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² See Gatewood, Willard B. Jr. “Bridging the ‘Insuperable Chasm’: American Images of Spain, 1890–1917” (Paper presented at the University of Florida “Spain and the United States International Symposium,” 3–7 12 1979), p. 4Google Scholar. This excellent paper has provided a wealth of material for this article. Bates, Katherine Lee, Spanish Highways and Byways (New York, 1905), pp. 2–3Google Scholar, found Spaniards “tender and cruel, boastful and humble, frank and secretive, and all at once.”

³ On shifting attitudes of the Western world in general toward the New World Indian, a phenomenon which I have found highly suggestive in explaining changes in North American attitudes toward Spainards, see Berkhofer, Robert E. Jr., The White Man's Indian (New York, 1979)Google Scholar; and Keen, Benjamin, The Aztec Image in Western Thought (New Brunswick, N.J., 1971)Google Scholar. See also Honour, Hugh, The New Golden Land: European Images of America from the Discoveries to the Present Time (New York, 1975)Google Scholar; and Dudley, Edward and Novak, Maximilian E., The Wild Man Within: An Image in Western Thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh, 1972).Google Scholar

⁴ See Edinger, Edward F., Ego and Archetype: Individuation and the Religious Function of the Psyche (Baltimore, 1973), p. 5 ff.Google Scholar

⁵ See Erikson, Erik H., Dimensions of a New Identity (New York, 1974), pp. 70–71Google Scholar. In treating the negative identity, Erikson seems to be drawing on Jung's concept of the shadow. For a concise treatment of the shadow injungian psychiatry, see von Franz, Marie-Louise, “The Process of Individuation,” in Jung et. al., Man and His Symbols (New York, 1964), p. 168 ff.Google Scholar

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⁷ Literature reviling Spaniards and Spanish Americans because of their racial “mongrelization” is dealt with admirably by Powell, Philip Wayne, Tree of Hate: Propaganda: mid Prejudices Affecting United States Relations with the Hispanic World (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

⁸ See Gatewood, , “Bridging the ‘Insuperable Chasm,’” pp. 5–6Google Scholar. Invaluable in presenting Northern images of Southerners that could readily be transferred to Spaniards is Luraghi, Raimondo, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation South (New York, 1978.)Google Scholar

⁹ See Moorhead, James, American Apocalypse: Yankee Protestants and the Civil War, 1860–1869 (New Haven, 1979).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ingalls, , America's Struggle for Humanity (New York, 1898), p. 26.Google Scholar

¹¹ See Piaget, Jean and Inhelder, Barbel, Psychology of the Child, trans. Weaver, H. (New York, 1969), esp. pp. 93–103Google Scholar; and Lidz, R. W., Lidz, T., and Burton-Bradley, B. G., “Culture, Personality, and Social Structure: Cargo-Culturism — A Psychological Study of Melanesian Millenarianism,” Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases, 157 (1973), esp. 370–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an overview of this subject, rich in bibliographic citations, see Radding, Charles M., “Superstition to Science: Nature, Fortune, and the Passing of the Medieval Ordeal,” American Historical Review, 84 (1979), esp. 953–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Gatewood, , “Bridging the ‘Insuperable Chasm,’” pp. 9, 11, 12, 13.Google Scholar

¹³ See Gibson, Charles, ed., The Black Legend: Anti-Spanish Attitudes in the Old World and the New World (New York, 1971)Google Scholar, Keen, Benjamin, “The Black Legend Revisited: Assumptions and Realities,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 49 (1969), 703–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, one of the entries in the debate carried on in the pages of this journal by Keen and Lewis Hanke over how much truth inhered in the Black Legend; and Maltby, William S., The Black Legend in England: The Development of Anti-Spanish Sentiment, 1558–1660 (Durham, N.C., 1971).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Edinger, , Ego and Archetype, p. 237.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Lea, , A History of the Inquisition in Spain, 4 vols. (New York, 1906–1907), 1Google Scholar; v; and Chapters from the Religious History of Spain Connected with the Inquisition (New York, 1890), p. 15.Google Scholar

¹⁶ On the adversary relationship with nature that has typified much of Western modernity, see Lovelock, J. E., Gaia: A New Look at Life on Earth (New York, 1979)Google Scholar, and various works of Roszak, Theodore, among them The Creative Disintegration of Industrial Society (New York, 1978).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Fanon, , The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Farrington, Constance (New York, 1963), p. 198.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Among the many studies dealing with late nineteenth-century disillusionment with individualism and the desire to strengthen ties of community are Gilbert, James, Designing the Industrial State: The Intellectual Pursuit of Collectivism in America, 1880–1940 (Chicago, 1972)Google Scholar; Hoeveler, David Jr., The New Humanism: A Critique of Modern America, 1900–1940 (Charlotte, N. C., 1977)Google Scholar; and McWilliams, Wilson C., The Idea of Fraternity in America (Berkeley, 1974).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Two interesting figures in America's cult of the Middle Ages were Ralph Adams Cram (b. 1863) and Vida Scudder (b. 1861). Staunchly conservative in his views, Cram wrote the introduction to Adams, Henry's influential Mont-Saint Michel and Chartres (Boston, 1905)Google Scholar. A prolific author in his own right, Cram, 's works include The Gothic Quest, 2d ed. (New York, 1918)Google Scholar and his autobiography, My Life in Architecture (New York, 1936)Google Scholar. More progressive in her social-political views, Scudder found timeless relevance in the religious communities of the Middle Ages. See her The Franciscan Adventure (London, 1931)Google Scholar and her autobiography, On Journey (New York, 1937)Google Scholar. On this subject see also Gleason, Philip, The Conservative Reformers: German-American Catholics and the Social Order (Notre Dame, 1968).Google Scholar

²⁰ See Chadwick, F. E. to Roosevelt, Theodore, 6 07 1908Google Scholar, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Library of Congress; and Chadwick, , The Relations of the United States and Spain (New York, 1909), pp. 3–12Google Scholar, cited by Gatewood, , “Bridging the ‘Insuperable Chasm,’” p. 13.Google Scholar

²¹ New York Times, 21 05 1898.Google Scholar

²² Bates, Katherine Lee, Spanish Highways, p. 39Google Scholar, describes Spanish civilization as “streaked … with Oriental barbarism,” but at the same time expresses high regard for that civilization. Perhaps she, along with other Americans, was finding it possible to admire Oriental culture in which a person's worth is defined in terms of his or her relationship to other people and even to the cosmos, rather than in terms of the absolute worth of the atomistic individual.

²³ Baumer, Franklin L., Modern European Thought: Continuity and Change in Ideas, 1600–1950 (New York, 1977)Google Scholar, develops the thesis that a key element in transition from traditional to modern societies is the increasing stress laid on becoming, and the progressive minimizing of being.

²⁴ Masterman, , The Condition of England (London, 1909), p. 208.Google Scholar

²⁵ Modern Art: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New York, 1978), p. 148.Google Scholar

²⁶ Bates, , Spanish Highways, p. 39.Google Scholar

²⁷ Frank, , Virgin Spain: Scenes from the Spiritual Drama of a Great People (London, 1926).Google Scholar

²⁸ See Skidelsky, Robert, “Keynes and His Parents,” Daedalus, Fall 1978, esp. pp. 71–72.Google Scholar

²⁹ See Burg, David F., Chicago's White City of 1893 (Lexington, Ky., 1976), pp. 109, 171.Google Scholar

³⁰ For comparative insights on this topic, see. Rosenthal, M. L., Sailing into the Unknown: Yeats, Pound, and Eliot (New York, 1978)Google Scholar. Useful for placing the matter in broader context is Braunthal, Alfred, Salvation and the Perfect Society: The Eternal Quest (Amherst, 1979).Google Scholar

³¹ Torodash, Martin, “Columbus Historiography since 1939,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 41 (1966), 409CrossRefGoogle Scholar, draws attention to the enduring scholarly and popular fascination with the Columbus theme. Surely, no attempt to account for this fascination will be complete unless it takes into account the psychological dimensions.

³² Chicago Tribune, 12 07 1898.Google Scholar

³³ Important evidence of a revised, favorable view toward Spain's New World imperialism is afforded by Bourne, Edward G.'s entry in the old American Nation Series, Spain in America, 1450–1580 (New York, 1904)Google Scholar, as well as by the pioneering works of Herbert E. Bolton and other scholars associated with him at the University of California.

³⁴ See Oltra, Joaqui'n, “The Mexican War (1846–1848) in the Barcelona Press” (Paper presented at the University of Florida “Spain and the United States International Symposium” (3–7 12 1979), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

³⁵ See my Hispanismo, 1898–1936: Spanish Conservatives and Liberals and Their Relations with Spanish America (Notre Dame, 1971), pp. 48–49.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid., pp. 50–51, and chap. 5.

³⁷ See Maslow, , “A Theory of Human Motivation,” Psychological Review, 50 (1943), esp. 370–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “Toward a Humanistic Biology,” American Psychologist, 34 (1969), esp. 727–32.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Maeztu, , “El espíritu de la economía ibero-americana,” Revista de las Españas, nos. 9–11 (1927), esp. 341Google Scholar. Here Maeztu provides a succinct summary of a view he had been presenting for years.

³⁹ See Harrison, Joseph, An Economic History of Modern Spain (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; and vols. 4 and 6 of the Fontana Economic History of Europe (London, 1973; 1976).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See de la Dehesa, Rafael Pérez, El pensamiento de Costa y su influencia en el 98 (Madrid, 1966), p. 102Google Scholar. On Costa see also my “The New Corporation in Franco's Spain and Some Latin American Perspectives,” in Pike, and Stritch, Thomas J., eds., The New Corporatism: Social-Political Structures in the Iberian World (Notre Dame, 1974), pp. 172–76.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Costa, , Colectivismo agrario (Madrid, 1898), esp. pp. 66–67, 315, 228–42Google Scholar. See also my Hispanismo, p. 57passim.Google Scholar

⁴² See Desjeans, Mary Francis, “The Common Experience of the Russian Working Class: The Case of St. Petersburg 1892–1904” (Ph.d., diss., Duke University, 1970), esp. pp. 34–35, 39.Google Scholar

⁴³ See Berlin, Isaiah, “A Revolutionary without Fanaticism, “The New York Review of Books, 19 04 1979, p. 19.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Durkheim, , The Division of Labor in Society, trans. Simpson, George (New York, 1933), pp. 13, 26.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ On the illusion of self-discipline that arises when disciplining groups and institutions are ones with which the individual identifies, see Bergmann, Frithoj, On Being Free (Notre Dame, 1977), esp. pp. 10, 40, 48Google Scholar. For evidence of the enduring myth of corporatism's natural regulating advantages, see Eckstein, Harry, “On the ‘Science’ of the State,” Daedalus, Fall 1979, pp. 17–19.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ In his book On African Socialism (London, 1964), pp. 49, 109, 147Google Scholar, Senegal's Léopold Segar Senghor touches eloquently on these matters. “Negro-African society is collectivist, … more exactly, communal, because it is rather a communion of souls than an aggregate of individuals.…it is in the passage from individual to the collective that the individual becomes truly personalized and genuinely a human being.” The way in which the individual makes the passage from the limiting, earthbound individual ego to the transcending sense of membership in the organic community is described by Nkrumah, Ghana's Kwame in Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for De-Colonization and Development with a Particular Reference to the African Revolution (New York, 1965)Google Scholar. In a way, the concept of the loss of ego through identification with the group harks back to Rousseau's general will and has the potential for tyranny; for it allows the inevitably present leadership class to assert, regardless of how tyranically they govern, that their commands reflect perfectly the desires of the collectivity because they have been subsumed by the transcending group and their wills absorbed by the group's will. The few “deviants” who may object suffer, allegedly, from “false consciousness” of the collective will. An updating of this sort of political theorizing is provided by the Utopian Jamahiriya visions of Libya's Col. Quaddafi. (See “‘Iranians are our Brothers’: An Interview with Col. Muamar el-Quaddafi of Libya by Oriana Fallaci,” New York Times Magazine, 16 12 1979, pp. 116–28.)Google Scholar Furthermore, the Theology of Liberation's concept of Concientización strikes me as having its own potential for tyranny. Whether with Consciencism, Jamahiriya, Concientización, or the desire of cultists and rock concert enthusiasts to transcend ego consciousness, we are dealing with a projection of the psychic desire for a return to a state of paradisal wholeness and innocence. In such a state the ego is totally engulfed by the unconscious, and thus the psyche is at one with itself and altogether without conflict. But, in such a state, the ego is also the helpless puppet of the unchecked unconscious—even as the citizen who is fully absorbed by the group surrenders his autonomy to that group.

⁴⁷ Davidson, Basil, Let Freedom Come: Africa in Modern History (Boston, 1978), pp. 49–50.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See Jacobi, Jolande, The Psychology of C. G. Jung (New Haven, 1973), pp. 40–41Google Scholar; and Jung, , Psychology and Religion: West and East, trans. Hull, R. F. C. (New York, 1958), pp. 103–104.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ y Gasset, Ortega, Man and Crisis, trans. Adams, Mildred (New York, 1962), p. 185.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See the treatment of Ortega in Wohl, Robert, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979)Google Scholar. The desire to channel capitalism's awakened ego drives into the larger-thanself nation-state also characterizes the Opus Dei approach to Spanish regeneration in the post-Civil War era. See my “Capitalism and Consumerism in Spain of the 1960s: What Lessons for Latin American Development?” Inter-American Economic Affairs, 26 (1972), 34–36.Google Scholar

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