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Bolshevik Administration in the Ukraine—1918

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Extract

Through 1918 Russia's new Bolshevik rulers, amateurs at the business of governing, were exposed to bureaucratic lessons much faster than they could assimilate them. Administrative techniques and organizational models essential for the direction of an empire had to be hurriedly invented or borrowed and rushed into operation; numerous special arrangements had to be devised for those areas where military crises or nationalist and separatist movements demanded immediate attention. During the process of simultaneously ruling and learning, the Moscow center sometimes received sharp lessons from the peripheries of the empire. Leading figures of the Russian Communist Party were often compelled by circumstances and by the hot tempers and loud voices of their colleagues out in the hustings to listen and learn and adapt themselves to the pressures of facts as others saw them. Passionate theoretical debates gave way to quarrels about the most expedient, most efficient method of getting the work accomplished; and the reciprocal adjustments resulting from this conflict between the center and the men working in the peripheral areas established patterns of thought and habits of action that were to become permanent features of the Soviet administrative system.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1958

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References

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3 Both Kviring and Iakovlev had joined the Bolshevik party in 1913, and both had gained considerable experience in Ukrainian affairs. As is true of most of the communists named in this paper, these two men were destined to play important roles in the Ukraine and in the central government of Soviet Russia, after the events described in this paper.

4 Ravich-Cherkasskii, , op cit., pp. 5455, 5758.Google Scholar

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10 The members of the KP(b)U in the Neutral Zone were prone to make exaggerated claims about the degree of their influence in the Ukraine, and communists writing after the civil war do not moderate these claims. In reality, the degree of influence exercised by the KP(b)U upon partisan actions, from April through July, 1918, cannot be exactly determined, but the available evidence indicates that it was relatively small. See Shelygin, , op. cit., pp. 6188, 98101Google Scholar; Kapulovskii, I., “Organizatsiia vosstaniia protiv getmana,” Letopis' revoliutsii, No. 4 (1923), pp. 95102Google Scholar; Aussem, , op. cit., pp. 910Google Scholar

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16 Antonov-Ovseenko, Vladimir, Zapiski o grazhdanskoi voine (Moscow, 19241933), III (1932), 1115Google Scholar; Kakurin, N. E., Kak srazhalos' revoliutsiia (Moscow-Leningrad, 1926), II, 3839, 7375.Google Scholar

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19 Ibid.; Popov, , op. cit., pp. 190–91.Google Scholar

20 Rubach, M., “K istorii grazhdanskoi bor'by na Ukraine,” Letopis' revoliutsii, No. 4 [9] (1924), p. 151Google Scholar. (All documents presented by Rubach were taken from the Arkhiv Oktiabr'skoi Revoliutsii, Vol V.)

22 Zatonskii, , op. cit., p. 142Google Scholar (the documents presented by Zatonskii were found in the files of ISPART, the Institution for the Study of Party History); cf. Rubach, , op. cit., pp. 160–61.Google Scholar

23 Zatonskii, , op. cit., p. 142.Google Scholar

24 Ibid., p. 144. The Orlov Okrug was a political-administrative regional unit around Kursk, from which Antonov was to draw his food supplies.

25 The name assigned to the Revolutionary Military Committee of the Ukraine for the purpose of concealing its mission.

26 Glagolev commanded the so-called Reserve Army, subordinated to the Southern Front. Although his forces were stationed around Kursk, his mission was support of the Southern Front at Voronezh, east of Kursk. According to Antonov, Vatsetis gave Glagolev specific instructions not to become entangled in the adventures of the Ukrainians. See Antonov-Ovseenko, , op. cit., III, 1516.Google Scholar

27 Zatonskii, , op. cit., p. 142.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., pp. 145–46.

29 Ibid., p. 147.

30 Ibid., p. 148.

31 Ibid.; Stalin's claim that he had sent Antonov is not supported by Antonov, who states definitely that Trotsky assigned him to the Ukraine. Antonov-Ovseenko, , op. cit., III, 12.Google Scholar

32 Zatonskii, , op. cit., p. 149.Google Scholar

34 Ibid.; Rubach, , op. cit., pp. 161–64.Google Scholar

35 Lenin, V. I., Voennaia perepiska, 1917–1920 (Moscow, 1943), p. 47.Google Scholar

36 Rakovskii, Kh., “Il'ich i Ukraina,” Letopis' revoliutsii, No. 2 (1925), pp. 58Google Scholar; Sobranie uzakonenii i rasporiazhenii raboche-krest'ianskogo pravitel'stva Ukrainy (Kharkov-Kiev, 1919), First edition, 01 15, pp. 610Google Scholar; January 16, p. 20; February 7, pp. 76–77.

37 See VIII S'ezd rossiiskoi kommunisticheskoi partii (bol'shevikov) 18–23 marta 1919 goda; Stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1919)Google Scholar. For another source giving Lenin's speeches at the congress and also the resolutions and the program of the party approved by the congress, see Lenin, V. I., Sochineniia (Moscow, 1937), Third edition, XXIV, 109–79; 682722.Google Scholar