¹ Taylor, Charles, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 11.Google Scholar

² Taylor, Charles, “Two Theories of Modernity,” in Alternative Modernities, ed. Gaonkar, Dilip (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999), 179.Google Scholar

³ President George W. Bush, at www.whitehouse.gov.news/releases/2002/01/20020129-11.html (accessed May 10, 2008).

⁴ In 2005, the French Interior Minister (now President) Nicolas Sarkozy used the term “racaille”—a pejorative term which translates as “scum”—to refer to French citizens of immigrant descent at the heart of the suburbs crisis (“Nicolas Sarkozy continue de vilipender ‘racailles et voyous,’” Le Monde, November 11, 2005).

⁵ Brown, Wendy, “Tolerance As/In Civilizational Discourse,” in Toleration and Its Limits, ed. Williams, Melissa S. (New York: New York University Press, 2008), 409.Google Scholar

⁶ When I speak of Modernity, I refer to a philosophical period characterized by the growth of reason which yielded universal claims about the common rationality and moral egalitarianism of all humans. Because of the salience of moral egalitarianism, Modernity entails a political link to the concept of universal human rights, and thus subsequently to liberalism and democracy. Taylor suggests it is “more appropriate to think of multiple modernities, and recognize that Western modernity might be powered by its own version of the good—that is, by one constellation of the good among many” (“Two Theories of Modernity,” 136). That said, it is also important to recognize how “Western modernity,” because it is the dominant form, circumscribes how the human is measured, and what this means for its egalitarian principles.

⁷ Studies that explore this theme are Methna, Uday S., “Liberal Strategies of Exclusion,” Politics and Society 18, no. 4 (1990): 427–54;Google ScholarTaylor, Charles, “Dynamics of Democratic Exclusion,” Journal of Democracy 9, no. 4 (1998): 143–56;CrossRefGoogle ScholarParekh, Bhikhu, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000);Google ScholarJanara, Laura, “Brothers and Others: Tocqueville and Beaumont, U.S. Genealogy, Democracy, and Racism,” Political Theory 32, no. 6 (2004): 773–800.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ Pagden, Anthony, “Human Rights, Natural Rights, and Europe's Imperial Legacy,” Political Theory 31, no. 2 (2003): 192–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹ Todorov, Tzvetan, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other (New York: Harper and Rowe, 1984), 4–5.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Castro, Daniel, Another Face of Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007), 163.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Among the many works on this subject, see Hanke, Lewis, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949);Google ScholarPrats, Jaime Brufau, La escuela de Salamanca ante el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mundo (Salamanca: Editorial San Estében, 1989).Google Scholar

¹² As one scholar recently observed, the Valladolid debates “[have] not yet earned a secure place in the ‘cultural literacy’ of most educated Anglophones” (Lupher, David, Romans in a New World: Classical Models in Sixteenth Century Spanish America [Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2003], 57Google Scholar). On the details of the debate, see Andujar, Eduardo, “Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda: Moral Theology versus Political Philosophy,” in Hispanic Philosophy in the Age of Discovery, ed. White, Kevin (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1997), 69–87.Google Scholar

¹³ Pagden, Anthony, The Fall of Natural Man (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 45.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Elshtain, Jean Bethke, Just War against Terror: The Burden of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 2003), 6.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Crawford, Neta, “Just War Theory and the U.S. Counter-terror War,” Perspectives on Politics 1, no. 1 (2003), 17–19;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWallerstein, Immanuel, European Universalism: The Rhetoric of Power (New York: The New Press, 2006), 74.Google Scholar

¹⁶ On the other currents of thought that influenced Sepúlveda, see Lupher, Romans, 104–11.

¹⁷ Lupher, Romans, 112. There is as yet no English translation of this work. I use the Latin-Spanish edition Demócrates Segundo o de las justas causas de la guerra contra los indios, ed. Angel Losada (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1984). All translations are my own.

¹⁸ See also Leopold's questions about whether war was the beast means to assimilate the Indians (25–27, 76), his belief that the Spanish ought to “give restitution for all the goods taken from the Indians” in these “unjust” and “cruel” wars (28), and his recognition that the Indians have dominium (43, 68–69).

¹⁹ de Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés, Epistolario de Juan Gines de Sepúlveda, trans. Losada, Angel (Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispanica, 1966), 234;Google Scholar my translation. Aristotle was by no means accepted as the moral and political authority by all thinkers at the time, and among those who valued his ideas, there was significant disagreement about how to interpret them; see Nederman, Cary, “The Meaning of ‘Aristotelianism’ in Medieval Moral and Political Thought,” Journal of the History of Ideas 57, no. 4 (1996): 563–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ de Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés, Tratados Politicos de Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, trans. Losada, Angel (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Politicos, 1966), 198–99; my translation.Google Scholar

²¹ Todorov, Conquest of America, 152–53.

²² de Vitoria, Francisco, Political Writings, ed. Pagden, Anthony and Lawrance, Jeremy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 290–91;Google Scholar for a discussion, see Pagden, Fall of Natural Man, 97–106.

²³ Sepúlveda is not the first to apply the natural slave theory. On his predecessors, such as John Mair, Gil Gregorio, Bernardo de Mesa, and Palacios Rubios, see Pagden, Fall of Natural Man, 37–56.

²⁴ There is a debate about what Sepúlveda actually meant by the term “natura serva.” See Hanke, Lewis, Aristotle and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (London: Hollis and Carter, 1959)Google Scholar; Fernández-Santamaria, J. A., “Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda on the Nature of the American Indians,” The Americas 31, no. 4 (1975): 450CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Quirk, R. E., “Some Notes on a Controversial Controversy,” Hispanic American Historical Review 34, no. 3 (1954): 357–64, for alternative interpretations.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁵ Pagden, Fall of Natural Man, 112.

²⁶ de Sepúlveda, Juan Gínes, Apologia: Juan Gines de Sepúlveda, Bartolomé de las Casas, trans. Losada, Angel (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1975), 332–37; my translation.Google Scholar

²⁷ de Las Casas, Bartolomé, In Defense of the Indians, trans. Poole, Stafford (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1999), 47.Google Scholar

²⁸ Bell, A. F. G., Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1925).Google Scholar

²⁹ Fernández-Santamaria, “Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda,” 450.

³⁰ Pagden, Fall of Natural Man, 116.

³¹ Las Casas's admirers are numerous, and I list only some: Gutiérrez, Gustavo, Las Casas: In Search of the Poor of Jesus Christ, trans. Barr, Robert R. (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1993)Google Scholar; Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians; Alker, Hayward Jr., “The Humanistic Moment in International Studies: Reflections on Machiavelli and Las Casas,” International Studies Quarterly 36, no. 4 (1992): 347–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zavala, Silvio, La filosofía política en la conquista de América (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1947)Google Scholar; Beuchot, Mauricio, Los fundamentos de los derechos humanos en Bartolomé de las Casas (Barcelona: Editorial Anthropos, 1994).Google Scholar

³² In claiming Las Casas is less tolerant than commonly portrayed, I draw attention to the fact that his arguments contain elements of inegalitarianism as opposed to unlimited respect for the Other, and that these elements contributed to solidifying the legitimacy of this assimilationist tolerance of the Other in Modernity. On the medieval sources that may have inspired and limited Las Casas's understanding of tolerance, see Moore, R. I., The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe 950–1250 (Oxford: Blackwell Press, 1987).Google Scholar

³³ Castro, Another Face of Empire, 13.

³⁴ On Las Casas's sources, see Nederman, Cary, Worlds of Difference: European Discourses of Toleration, 1100–1550 (State College, PA: Penn State University Press, 2000)Google Scholar, chap. 7, in which the author explains Las Casas's debt to Cicero; Pennington, Kenneth Jr., “Bartolomé de Las Casas and the Tradition of Medieval Law,” Church History 39, no. 2 (1970): 149–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Tierney, Brian, The Idea of Natural Rights: Studies on Natural Rights, Natural Law and Church Law, 1150–1625 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 272–87.Google Scholar On the importance of experience in Las Casas's defense of the Indians, see Pagden, Anthony, “Ius et Factum: Text and Experience in the Writings of Bartolomé de las Casas,” Representations, no. 33 (1991): 147–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁵ Pagden, Fall of Natural Man, 129–31.

³⁶ Nederman, Worlds of Difference, 113–14.

³⁷ Brian Tierney, The Idea of Natural Rights, 285; Cornish, Paul J., “Spanish Thomism and the American Indians,” in Difference and Dissent: Theories of Tolerance in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Nederman, Cary J. and Laursen, John Christian (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 1996), 109–12.Google Scholar

³⁸ Nederman, Worlds of Difference, 112.

³⁹ Todorov, The Conquest of America, 163–65.

⁴⁰ Nederman, Worlds of Difference, 101–2.

⁴¹ Nederman, Worlds of Difference, 111.

⁴² Brown, “Tolerance As/In Civilizational Discourse,” 431.

⁴³ The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, ed. Miguel Leon Portilla (Boston: Beacon Books, 1992), 145–49; Le Clezio, J. M. G., The Mexican Dream: Or, The Interrupted Thought of Amerindian Civilizations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Castro, Another Face of Empire, 179.

⁴⁵ de Gain, Phillipe, “L'influence de Las Casas dans l'Essai sur les Moeurs de Voltaire,” Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, no. 341 (1996): 149.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Marmontel, , Les Incas, ou la destruction de l'empire de Pérou (Paris: Chez Lacombe, 1777), xxi; my translation.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ De Pauw, , Recherches philosophiques sur les Américains (Cleves, 1772), 1:168Google Scholar. All translations of de Pauw are my own.

⁴⁸ Pitts, Jennifer, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 197–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ De Pauw, Recherches, 2:172.

⁵⁰ Gerbi, Antonello, The Dispute of the New World: The History of a Polemic, 1750–1900 (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 1973), 52.Google Scholar

⁵¹ De Pauw, Recherches, 2:232.

⁵² De Pauw, Recherches, 1:iv.