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⁴ Abbey, Ruth, “Are Women Human? Wollstonecraft's Defense of Rights for Women,” in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, by Wollestonecraft, Mary, ed. Botting, Eileen Hunt (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 239Google Scholar; Eileen Hunt Botting, “The Personal Is Political: Wollstonecraft's Witty First Person Feminist Voice,” in Botting, ed., A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, 261–79.

⁵ Kaplan, Cora, “Wild Nights: Pleasure/Sexuality/Feminism,” in Sea Changes: Essays on Culture and Feminism (London: Verso, 1986)Google Scholar; “Mary Wollstonecraft's Reception and Legacies,” in The Cambridge Companion to Mary Wollstonecraft, ed. Johnson, Claudia L. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷ Interpretations such as that Wollstonecraft's Rights of Woman is not really about politics, or much about rights, can be understood in this frame: see Ruth Abbey, “Are Women Human?,” 229–30 for an account of this view; Sapiro, Virginia, A Vindication of Political Virtue: The Political Theory of Mary Wollstonecraft (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), xx, xxv, 118–20Google Scholar, for partial endorsement.

⁸ For instance, Berlin, Isaiah, “Two Concepts of Liberty,” in Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 120Google Scholar.

⁹ Wollstonecraft cites “Machiavel's prince,” or, rather, “the insidious tenets he gave to his prince”: Wollstonecraft, An Historical and Moral View of the Origin and Progress of the French Revolution and the Effect It Has Produced in Europe, ed. Todd, Janet (Delmar, NY: Scholars’ Facsimiles and Reprints, 1975), 236Google Scholar. Throughout I follow her spelling of “machiavelian” with one l rather than the two of twenty-first-century usage; except in direct quotation, I impose a lowercase m in order to distance her construction from the real Niccolò Machiavelli's complex account of republican power. For the construction of “the Machiavel” in Elizabethan and later English political culture, see Anglo, Sydney, Machiavelli—the First Century: Studies in Enthusiasm, Hostility and Irrelevance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

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¹⁴ Barbara Taylor, “The Religious Foundations of Mary Wollstonecraft's Feminism,” in Johnson, ed., Cambridge Companion to Mary Wollstonecraft; Taylor, , Mary Wollstonecraft and the Feminist Imagination (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)Google Scholar for the significance of her theistic framework for her conception of political progress and her perfectionist ethics; Botting, Eileen Hunt, Family Feuds: Wollstonecraft, Burke, and Rousseau on the Transformation of the Family (NY: State University of New York Press, 2006), 134–36Google Scholar on the interaction between Wollstonecraft's evolving theology and her political account of family relations; Botting, , Wollstonecraft, Mill, and Women's Human Rights (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2016), 51–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar on how her rational theology conditions her understanding of rights; Botting, Eileen Hunt and Zlioba, Ariana, “Religion and Women's Rights: Susan Moller Okin, Mary Wollstonecraft, and the Multiple Feminist Liberal Traditions,” History of European Ideas 44, no. 8(2018): 1169–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar on how her religious commitment makes her an ambiguous figure for twentieth-century political theorists.

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¹⁸ Taylor, Wollstonecraft and Feminist Imagination, 10–11.

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²² Taylor, Wollstonecraft and Feminist Imagination, 4.

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²⁴ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Men, 34.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Ibid., 8, 11–12.

²⁷ Ibid., 9–10.

²⁸ Ibid., 26–27.

²⁹ Ibid., 16.

³⁰ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 253, 263, 275; Residence in Sweden,103.

³¹ Taylor, “Religious Foundations,” 108; Tom Furniss, “Mary Wollstonecraft's French Revolution,” in Johnson, ed., Cambridge Companion to Wollstonecraft, 59–60; O'Brien, Karen, Women and Enlightenment in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 185–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³³ Rights of Woman, 67, 254–55. Lena Halldenius, “Representation in Mary Wollstonecraft's Political Philosophy,” in Berges and Coffee, eds., Social and Political Philosophy of Wollstonecraft, 161, offers an interpretation of the civil-political distinction different from this. According to her reading, civil rights refer to sovereignty, whereas political rights are against oppression. I agree with Halldenius that political and civil rights are distinct as regards their functions and their place in Wollstonecraft's overall political theory. I also agree that both are theoretically linked to “natural” rights which flow from the equal status of human beings before God, and which proscribe, according to Wollstonecraft, the unnatural hierarchies of rank. Theoretically also, civil and political rights, and their lack, have implications for each other; and the doctrine of popular sovereignty is itself prescriptive of what civil and political rights citizens should have. But I have not found textual supports for her interpretation of the political/civil distinction.

³⁴ Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “politic.” For the derogatory meaning of “policy,” see Bawcutt, N. W., “‘Policy,’ Machiavellianism, and the Earlier Tudor Drama,” English Literary Renaissance 1, no. 3 (1971): 195–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³⁶ He also distinguishes between “the politics of the Electorate and the politics of the Nation” (Paine, Thomas, Rights of Man, in Thomas Paine: Rights of Man, Common Sense, and Other Political Writings, ed. Philp, Mark [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995], 178Google Scholar).

³⁷ Burke, Reflections, 220.

³⁸ Ibid., 14, 53–54; emphasis in original. Burke is attacking Richard Price, “A Discourse on the Love of Our Country” (1789), http://www.constitution.org/price/price_8.htm—a sermon delivered before a meeting of the London Revolution Society. The Society explicitly connected 1689 and the English bill of rights with 1789 and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen. Burke attacks Price's sermon as a mix of intriguing philosophy and political theology, and as promulgating either nonsense or “a most unfounded, dangerous, illegal, and unconstitutional position” (Reflections, 10–14).

³⁹ Pocock, J. G. A., The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 354Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Christie, Ian R., Myth and Reality in Late Eighteenth-Century British Politics and Other Papers (London: Macmillan, 1970), 28–31Google Scholar; on the derogatory usage of “minister,” see Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, 406–8, 412.

⁴¹ Runciman, David, Political Hypocrisy: The Mask of Power, from Hobbes to Orwell and Beyond (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁴² Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, x, 12, 29, 131.

⁴³ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Man, 27. Similarly, she counters his lament for the loss of chivalry, in revolutionary times, by charging him with bad, albeit traditional, manners; and her repeated condemnation of cabals, in French Revolution (e.g., 41, 131, 250) mimics and mirrors back Burke's characterization of “the philosophes” as a cabal: Reflections, 11. See O'Neill, Daniel I., The Burke-Wollstonecraft Debate: Savagery, Civilization, and Democracy (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2007), 16Google Scholar; O'Neill, , “Shifting the Scottish Paradigm: The Discourse of Morals and Manners in Mary Wollstonecraft's French Revolution,” History of Political Thought 23, no. 1 (2002): 105–6Google Scholar; Bromwich, David, “Wollstonecraft as a Critic of Burke,” Political Theory 23, no. 4 (1995): 617–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 415.

⁴⁵ Ibid., 63, 93.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 429.

⁴⁷ Ibid., 53.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 364–65.

⁴⁹ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 224.

⁵⁰ For instance, Rights of Men, 27, 51; French Revolution, 120, 219.

⁵¹ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 55–56.

⁵² Wollstonecraft, Rights of Men, 19.

⁵³ See n. 40 above.

⁵⁴ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 32; Halldenius, Wollstonecraft and Feminist Republicanism, 102.

⁵⁵ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 492.

⁵⁶ Ibid., 131.

⁵⁷ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 283.

⁵⁸ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Men, 40; French Revolution, 7; Halldenius, “Representation,” 175.

⁵⁹ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 57.

⁶⁰ Ibid., 7; also 511 on how “cast-like society” destroys the character of superiors and debases the inferior to machines.

⁶¹ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Men, 59–60; Rights of Woman, 104.

⁶² Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 256, 261, 521.

⁶³ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Man, 29.

⁶⁴ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 93, 194.

⁶⁵ Sapiro, Vindication of Political Virtue, 215–16.

⁶⁶ Coffee, “Wollstonecraft, Freedom, and Social Domination”; “Freedom as Independence”; Halldenius, Wollstonecraft and Feminist Republicanism.

⁶⁷ O'Neill, Burke-Wollstonecraft Debate; Bromwich, “Wollstonecraft as Critic of Burke”; Bahar, Eve to Please Me.

⁶⁸ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Men, 28; also 8, 16, 41.

⁶⁹ Ibid., e.g. 42, 58.

⁷⁰ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, Dedication, 66.

⁷¹ Ibid., 76.

⁷² Ibid., 282.

⁷³ Ibid., 250.

⁷⁴ Wollstonecraft, Mary, Thoughts on the Education of Daughters, ed. Luria, Gina (New York: Garland, 1974), 16Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 14, 129, 131, 137; Residence in Sweden, 114, 186–87; McCrystal, John, “Revolting Women: The Use of Revolutionary Discourse in Mary Astell and Mary Wollstonecraft Compared,” History of Political Thought 14, no. 2 (1993): 195Google Scholar.

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⁷⁷ Sapiro, Vindication of Political Virtue, xxv; Abbey, “Are Women Human?,” 229–30.

⁷⁸ Abbey “Are Women Human?”; Botting, Wollstonecraft, Mill, and Women's Human Rights.

⁷⁹ Taylor, Natalie Fisher, The Rights of Woman as Chimera: The Political Philosophy of Mary Wollstonecraft (New York: Routledge, 2007)Google Scholar; cf. Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 106.

⁸⁰ Susan James, “Mary Wollstonecraft's Conception of Rights,” in Berges and Coffee, eds., Social and Political Philosophy of Wollstonecraft; Halldenius, Lena, “The Primacy of Right: On the Triad of Liberty, Equality, and Virtue in Wollstonecraft's Political Thought,” British Journal for the History of Philosophy 15, no. 1 (2007): 75–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wollstonecraft and Feminist Republicanism, 34–39; Botting, Wollstonecraft, Mill, and Women's Human Rights, 81–83; McCrystal, “Revolting Women,” 202–3.

⁸¹ Halldenius, “Primacy of Right,” 93.

⁸² Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 97.

⁸³ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Men, 7; Halldenius, Lena, “Mary Wollstonecraft's Feminist Critique of Property: On Becoming a Thief from Principle,” Hypatia 29, no. 4 (2014): 946–47Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Men, 7.

⁸⁵ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 227.

⁸⁶ Brace, Laura, “Not Empire, but Equality: Mary Wollstonecraft, the Marriage State, and the Sexual Contract,” Journal of Political Philosophy 8, no. 4 (2000): 434–36Google Scholar. In Coffee's interpretation (“Freedom as Independence,” 917), we must be under social obligations to allow natural duties to be discharged.

⁸⁷ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 228.

⁸⁸ Ibid., 222.

⁸⁹ Ibid., 228. An anonymous reader of an earlier version of this paper interpreted my analysis here as implying that Wollstonecraft is a kind of Rawlsian avant la lettre. On the contrary, Wollstonecraft's emphasis on the effort that has to be put into the “having” and the keeping of the rights and privileges of rank and inequality puts her into a different camp from the twentieth-century liberal thinkers who emphasized distribution of rights, wealth, and so on but tended not to dwell on the efforts—including individual actions and the maintenance of structures—that go into the keeping of them. Wollstonecraft offers a social and political theory of this effort, and her analysis is the more illuminating of the necessary conditions the equalization that is demanded by the natural equality of right and duty.

⁹⁰ Halldenius, “Primacy of Right,” 93–96; Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 7.

⁹¹ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 228. Critics read Wollstonecraft's unfinished The Wrongs of Woman, or Maria (in Mary Wollstonecraft: Mary, and the Wrongs of Woman, ed. Kelly, Gary [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976], 71–204Google Scholar) as the text in which she begins to work out her political theory of rights and law. See Bahar, An Eve to Please Me, 172–73; Halldenius, “Wollstonecraft's Feminist Critique of Property,” 946–47.

⁹² Wollstonecraft, Rights of Man, 36.

⁹³ Bahar, An Eve to Please Me, 143–45.

⁹⁴ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 228.

⁹⁵ Catherine Packham, “Genre and the Mediation of Political Economy” (unpublished manuscript), 16; Bahar, An Eve to Please Me, 23, 161.

⁹⁶ Packham, “Domesticity, Objects and Idleness,” 554; “Wollstonecraft's Cottage Economics,” 453–54, 464.

⁹⁷ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 499; Packham, “Common Grievance,” 705–6.

⁹⁸ October 5, 1789: Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 420 (this is within the chapter heading of bk. 5, chap. 2),436. See Packham, “Common Grievance,” 708–9.

⁹⁹ Wollstonecraft, Residence in Sweden, 103–5, 106–7, 115–16.

¹⁰⁰ Coffee, “Freedom as Independence,” 909.

¹⁰¹ Wollstonecraft, Wrongs of Woman; Coffee, “Wollstonecraft, Freedom and Social Domination,” 125–26; cf. also Bahar, An Eve to Please Me, 172.

¹⁰² Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 42.

¹⁰³ Ibid., 32.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid., 414.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid., 65–66, 247, 464.

¹⁰⁶ Ibid., 215.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 292–93.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 272, 472.

¹⁰⁹ Wollstonecraft, Residence in Sweden, 116; also Rights of Woman, 264; French Revolution, 521.

¹¹⁰ Wollstonecraft, French Revolution, 472ff.

¹¹¹ Wollstonecraft, Rights of Woman, 228–29.