¹ Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989), 42–44, 57–59. See also Cowan, Brian, “The Rise of the Coffeehouse Reconsidered,” Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (2004): 24Google Scholar; Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005).

² James Quan Nicholls, The Politics of Alcohol (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), 53. Italics in the original.

³ John Durham Peters, Courting the Abyss: Free Speech and the Liberal Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 138. See also Alan McKee, The Public Sphere: An Introduction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 24.

⁴ Habermas, Structural Transformation, 66, 90.

⁵ While Habermas nominally mentions public houses in his account of the emergence of the public sphere, he does not elaborate upon their function and importance, nor does he clarify their formative influence on coffeehouses, salons, and Tischgesellschaften, which take pride of place in his narrative.

⁶ Judith Hunter, “English Inns, Taverns, Alehouses, and Brandy Shops: The Legislative Framework, 1495–1797,” in The World of the Tavern: Public Houses in Early Modern Europe, ed. Beat A. Kümin and B. Ann Tlusty (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2002), 65–82. See also Sidney Webb and Beatrice Webb, The History of Liquor Licensing in England (London: Longmans, Green, 1903).

⁷ Andy Wood, Riot, Rebellion, and Popular Politics in Early Modern England (Houndsmills, UK: Palgrave, 2002), 132–33, 172.

⁸ Ethan H. Shagan, Popular Politics and the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 58.

⁹ Habermas is aware of the role of emotion in the dynamics of the lifeworld and in more recent work he acknowledges reason's complex relationship to emotion, particularly in the realm of religion. As Habermas explains, “religious utterances belong to a kind of category of discourse in which you do not just move within a worldview or within a cognitive interpretation of a domain of human life, but you are speaking out, as I said, from an experience that is tied up with your membership in a community” (Jürgen Habermas, in The Power of Religion in the Public Sphere, ed. Judith Butler, Eduardo Mendieta, and Jonathan VanAntwerpen [New York: Columbia University Press, 2011], 115). At the same time, in Habermas's account, the terms of “experience” are rendered in largely abstract and formal terms and do not address the impact of gesture, feeling, and sentiment in the experiences of creating and sustaining membership.

¹⁰ Withington, Phil, “Intoxicants and Society in Early Modern England,” Historical Journal 54, no. 3 (2011): 637Google Scholar, 631.

¹¹ Oxford English Dictionary Online, 2nd ed., s.v. “intoxicate,” accessed May 2015, http://www.oed.com/.

¹² Withington, “Intoxicants and Society,” 636.

¹³ Michel Foucault, “Nietzsche, Genealogy, History,” in Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, ed. D. F. Bouchard and trans. Sherry Simon (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977), 146.

¹⁴ George Marcus, The Sentimental Citizen: Emotion in Democratic Politics (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002), 6–7.

¹⁵ See, for only a sampling, Rebecca Kingston and Leonard Ferry, eds., Bringing the Passions Back In: The Emotions in Political Philosophy (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008); Jon Elster, Strong Feelings: Emotion, Addiction, and Human Behavior (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999); Cheryl A. Hall, The Trouble with Passion: Political Theory beyond the Reign of Reason (New York: Routledge, 2005); Sharon Krause, Civil Passions: Moral Sentiment and Democratic Deliberation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008); Davide Panagia, The Political Life of Sensation (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009); Christina Tarnopolsky, Prudes, Perverts, and Tyrants: Plato's “Gorgias” and the Politics of Shame (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010); Judith Shklar, “The Liberalism of Fear,” in Liberalism and the Moral Life, ed. Nancy Rosenblum (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 21–38.

¹⁶ For example, Craig Calhoun, ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992); Michael Warner, Publics and Counterpublics (New York: Zone Books, 2005); After Habermas: New Perspectives on the Public Sphere, ed N. Crossley and Michael Roberts (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004); Iris Marion Young, Inclusion and Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), chaps. 4 and 5; Seyla Benhabib, ed., Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), esp. part 1. On the overly rigid divide between reason and emotion, see Brian Barry, Justice as Impartiality (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).

¹⁷ See Mackenzie, Iain and Porter, Robert, “Dramatization as Method in Political Theory,” Contemporary Political Theory 10, no. 4 (2011): 494CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ The historiography on Habermas is enormous and a number of important assessments in the past twenty years have sought to refine Habermas's thinking on early modern England. See Pincus, Steven, “Coffee Politicians Does Create: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture,” Journal of Modern History 67, no. 4 (1995): 807–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; David Zaret, Origins of Democratic Culture: Printing, Petitions, and the Public Sphere in Early-Modern England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee; Norbrook, David, “Women, the Republic of Letters, and the Public Sphere in the Mid-Seventeenth Century,” Criticism 46, no. 2 (2004): 223–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Central examples include Nicholls, The Politics of Alcohol; James Nicholls and Susan J. Owen, eds., A Babel of Bottles: Drink, Drinkers, and Drinking Places in Literature (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 2000); Adam Smyth, ed., A Pleasing Sinne: Drink and Conviviality in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Brewer, 2004); Joshua Scodel, Excess and the Mean in Early Modern Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002); George Evans Light, “Drunken Politics: Alcohol, Alehouses, and Theater in England, 1555–1700” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 1994); Keith Wrightson, “Alehouses, Order, and Reformation in Rural England, 1595–1660,” in Stephen and Eileen Yeo, Popular Culture and Class Conflict, 1590–1914 (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1981), 1–27; Peter Clark, “The Alehouse and the Alternative Society,” in Puritans and Revolutionaries: Essays in Seventeenth-Century History Presented to Christopher Hill, ed. D. Pennington and K. Thomas (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 47–72; A. Shepard, “‘Swil-bills and Tos-pots': Drink Culture and Male Bonding in Early Modern England,” in Love, Friendship and Faith in Europe, 1300–1800, ed. Laura Gowing, Michael Hunter, and Miri Rubin (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); Capp, Bernard S., “Gender and the Culture of the English Alehouse in Late Stuart England,” COLLeGIUM: Studies across Disciplines in the Humanities and Social Sciences 2 (2007): 103–27Google Scholar; S. Earnshaw, The Pub in Literature (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000); Peter Thompson, Rum Punch and Revolution: Taverngoing and Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998).

²⁰ On Deleuze's conception of dramatization, see MacKenzie and Porter, “Dramatization as Method,” 484.

²¹ Deleuze, Gilles, “The Method of Dramatisation,” Bulletin de la Société française de Philosophie 62 (1967): 107Google Scholar.

²² William E. Connolly, A World of Becoming (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011), 4.

²³ Habermas, Structural Transformation, 57.

²⁴ Ibid., 91.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Ibid., 30.

²⁷ Ibid., 36.

²⁸ Ibid., 37. Original emphasis.

²⁹ Cowan, Social Life of Coffee, 91, 105. Indeed, as Cowan notes (40–46), coffee had the reputation for reversing the effects of intoxication (and it also possessed a reputation as an antiaphrodisiac as well).

³⁰ Ibid., 149.

³¹ Habermas, Structural Transformation, 59. Moreover, as Steven Pincus points out, Habermas's narrative does not fully describe the shift in coffeehouse culture: the mid-seventeenth century coffeehouses were considerably more radical and politically fraught than their eighteenth-century Georgian counterparts which were more self-consciously civilized and civilizing (Pincus, “Coffee Politicians Does Create,” 807–34).

³² Habermas, Structural Transformation, 36, 90–92, 54–55.

³³ Cowan, Social Life of Coffee, 184. Also see Hunter, “English Inns.”

³⁴ Peter Clark, The English Alehouse: A Social History, 1200–1830 (London: Longman, 1983), 20–25; also Clark, “The Alehouse and the Alternative Society,” 53–57.

³⁵ Smyth, A Pleasing Sinne, xviii–ix. Beer and ale making enterprises created public spaces that stimulated political discussion and activities, and, according to a 1630s report, there were 30,000 alehouses in England and Wales.

³⁶ See, for example, Thomas Heywood, Philocothonista, or the Drunkard, Opened, Dissected, and Anatomized (London: Robert Raworth, 1635); Thomas Thompson, A Diet for a Drunkard (London: Richard Bankworth, 1612); William Prynne, Healthes: Sicknesse; or, A compendious and briefe Discourse… (London, 1628).

³⁷ Scodel, Excess and the Mean, 200.

³⁸ Ibid., 218.

³⁹ Nichols, The Politics of Alcohol, 53.

⁴⁰ Clark, “The Alehouse and the Alternative Society,” 57.

⁴¹ Ibid.

⁴² Kümin and Tlusty, The World of the Tavern, 7.

⁴³ Tim Harris, “Understanding Popular Politics in Restoration Britain,” in A Nation Transformed: England After the Restoration, ed. Alan Houston and Steven Pincus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 141.

⁴⁴ Mark Hailwood, Alehouses and Good Fellowship in Early Modern England (Martlesham: Boydell and Brewer, 2014), 66–67.

⁴⁵ Wood, Riot, Rebellion, and Popular Politics, 90–94.

⁴⁶ See Shagan, Popular Politics, 58; Mark Goldie, “The Unacknowledged Republic: Officeholding in Early Modern England,” in The Politics of the Excluded, c. 1500–1850, ed. Tim Harris (Houndmills, UK: Palgrave, 2001), 178–79.

⁴⁷ Clark, “The Alehouse and the Alternative Society,” 70; Smyth, A Pleasing Sinne, xx; Steve Hindle, The State and Social Change in Early Modern England, 1550–1640 (New York: St. Martin's, 2000), 20.

⁴⁸ In using the language of an “emerging” public sphere, I acknowledge the risk of “proleptic reconstruction.” See, for criticism, Condren, Conal, “Public, Private, and the Idea of the ‘Public Sphere’ in Early-Modern England,” Intellectual History Review 19, no. 1 (2009): 15CrossRefGoogle Scholar. My use of the term “emerging” signals a protean state rather than a progressive movement toward a formal public sphere. In that sense, it is closer to Connolly's sense of “becoming” as a “fugitive possibility” where there are “reverberations back and forth between past and present, with each folding into the other and both surging toward the future, that make all the difference to life” (Connolly, A World of Becoming, 4).

⁴⁹ Clark treats the alehouse as an alternative society and as a refuge from effects of large-scale economic change. Wrightson focuses on the growing importance of the alehouse as an antielite center for communal relations.

⁵⁰ Beat Kümin, Drinking Matters: Public Houses and Social Exchange in Early Modern Central Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 50–74.

⁵¹ Cowan, “The Coffeehouse Reconsidered,” 26. As Cowan explains, “the survival of the coffeehouses in the later seventeenth century depended as much on the ability of coffeehouse-keepers to present themselves to their sovereign as well as to their fellow citizens as law-abiding, respectable, and legally enfranchised members of the body politic.”

⁵² Nicholls, Politics of Alcohol, 5–6; Hunter, “English Inns,” 65.

⁵³ Goldie, “The Unacknowledged Republic,” 155.

⁵⁴ Withington, , “Public Discourse, Corporate Citizenship, and State Formation in Early Modern England,” American Historical Review 112, no. 4 (2007): 1026CrossRefGoogle Scholar. “Successful government required at once a persuasive center and participatory locales—or, as historians have shown, male heads of household from the middle and upper echelons of particular communities willing to take on the increasing burdens and responsibilities of public office for social rather than bureaucratic reasons.”

⁵⁵ Hailwood, Alehouses and Good Fellowship, 30–31.

⁵⁶ Ibid., 33–35; James Brown, “Alehouse Licensing and State Formation in Early Modern England,” in Intoxicants and Society: Problematic Pleasures of Drugs and Alcohol, ed. Jonathan Herring, Ciaran Regan, Darin Weinberg, and Phil Withington (Houndmills, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 120. One of the most prominent modes of negotiating the scope of the alehouse was through petitions. Some of these petitions sought to limit the presence of alehouses, while others offered defenses of public houses. In most cases, petitioners couched their arguments in terms of public good and community needs. Take, for example, petitioners in Glastonbury in 1635, who argued that, as “men of the best qualetie,” they were “much prejudiced and decaied” by the “multitude of Alehowses” (Somerset, Quarter Sessions, Records, II, 248).

⁵⁷ Phil Withington, “Intoxicants and the Early Modern City,” in Remaking English Society, ed. Steve Hindle, Alexandra Shepard, and John Walter (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2013), 157.

⁵⁸ See especially Patrick Collinson, De Republica Anglorum; or, History with the Politics Put Back: Inaugural Lecture, Delivered 9 November 1989 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 19.

⁵⁹ Conal Condren, Argument and Authority in Early Modern England: The Presupposition of Oaths and Offices (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 29.

⁶⁰ Withington, “Public Discourse, Corporate Citizenship,” 1026, 1027–28.

⁶¹ Withington, “Intoxicants and the Early Modern City,” 157. See also Steve Hindle, “The Keeping of the Public Peace,” in The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England, ed. Paul Griffiths, Adam Fox, and Steve Hindle (London: Macmillan, 1996), 218–19.

⁶² Jason Frank, Constituent Moments: Enacting the People in Postrevolutionary America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 129.

⁶³ Clark, The English Alehouse; David Courtwright, Forces of Habit: Drugs and the Making of the Modern World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001).

⁶⁴ James Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990), 120. On Scott and early modern English popular politics, see also Andy Wood, Riot, Rebellion, and Popular Politics, 67–98; Wood, The 1549 Rebellions and the Making of Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Wood, The Memory of the People: Custom and Popular Senses of the Past in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

⁶⁵ Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 120–21, 20. Among historians, a distinction is often made between the subversive rebellion of the alehouse and the more middlebrow and elite tavern. Andy Wood, Adam Fox, and John Walter, for example, support Scott's position and also agree that alehouses sponsored seditious muttering against social superiors.

⁶⁶ Michelle O'Callaghan, The English Wits: Literature and Sociability in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); O'Callaghan, “Tavern Societies, the Inns of Court, and the Culture of Conviviality in Early 17th Century England,” in A Pleasing Sinne, 37–51. See also Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies, 1580–1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

⁶⁷ O'Callaghan, “Tavern Societies,” 39.

⁶⁸ Ibid. See also John Timbs, Clubs and Club Life in London: From the 17th Century to the Present Time (London: Chatto and Windus, 1872; repr. 1967).

⁶⁹ The O.E.D. references J. Hartcliffe, Treat Virtues 73 (1691): “They thought, their Counsels might want Vigour, when they were sober, as well as Caution, when they had drank.” For a related emphasis on the civic dimensions of enthusiasm in early America, see Jason Frank, “‘Besides Our Selves’: An Essay on Enthusiastic Politics and Civil Subjectivity,” Public Culture 17, no. 3 (2005): 371–92.

⁷⁰ O'Callaghan, “Tavern Societies,” 37.

⁷¹ Zaret, Origins of Democratic Culture, 105.

⁷² O'Callaghan, The English Wits, 1.

⁷³ Ibid., 72.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 71.

⁷⁵ Ibid. See also, on the English practice of drinking healths, The Works of Voltaire: A Philosophical Dictionary, trans. William Fleming (Akron, OH: Werner, 1904), 170.

⁷⁶ Pepys, “Roaring Dick of Dover; or, The Joviall Good Fellow of Kent” (1632), English Broadside Ballad Archive (UCSB), http://ebba.english.ucsb.edu/ballad/20204/xml, accessed April 2015.

⁷⁷ Ibid.

⁷⁸ O'Callaghan, The English Wits, 4–5.

⁷⁹ Lemon, Rebecca, “Compulsory Conviviality in Early Modern England,” English Literary Renaissance 43, no. 3 (2013): 381–414CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁰ O'Callaghan, The English Wits, 4.

⁸¹ Condren, “Idea of the ‘Public Sphere,’” 21.

⁸² O'Callaghan, The English Wits, 69.

⁸³ Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. Mark Goldie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), chap. 8, 57–58. O'Callaghan also makes this point in her argument on English wit, as does Withington in his discussion of society and company. A number of contemporary treatments of Hobbes's materialism share a similar interpretation. See, for example, James Martel, Subverting Leviathan: Reading Thomas Hobbes as a Radical Democrat (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007); Samantha Frost, Lessons from a Materialist Thinker: Hobbesian Reflections on Ethics and Politics (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008).

⁸⁴ Hobbes, Leviathan, 57–58.

⁸⁵ Ibid., 57, my emphasis.

⁸⁶ O'Callaghan, The English Wits, 64.

⁸⁷ Ibid., 74.

⁸⁸ Hobbes, Leviathan, 57–58.

⁸⁹ See Jürgen Habermas, “Further Reflections on the Public Sphere,” in Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992), 421–40.

⁹⁰ Warner, Publics and Counterpublics, 65–124, and Frank, Constituent Moments.

⁹¹ Angela McShane Jones, “Roaring Royalists and Ranting Brewers: The Politicisation of Drink and Drunkenness in Political Broadside Ballads from 1640 to 1689,” in A Pleasing Sinne, 74. See also McShane, , “Material Culture and ‘Political Drinking’ in Seventeenth-Century England,” Past and Present, supplement 9 (2014): 247–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. “The imagery of ‘popular’ ale and beer and wine as the natural drink of an elite, was an ideal vehicle with which to express dissatisfaction with government by the lower classes and the exile of the rightful king whose rights were bound up with the Cavaliers' own… . This imagery was further augmented in ballads by the linking of Cromwell and his government with the brewing trade.”

⁹² McShane Jones, “Roaring Royalists,” 75.

⁹³ Ibid.

⁹⁴ Keblusek, “Wine for Comfort: Drinking and the Royalist Exile Experience,” in A Pleasing Sinne, 57.

⁹⁵ McShane Jones, “Roaring Royalists,” 73.

⁹⁶ Ibid., 71. See also Firth, C. H., “The Royalists under the Protectorate,” English Historical Review 52, no. 208 (1937): 634–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁷ McShane Jones, “Roaring Royalists,” 75.

⁹⁸ Ibid. 71–73.

⁹⁹ Ibid.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid.

¹⁰¹ Natascha Würzbach, The Rise of the English Street Ballad, 1550–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 98.

¹⁰² Fumerton, Patricia, “Not Home: Alehouses, Ballads, and the Vagrant Husband in Early Modern England,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 32, no. 3 (2002): 499CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰³ Deleuze, Gilles, “The Method of Dramatisation,” Bulletin de la Société française de Philosophie, no. 62 (1967): 107Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Alexander Brome, Songs and other poems (London, 1668).

¹⁰⁵ Elisabeth Anker, Orgies of Feeling: Melodrama and the Politics of Feeling (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014), 32.

¹⁰⁶ Ibid., 35.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 34.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid.

¹⁰⁹ In Brome, Songs and other poems.

¹¹⁰ McShane Jones, “Material Culture and ‘Political Drinking,’” 261–62.

¹¹¹ Ibid., 250.

¹¹² Nicholls, The Politics of Alcohol, 28–29.

¹¹³ Scodel, Excess and the Mean, 245–46. To be sure, even excess had its limits. Contemporary accounts noted, for example, that celebration could veer into the grotesque. According to Scodel, “Samuel Pepys found the celebratory healths ‘too much,’ causing him and his companions to vomit. In August 1660 Charles II himself issued a proclamation condemning those who gave ‘no other evidence of their affection for us but in Drinking Our health.’”

¹¹⁴ McShane Jones, “Roaring Royalists,” 78.

¹¹⁵ Ibid., 77.

¹¹⁶ Tim Harris, London Crowds in the Reign of Charles II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). See also Harris, editor's introduction to Popular Culture in England, c. 1500–1850 (London: Macmillan, 1995), 6–8.

¹¹⁷ Cowan, Social Life of Coffee, 104–6.

¹¹⁸ Daniel Defoe, A Tour thro’ the Whole Island of Great Britain (1724–26), vol. 1 (New York: Penguin, 1971), “Shrewsbury”: “I found there the most coffee houses around the Town Hall that ever I saw in any town, but when you come into them they are but ale houses, only they think that the name coffee house gives a better air.”

¹¹⁹ Murphy, Andrew R., “Trial Transcript as Political Theory: Principles and Performance in the Penn-Mead Case,” Political Theory 41, no. 6 (2013): 800–802CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁰ Ibid. As Murphy explains, these nonconventional political texts “all… share an experiential element, in which political theory maintains a constant present outside the bounds of canonical treatises and traditional venues.”

¹²¹ Tim Harris, “The Battle for the Allegiance of the Common People,” in Politics of the Excluded, 210, 208.

¹²² Ibid., 202–3.

¹²³ Scodel, Excess and the Mean, 246. See also The Collected Works of Abraham Cowley, ed. Thomas O. Calhoun, Laurence Heyworth, and Allan Pritchard, 2 vols. (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993).

¹²⁴ McShane Jones, “Roaring Royalists,” 77.

¹²⁵ Frank, Constituent Moments, 130–31.

¹²⁶ Foucault, “Nietzsche, Genealogy, History,” 146.

¹²⁷ Achilleos, “The Anacreontea and a Tradition of Refined Male Sociability,” in A Pleasing Sinne, 23; see also Achilleos, “The Anacreontic and the Growth of Sociability in Early Modern England,” Appositions: Studies in Renaissance/Early Modern Literature and Culture 1 (2008), http://appositions.blogspot.com, accessed May 2015.

¹²⁸ Achilleos, “The Anacreontea and a Tradition,” 33. Ben Jonson's eighteenth-century “sons”—Richard Browe, Thomas Nabbes, Thomas Killigrew, Sir William Davenant, William Cartwright, and William Cavendish, among others—also argued that moderate drinking was an essential element for the preservation of spirit of mirthfulness and fellowship in the symposium and they were inspired by Jonson's Leges Conviviales (Rules of Conviviality) to invite and fashion a “refined form of madness.” See also Hugh Maclean, ed., Ben Jonson and the Cavalier Poets (New York: Norton, 1974).

¹²⁹ Thompson, Rum Punch and Revolution, 156.

¹³⁰ Ibid.

¹³¹ Ibid., 115.

¹³² Ibid., 157. With changing economic conditions in the eighteenth century, Philadelphians increasingly applied ever more judgmental descriptions of drunkenness as a moral failing. By mid-eighteenth century, elites displayed increasing impatience with taverns and there was a growing sense that the tavern was an inappropriate and even pernicious setting for political discussion and action. But laborers and artisans continued to assert their right to speak to religious and political issues in taverns without deferring to social or political authority (ibid., 143).

¹³³ Drugs and intoxication have been a popular pretext for dismissing the Occupy movement. See, for example, Jed Bickman, “Does Occupy Wall Street Have a Drug Problem?,” The Fix, Oct. 23, 2011, http://www.thefix.com/content/does-occupy-wall-street-have-drug-problem/, accessed June 2015; Lila Shapiro, “Occupy Wall Street Protesters Wrestle with Growing Security Concerns,” Huffington Post, Nov. 1, 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/11/01/occupy-wall-street-security_n_1069597.html, accessed June 2015; Sarah Jaffe, “From Party to Standoff at Times Square: Occupy Wall Street Spreads,” AlterNet, October 16, 2011, http://www.alternet.org/newsandviews/article/680943/from_party_to_standoff_at_times_square%3A_occupy_wall_street_spreads, accessed June 2015; Jeffrey Juris, “Reflections on Occupy Everywhere: Social Media, Public Space, and Emerging Logics of Aggregation,” American Ethnologist 39, no. 2 (2012): 259–79.

¹³⁴ Schein, Rebecca, “Whose Occupation? Homelessness and the Politics of Park Encampments,” Social Movement Studies 11, no. 3–4 (2012): 335–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁵ Kohn, Margaret, “Privatization and Protest: Occupy Wall Street, Occupy Toronto, and the Occupation of Public Space in a Democracy,” Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 1 (2013): 99–110CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁶ MacKenzie and Porter, “Dramatization as Method,” 494.

¹³⁷ On chartered political societies, see Philip J. Stern, The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).

¹³⁸ On fraternities, see Alan DeSantis, Inside Greek U.: Fraternities, Sororities, and the Pursuit of Pleasure, Power, and Prestige (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2007); Hank Nuwer, Wrongs of Passage: Fraternities, Sororities, Hazing, and Binge Drinking (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999). On Wall Street, see Kate Kelly, The Secret Club That Runs the World: Inside the Fraternity of Commodity Traders (New York: Portfolio/Penguin, 2014); Kevin Roose, Young Money: Inside the Hidden World of Wall Street's Post-Crash Recruits (New York: Grand Central, 2014).