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¹³ There are intellectual companions from imperial Russian and Chinese histories. Riasanovsky, Nicholas V., A History of Russia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963)Google Scholar; Spence, Jonathan D., The Search for Modern China (New York: Norton, 1990).Google Scholar

¹⁴ For the best formulation, see Keyder, Çağlar, State and Class in Turkey: a Study in Capitalist Development (London: Verso, 1987).Google Scholar

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¹⁶ The two positions are respectively in Kurmuş, Orhan, Emperyalizmin Türkiye’ye Girişi (Istanbul: Bilim Yayinlari, 1974)Google Scholar and New Perspectives on Turkey, “The 1838 Convention and Its Impact,” Special Issue No. 7 (Spring 1992).

¹⁷ Nonetheless, the Ottoman route to world economic integration was distinct because of scarcity of agricultural labor, the strength of middle peasantry and the political independence of the Ottoman Empire. Pamuk, Şevket, The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820-1913: Trade, investment and Production (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).Google Scholar

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²¹ Landholding patterns shaped power relations at the local level, created long-term political consequences and yet played a limited role on the early wave of incorporation of the Ottoman Empire to the world economy. Gerber, Haim, Social Origins of the Modern Middle East (Boulder, CO: L. Rienner, 1987)Google Scholar; Keyder, Çağlar and Tabak, Faruk (eds.) Landholding and Commercial Agriculture in the Middle East (New York: SUNY Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Owen, Roger (ed.) New Perspectives on Property and Land on the Middle East (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Khalidi, Tarif (ed.) Land Tenure and Social Transformation in the Middle East (Beirut: AUB, 1984).Google Scholar

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²⁵ On the economic vision and policies of Young Turks, see Toprak, Zafer, Türkiye’de Milli iktisat, 1908-1918 (Ankara: Yurt Yayinlari, 1982).Google Scholar Also, see the wonderful collection of essays by Ökçün that explores the making of the national economy during the war decade at the local level, A. Ökçün, Gündüz, İktisat Tarihi Yazilari (Ankara: Sermaye Piyasasi Kurulu, 1997).Google Scholar

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²⁹ Strong social ties between the imperial center and the provinces are confirmed in this literature. Kayali, Hasan, Arabs and Young Turks- Ottomanism, Arabism and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Hanssen, Jens, Fin de Siécle Beirut: the Making of an Ottoman Provincial Capital (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Anscombe, Frederick F., The Ottoman Gulf: the Creation of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Qatar (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Çetinsaya, Gökhan, “The Caliph and the Shaykhs: Abdülhamid II’s Policy towards the Qaditiyya of Mosul,” Weismann, Itzchak and Zachs, Fruma (eds.) Ottoman Reform and Muslim Regeneration (London, New York: LB. Tauris, 2005), 97–107Google Scholar; Khoury, Dina Rizk, State and Provincial Society in the Ottoman Empire: Mosul, 1540-1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Watenpaugh, Keith David, Being Modern in the Middle East (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³¹ Makdisi directs attention to the domestic aspect of the Ottoman modernization project where the sociological imagination of the Ottoman bureaucratic class produced a backward east which increasingly coincided with distinct religious (non-orthodox Islam), ethnic (Arab) and spatial (Western Asia) identities. Makdisi, Ussama, “Ottoman Orientalism,” American Historical Review 107 (3) (2002), 768–796Google Scholar; for the widening mental gap between the bureaucratic class and imperial subjects, see also Deringil, Selim, ‘“They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery’: the Late Ottoman Empire and the Post-Colonial Debate,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 45 (2) (2003), 311–342.Google Scholar

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³⁷ The power of local agents is well-documented for the Arab provinces. See Doumani, Beshara, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Reilly, James A., A Small Town in Syria: Ottoman Hama in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Oxford, New York: P. Lang, 2002)Google Scholar; Yazbak, Mahmoud, Haifa in the Late Ottoman Period, 1864-1914: A Muslim Town in Transition (Leiden: Brill, 1998)Google Scholar. Also see the classic work of Khoury on Damascus. Khoury, Philip S., Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism: the Politics of Damascus, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴⁰ This is a path-dependent institutional argument. On the idea of path-dependency, see Pierson, Paul, “Increasing Returns, Path-Dependence, and the Study of Politics,” The American Political Science Review Vol. 94(2) (2000), pp. 251–267.Google Scholar For the application of the path-dependency idea to politics and history, see Mahoney, JamesLegacies of Liberalism: Path Dependence and Political Regimes in Central America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Ertman, Thomas, The Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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