1 “J'avoue qu'encore qu'il y ait plus de contentement à fournir la matière de I'histoire qua'àlui donner la forme, ce ne m'était pas peu de plaisir de représenter ce qui ne s'était fait qu'avec peine.” Testament Poliiique, preface. I quote from the more readily accessible of the older editions in Recueil des Testament Potitiques, (Amsterdam. 1749), 1, 2Google Scholar. Sainte-Beuve's, remarks are in Cauteries du Lundi, (Paris, n.d.), VII, 225 ffGoogle Scholar. A good recent account of Richelieu's interest in the theatre is Batiffol's, L.Richelieu et Corneille, (Paris, 1936)Google Scholar, though we do not share the author's conclusions regarding the Cardinal's relation to the author of the Cid. There is as yet no comprehensive work on Richelieu's relation to the Fine Arts. In taking exception to the usual way in which this problem has been treated, however, one has to exclude one name. La Bruyère. In his discourse before the Academic Francaise (June 15, 1693), he speaks of its founder and of the Testament Politique, calling this work the picture of Richelieu's spirit. “Son âme,” he continued, “tout entière s'y développe. l'on y découvre le secret de sa conduite et de ses actions; l'on y trouve la source et la vraisamblance de tant et de si grands évenèments qui ont paru sous son administration; l'on y voit sans peine qu'un homme qui pense si virilement et si juste a pu agir sûrcment et avec succè et que celui qui a achevé de si grandes choses ou n'a jamais écrit, ou a du écnre comme ll a fait.” Though couched in terms of a conventional eulogy this passage says much more about the relation of “action” and contemplation in the political genius than does Sainte-Beuve who quotes it.

2 Today the paintings are in the Louvre. Good reproductions in the separate edition of the Editions Tel,(Paris, 1935)Google Scholar, and in Oldenbourg, R., Rubens, (Stuttgart, 1921), pp. 243 ffGoogle Scholar. The reproductions in the Rubens Work of the Phaidon Press are, unfortunately, not up to standard. The program was devised by a group of men, among them, besides Rubens, Peiresc, one of the great antiquarians of his age. On Richelieu's close supervision see Ruelens-Rooses, , Codex Diplomatics Rubenianus, (Anvers, 1887), III, 37 ffGoogle Scholar. and passim. To save space we quote the subjects of the paintings here; the reader of the following pages may refer to this note. 1. Marie's Birth; 2. Marie's Education; 3. Henry IV receives Marie's portrait; 4. The Wedding by Procuration; 5. Marie enters Marseilles; 6. The Marriage; 7. Birth of the Dauphin; 8. Marie appointed Regent; 9. Marie's Coronation; 10. Henry IV's Death and Marie's Regency; 11. The Council of the Cods; 12. Marie's Triumph; 13. The Spanish Marriages; 14. The Covernment handed to Louis XIII; 15. Happiness of the Regency (substituted for Flight from Paris); 16. Flight from Blois; 17. Treaty of Angoulême; 18. Hostilities Resumed; 19. Reconciliation. Besides these pictures the Gallery included portraits of Marie de Medici's parents, an allegorical portrait of the Queen as Bellona, and two allegorical panels as prologue and epilogue of the cycle though not part of the actual series. The writer has discussed the Medici Gallery at length in his Zur Cenealogie der nveltlichen Apolheose im Barock, (Strassburg, 1936)Google Scholar.

3 Referring to these years Siri says of Richelieu that he prevailed “con maraviglioso ascendente sopra il genio della Regina Madre.” Memorie Recondite, Dall'Anno 1619 fino al 1625,(Lyon, 1679), p. 134Google Scholar.

4 Two older works on Rubens' diplomatic activities are valuable chiefly as collections of source material: Gachard, L. P., Histoire' politique et diplomatique de Pierre Paul Rubens, (Brussels, 1877)Google Scholar; and Villaamil, Cruzaada, Rubens diplomálico Español, (Madrid, 1874)Google Scholar. See also the valuable notes in Ruelens-Rooses' edition of Rubens' correspondence, loc. cii. G. Hanotaux has failed twice to notice the political significance and background of the Medici Gallery, as well as the true nature of the relation between Richelieu, and Rubens, : in his essay “Richelieu et Rubens, Sur les Chcmins de I'Histoire, (Paris 1924), I, pp. 264–275Google Scholar; and, more regrettably, in his Histoire du Cardinal de Richelieu, (Paris, 1896), III, 22Google Scholar, where he describes the Medici Gallery but fails to see the connection with the English Marriages.

5 I used the splendid new edition of the Mémoires, published, since 1907, by the Société de l'Hisloire de France. Batiffol's attack upon the authorship of the Mémoires has been brilliantly refuted by Delavaud, L. and Lavollée, R.; see Rapports et Notices sur I'Edition des Mémoires du Cardinal de Richelieu, préparée pour la Société de I'Histoire de France, vol. 3, (Paris, 1922)Google Scholar. As to the purpose of the Mémoires, as “glorification de sa (Richelieu's) politique.” see Rapports, I, 40.

6 On Richelieu's early career and his views al this time see Cambridge Modern History, vol. IV, chap. 4, and Carl Burckhart's recent Richelieu, (New York, 1940)Google Scholar, a brilliant, if somewhat journalistic, biography. As to the authenticity of La France Mourank, of which some have even believed Richelieu to be the author, see Batiffol, , loc. cit., p. 14Google Scholar.

7 Siri, often so well informed concerning events that took place behind the doors of Richelieu's cabinet, tells of an unusually stormy altercation between the Cardinal and the Spanish Ambassador Mirabel. When the latter charged that Richelieu had deliberately defrauded and deceived him, Richelieu, , white with rage, declared that he was “Prete, Cardinale, e buono Cattolico… ma che ne resto era Ministro d'un Re di Francia, e come tale non doveva nè poteva proporsi altro' oggetto dinanzi à gli ochi che la conservazione, e grandezza di S.M.” loc. cit, p. 740 fGoogle Scholar.

8 Even in the Testament Politique (loc. ctt., p. 9) Richelieu writes: “…bien que par le passé, tous ceux qui l'avoient (Louis XIII) servi n'eussent point estimé de meilleur et de plus sur moyen pour l'acquénr (the King's confidence) et pour la conserver, que d'en éloinger la Reine sa mère, je prendrois un chemin tout contraire, et n'omettrois aucune chose que dépendît de moi, pour maintenir V.M. en une étroite union, importante à leur reputation et avantageuse au bien du royaume. “Similarly in Mémoires, II, 381. His true feelings about his former protectress are more subtly indicated in the Testament (p. 276): “comme une femme a perdu le monde… rien n'est plus capable de nuire aux Etats que ce sexe…” Cf. “Come per cagione di femmina si rovina uno stato,” Machiavelli, Discorsi, III, 26.

9 Siri echoes this view: “Importava tuttavia sommamente alia Corona di Francia di tirare l'lnghilterra in un'aperta rottura contra la Spagna.” (loc. cit. p. 638). Despite Richelieu's continued dissimulation Europe had by this time accepted the necessity of war between Spain and France, almost as if it had been a scientific axiom. For an amusing proof see Cardinal Garcia's La Oposicion y Conjuncion de los dos grandes luminares de la lierra…. con la anlipalhia de Españoles Franceses, published in 1622.

10 This argument is very ably presented by Ward, Sir A. W. in chap. 3 of Cambridge Modern History IV, 88Google Scholar.

11 Félibien, , Entreliens sur les Vies el les Ouvrages des plus excellens peinlres, (London, 1705), III, p. 320 ffGoogle Scholar; La Callerie du Palais du Luxembourg peinle par Rubens, dessinée par les S. Nattier, (Paris, 1710), pl. 18Google Scholar: “La Reine prend le parti de la paix.” Interpretations in these as well as in modern works are frequently garbled. The reasons for the titles given to the pictures in this paper, are set forth in the writer's book quoted in note 2.

12 Richelieu, of course, refers to Luynes, not to the King. His use of the term, so frequent in the régicide controversy of the time, is nevertheless interesting.

13 Loc. cit. p. 134 ff. The author continues: “si stampò in Corte, e nella Francia una ferma, et indelebile credenza…. che egli (Richelieu) havesse venduta per i suoi mteressi la Regina sua padrona, e benefatrice à Luines…” One should compare the words of this Italian priest with the stoic comment of Rohan: “the Bishop of Lucon, not suffering the Queen-mother to go where her greatest forces lay…. makes her resolve upon a pitiful defense … an enemy of her party, that so entangling her in a necessity of submitting to an inglorious Accommodation, he might make his peace upon better terms; which he did, and from that time he ever held intelligence with the King's party.” (The Memoires of the Duke of Rohan, translated. Bridges, G., (London, 1660)Google Scholar.) Hanotaux (Richelieu, II, 2, 306 ff) has made what seems to us an entirely unsuccessful attempt to whitewash the Cardinal that does not even do justice to his Machiavellian greatness.

14 Cf. our note 2.

15 “Sendo la lor anima la secretezza e pronta essecutione.” (Gachard, loc. cit., pp. 324 ffGoogle Scholar.) Both Richelieu, and Rubens, are almost certainly quoting Machiavelli (see Discorsi III, 6)Google Scholar. They are not using his exact words, but the Florentine's “incognito” presence in the political thought of seventeenth century Catholicism is a well known fact. See Toffanin, G., Machiavelli e. il “Tacitismo,” (Padua, 1921)Google Scholar; and Cherel, A., La Pensée de Machiavel en France, (Paris, 1935)Google Scholar.

16 Reproduced Batiffol, loc. cit., title page.