister by her elder half-brother, William de Forz, who became count of Aumale in 1214, see Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 260.
50 For a discussion of the marriage and Marshal-Béthune relations, HWM, 2: lines 14965–15012. The biographer appears to have seen the king's charter confirming of the match.
51 Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 132. It was probably Richard Marshal, not William, who was the son of the elder William who was discussed in a letter of the king to his father at this time.
52 Paris, 2: 604.
53 Annales de Wigornia, in AM, 4: 406.
54 HDNRA, 175; Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 47.
55 Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 299, 301.
56 HDNRA, 204
57 HWM, 2: lines 16028–16032.
58 The first appointment by Henry III of a royal castellan for Marlborough was that of Robert Wolf, dated 7 February 1224, Calendar of Fine Rolls 1223–1224, no. 71 (accessed 5 December 2011).
59 Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 305. Fotheringhay was in the king's hands throughout 1216, and William Marshal the younger held both it and the estate centre of Yardley Hastings (which he seized in the course of 1219) till the end of 1220, Stringer, David, 52–53; R.F. Walker, ‘The Earls of Pembroke, 1138–1389’, in Pembs County History, 43–44.
60 Carpenter, Minority, 73, 200; Royal Letters, 1: 70–71.
61 Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 392. In 1226, William had still paid nothing of the relief of £100 he had pledged de comitatu de Pembroc, National Archives (PRO), E372/69 (Pipe Roll of 10 Henry III), m. 30d.
62 Vincent, Roches, 93 and n. The marriage negotiations between William and the council are alluded to in a letter he sent to Hubert de Burgh in September 1220, see no. 121.
63 For the lands, Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1364–1367, 264–266, and discussion of the marriage, Wilkinson, Eleanor, 17–35 See no. 189 for the Irish rents.
64 See accounts in Carpenter, Minority, 217–220; and Walker, ‘Earls of Pembroke’, in Pembs County History, 43–44.
65 BrutT (Peniarth), s.a. 1221; Crouch, ‘Medieval Gwent’, 34–35.
66 The date is fixed by BrutT (Peniarth), s.a. 1221, 1222, which states he crossed the Irish Sea a year before his landing in Pembroke in April 1223.
67 Carpenter, Minority, 306–314.
68 Royal Letters, 1: 427.
69 Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 577.
70 Patent Rolls, 1216–1225, 426; Gervase, 2: 113
71 Patent Rolls, 1216–1225, 437–438, 441, 443.
72 Cal. Docs Ireland, 1: 195. See generally, Veach, Lordship, 200–207.
73 Rot. Litt. Claus., 2: 76, 140. This would seem to have been a meeting with the legate despatched to Louis VIII's court to question why he retained Normandy and Anjou, despite the oath he took in 1217, Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 100–101.
74 Rot. Litt. Claus., 2: 61, 79. It was probably on this occasion that Llywelyn reached a treaty with Earl William and the earl of Chester, referred to under the year 1226 in Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 100.
75 Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 47.
76 Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 80–1. This letter is given a negative spin in Walker, ‘Hubert de Burgh’, 476, repeated, idem, ‘Earls of Pembroke’, 47, but this is only inference. The letter otherwise lauds William's great importance to the young king and his record of service. In August 1226 the king generously acquitted William of any debts owing from him or from his father for their wardship of the two castles and committed to him instead the castle of Caerleon, which might actually have been the earl's objective in surrendering Cardigan and Carmarthen, Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 58, 59.
77 Wendover, 2: 321–322. See the judicious assessment of Wendover's account, in Denholm-Young, N., Richard of Cornwall (Oxford, 1947), 10–14Google Scholar.
78 Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 161–162.
79 Pontorson was held by Richard Marshal's stepdaughter in 1230, curiously enough. As lord of Dinan, Richard initially supported the duke of Brittany against Louis IX and temporized with Henry III's invading army, Power, ‘Marshal Earls’, 220–221; idem, The Norman Frontier in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries (Cambridge, 2004), 464–465, and see p. 24.
80 Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 400, 401, 408. This concern is evident earlier, however, for Henry le Gros, one of his knights, was asked by Earl William to take an oath before they left for France in April 1230 that he would not deliver Pembroke castle should William die to anyone but ‘his right heir’, plainly meaning Richard, and that the earl had made the same condition on his return to England when he entrusted his castles in West Wales (Suwallia) to Henry, ibid., 437.
81 Annales de Theokesburia, in AM, 1: 78; Tintern obits, BL MS Cotton Vespasian D xvii, fo. 60r; Wendover, 3: 10. Annales Cambriae, 78, gives the date of death as 7 April. Vincent, Roches, 271, suggests that the king had hopes of breaking the long term alliance at court between his brother and Earl William, and saw the marriage as a defeat.
82 Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 435; Paris, 3: 201. The story has some credibility in that the king was resident at Westminster at the time of the funeral, RCWL, 1: 100–101. Carpenter, D.A., ‘The burial of King Henry III, the regalia and royal ideology’, in King Henry III (London, 1996), 433–434Google Scholar.
83 Annales de Waverleia, in AM, 2: 313. Wendover also remarks on his accomplishments in letters, Wendover, 3: 87.
84 HWM, 2: lines 13362–13406; Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 118.
85 Rotuli Litt. Claus., 1: 118, 132. This would seem to be the letter partly copied by the Marshal biographer erroneously when he dealt with the events of 1214, in which the father protested the boy was too young to go overseas with the king's army, HWM, 2: lines 14708–14723.
86 HWM, 2: lines 19107–19164.
87 Power, ‘Marshal Earls’, 210; the sum was 800li parisis.
88 Rot. Litt. Claus., 1: 460.
89 Annales de Oseneia, in AM, 4: 72.
90 Power, ‘Marshal Earls’, 213–215.
91 Power, ‘Marshal Earls’, 215–216.
92 Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 400.
93 Close Rolls, 1227–1231, 541. National Archives (PRO), C60/30 (Fine Roll of 15 Henry III) m. 3.
94 See on this episode, Powicke, Henry III, II, 78–83; Carpenter, D.A., ‘The fall of Hubert de Burgh’, Journal of British Studies, 19 (1980), 1–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walker, ‘Hubert de Burgh ’; idem, ‘Supporters’, 41–65; Crouch, ‘Last Adventure’, 7–30; Vincent, Roches, esp. 363–428; Weiler, B., Kingship, Rebellion and Political Culture: England and Germany, c.1215–c.1250 (Basingstoke, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For my own detailed treatment of the rebellion, Crouch, ‘Gilbert Marshal’, 5–7.
95 Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 136–137.
96 Wendover, 3: 80; Cal. Docs Ireland, 1: 311; Colker, ‘Margam Chronicle’, 139–140. For his Irish allies, Pembs County History, 58. If de Burgh was the target, an attack on him would not necessarily have compromised the truce, as he had broken faith with the Marshal. In Wendover's portrayal of de Burgh's encounter with the earl at Kildare, the Marshal reproached him as proditor nequissime, Wendover, 3: 85.
97 Pembs County History, 61. Though note that the terms of the negotiation between the king and Gilbert imply that Dunamase Castle in Leinster was still in Marshal hands in May 1234, Royal Letters, 1: 439.
98 These are the essentials of Wendover's florid account, Wendover, 3: 81–87 For further details see these other accounts, which generally match this reconstruction, Colker, ‘Margam Chronicle’ 140; Annales de Oseneia, in AM, 4: 78–80 (which was inspired by Wendover's account). Wendover gives Richard's death as 16 April (Palm Sunday), undoubtedly because it allowed him to make a soteriological point. By contrast, the Tewkesbury annals say 15 April, as do the family of Tintern annals, Harrison, ‘Tintern’, 92, 94. Since Tintern would have supported an anniversary mass for him, their date is to be preferred.
99 Close Rolls, 1231–1234, 427, 434–435; Power, ‘Marshal Earls’, 223. For the compensation, see no. 201.
100 HWM, 2: line 13539.
101 HWM, 2: line 14890. On presentation to Oakham in 1227 he was said to be in the minor order of acolyte, Rotuli Hugonis de Welles, ed. W.P.W. Phillimore and F.N. Davis, 3 vols, Canterbury and York Society (1907–1909), 2: 138
102 Annales Cambriae, 80. In 1231, the bishop of Lincoln referred to him by the clerical title of domnus, Registrum Antiquissimum, 2: 77.
103 Patent Rolls, 1216–1225, 531, 540; Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 30.
104 Registrum Antiquissimum 2: 77–79. There is a mention in April 1230 of a large house he was building for himself at Oakham, for which he had a grant of timbers for rafters and crucks from the king, Close Rolls, 1227–1231, 343.
105 Close Rolls, 1227–1231, 265; Patent Rolls, 1225–1232, 323.
106 See for date, Pembs County History, 64. The suggestion that he married Matilda daughter of William de Lanvalei is due to a clerical error, for which see, CP, 10: 373n.
107 Annales de Oseneia, in AM, 4: 80.
108 Close Rolls, 1231–1234, 435–436, 439.
109 Wendover, 3: 89; Annales de Theokesberia, in AM, 1: 93; Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 137; Close Rolls, 1231–1234, 440, 447; for the use of knighting to void (minor) clerical orders, J. Dunbabin, ‘From clerk to knight: Changing orders’, in The Ideals and Practice of Medieval Knighthood, 2, ed. C. Harper-Bill and R. Harvey (Woodbridge, 1988), 26–39. For the homage of Franco le Tyes at court to Earl Gilbert for his Irish lands, Close Rolls, 1231–1234, 474. Gilbert was present in his capacity as marshal at the coronation of Queen Eleanor in January 1236: ‘whose office is to seat the crowd in the king's house, to make household payments and keep the doors of the king's hall’, RBE, 1: 759.
110 Crouch, ‘Gilbert Marshal’, 8–9.
111 Curia Regis Rolls, 15: 248. A further concord relating to the countess's claims in Netherwent was drawn up on 26 September 1234 (no. 207).
112 The Red Book of the Earls of Kildare, ed. G. Mac Niocaill (Irish MSS Commission, 1964), 18–19. For the date, Pembs County History, 61; Annales de Oseneia, in AM, 4: 81. The other party is called the communa of magnates and sworn-men loyal to the king in Ireland in one royal writ, Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 69. The animosity was still bubbling on in 1240, however, when Gilbert finally gave up his mortal enmity against the justiciar on Maurice's undertaking to found a monastery to expiate Richard Marshal's death, Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 151.
113 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 87.
114 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 96; National Archives (PRO), E159/14, m. 19.
115 Cal.Ch. Rolls 1: 197. Earl Gilbert took the first opportunity to levy an aid on Pevensey and its honor, to maximize its value while he held it, Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 89.
116 Annales de Theokesberia, in AM, 1: 96.
117 Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 143. She is Margareta in her surviving charter to Reading abbey, Reading Abbey Cartularies, 2: 229.
118 Close Rolls, 1232–1237, 350.
119 BrutT (Peniarth), s.a. 1236; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 153; Close Rolls, 1232–1237, 350, 369, 370.
120 Paris, 3: 522–524; 4: 3–4.
121 Annales de Theokesberia, in AM 1: 115.
122 BrutT (Peniarth), s.a. 1240; Annales Cambriae, 83; Pembs County History, 62–63.
123 Annales de Theokesberia, in AM, 1: 117.
124 Pembs County History, 63–64; Curia Regis Rolls, 16: 287–290.
125 Paris, 4: 495.
126 Paris, 4: 135–136 see, Crouch, D., Tournament (London, 2005), 194–195Google Scholar.
127 Close Rolls, 1237–1242, 320, 328–329. In legitima potestate et viduetate mea, Marjorie, countess of Pembroke made a grant at Caversham for Earl Gilbert's soul, funding a lamp before the image of the Virgin in the chapel there, Oxford, Christchurch mun. DY 13(a), m. 5, and she confirmed several grants to Reading Abbey in Caversham in 1244, Reading Abbey Cartularies, 2: 229.
128 Paris, 4: 396; Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 271.
129 HWM, 2: lines 14893–14898.
130 The manor was said to have been given Walter by his father in vita sua, Close Rolls, 1227–1231, 527.
131 Close Rolls, 1227–1231, 527, 539, 552.
132 Wendover, 3: 84. Wendover's conviction that Walter Marshal was under age or only newly knighted at this time tends to invalidate this anecdote's authority.
133 National Archives (PRO), C60/37, m. 7. The king was apparently at Clarendon Palace, near Salisbury, when he heard.
134 Close Rolls, 1237–1242, 320–321.
135 Close Rolls, 1237–1242, 365. RCWL, 1: 182.
136 Paris, 4: 157–158.
137 Annales de Theokesberia, in AM, 1: 120.
138 Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 54. For Margaret, see Wilkinson, L., ‘Pawn and political player: Observations on the life of a thirteenth-century countess’, Historical Research, 73 (2000), 105–123CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
139 Annales de Theokesberia, in AM, 1: 121; Walter attested at Westminster 7 and 9 January 1242, RCWL, 1: 184. For the death of Hawise of Chester, National Archives (PRO), C60/40, m. 5. Walter was enjoying a maritagium from her in the counties of Lincolnshire, Lancashire and Yorkshire, in November 1242, ibid. m. 8.
140 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 289.
141 Paris, 4: 229
142 Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 246–247.
143 Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 271.
144 Annales Cambriae, 86.
145 Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 327, 332.
146 National Archives (PRO), E159/23, m. 1; Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 446.
147 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 468.
148 Annales Cambriae, 86; Paris, 4: 491; Liber Primus, 65; Harrison, ‘Tintern’, 93. The Tintern obituary date is preferred here as to his date of death. His testament is noted in National Archives (PRO), E368/17, mm. 7, 8d, his lay executors being the Marcher baron John II, Lord of Monmouth, and William of Wilton, his seneschal of Netherwent.
149 Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 376–377, 379. There is a note of her long dower tenure of Inkberrow, which was valued during her time at £80 17s 1¼d, National Archives (PRO), KB27/25 m 42d.
150 National Archives (PRO), KB27/1 m. 18; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1247–1258, 41.
151 HWM, 2: lines 18136–18157.
152 Close Rolls, 1232–1237, 32.
153 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 468.
154 Annales Cambriae, 86; Liber Primus, 65, for the place of death. The Tintern obituaries and annals give 23 or 24 December as his date of death, Harrison, ‘Tintern Abbey Chronicles’, 92, 93. Matthew Paris also says 23 December (the third day before Christmas by medieval inclusive calculation), Paris, 4: 491.
155 Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 384.
156 Liber Primus, 65. For the charter of Matilda marescalla, countess of Winchester, to Brackley hospital, where she chose burial, Oxford, Magdalen College, B 106. The unheard-of extinction of five male heirs without legitimate issue led to a long excursus on the subject by Matthew Paris, who (reflecting perhaps on the Irish lineage of their mother) claimed that when her boys were in their prime she had tearfully foretold that all would be earls and lords of the same county. Paris preferred to believe that the elder Marshal's vendetta against the bishop of Ferns and his subsequent excommunication for his abstractions from the episcopal estates resulted in a curse that terminated his lineage, Paris, 4: 492–495.
157 Rot. Litt. Clausarum 2: 85. Mitchell, L.E., ‘Maud Marshal and Margaret Marshal: Two viragos extraordinaire’, in The Ties that Bind: Essays in Medieval British History in Honour of Barbara Hanawalt, ed. Mitchell, L.E., French, K.L., and Biggs, D.L. (Farnham, 2011), 121–129Google Scholar, offers a brief study of her life.
158 HWM, 2: lines 14915–14928.
159 HWM, 2: lines 18509, 18559–18570.
160 BL MS Cotton Vespasian, F xv (Cartulary of Lewes Priory), fo. 26v.
161 Annales de Dunstaplia, in AM, 3: 94, says the marriage happened ‘immediately’ (statim) on Earl Hugh's death. See on this Morris, Bigod Earls, 2–3.
162 National Archives (PRO), C60/24, m. 2; Morris, Bigod Earls, 4–5
163 Rot. Litt. Clausarum, 2: 82. The order for assignment of dower had been made as early as 18 February 1225, National Archives (PRO), C60/22, m. 3.
164 National Archives (PRO), E40/5074.
165 CP, 12, pt 1: 503.
166 Close Rolls, 1237–1242, 196, 202, 212, 214, 316.
167 Close Rolls, 1237–1242, 349
168 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1232–1247, 271, 288; Close Rolls, 1237–1242, 476–477.
169 Close Rolls, 1242–1247, 443.
170 Register of Dunbrody, 143; Harrison, ‘Tintern’, 92.
171 London, College of Arms, MS Philipot, 12. 80, fo. 60r. Like the Tintern annals the epitaph says of her last journey that her four sons, all knights, assembled at Tintern, the three Bigods and John of Warenne, joining together to bear her body that day.