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² Roniger, Luis, “Clientalism and Patron-Client Relations: A Bibliography,” in Political Clientalism, Patronage and Development, ed. Eisenstadt, S.N. and Lemarchand, René (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1981), pp. 297–330.Google Scholar

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⁶ Until recently, a correspondent affliction affected Ottoman imperial historians as well. See Faroqhi, Suraiya, “Coping with the Central State, Coping with Local Power: Ottoman Regions and Notables from the Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century,” in The Ottomans and the Balkans: A Discussion of Historiography, ed. Adanir, Fikret and Faroqhi, Suraiya (Leiden: Brill, 2002), pp. 351–81.Google Scholar

⁷ See, inter alia, Khoury, Philip S., “Continuity and Change in Syrian Political Life: The Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” American Historical Review 96:5 (December 1991): 1374–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Muslih, Muhamma, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Khalaf, Samir, “Changing Forms of Political Patronage,” in Lebanon’s Predicament (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), pp. 73–101.Google Scholar

⁸ See Naff, Thomas, Paths to the Middle East: Ten Scholars Look Back (Albany: SUNY Press, 1993), p. 48.Google Scholar The categories “foreigners,” “notables,” and “common people” are Lapidus’s. See Lapidus, Ira, “Muslim Urban Society in Mamluk Syria,” in The Islamic City: A Colloquium, ed. Hourani, A.H. and Stern, S.M. (Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1970), pp. 195–205.Google Scholar

⁹ Shils, Edward, Center and Periphery: Essays in Macrosociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), pp. xl–xli.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Naff, , Paths, pp. 28,45.Google Scholar See also Owen, Roger, “Albert Hourani the Historian,” in Middle Eastern Politics and Ideas: A History from Within, ed. Pappé, Ilan and Ma’oz, Moshe (London: Tauris, 1997), p. 9Google Scholar; Gallagher, Nancy, Approaches to the History of the Middle East: Interviews with Leading Middle East Historians, (Ithaca Press, 1994), p. 36.Google Scholar

¹¹ For the debt modernization theory owed to struc-func, see, for example, Latham, Michael E., Modernization as Ideology: American Social Science and “Nation Building in the Kennedy Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), pp. 39–40.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ Hourani, , “The Present State,” p. 187–88.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Naff, , Paths, p. 48.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Eisenstadt, S.N. and Roniger, Luis, “The Study of Patron-Client Relations and Recent Developments in Sociological Theory,” in Political Clientalism, 275Google Scholar; Eisenstadt, and Curelaru, , The Form of Sociology, pp. 194–98.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ According to E.P. Thompson, for example, “No thoughtful historian should characterize a whole society as paternalist or patriarchal. But paternalism can, as in Tsarist Russia, Meiji Japan, or in certain slave-holding societies, be a profoundly important component not only of ideology but of the actual institutional mediation of social relations.” Thompson, E.P., “Eighteenth-Century English Society: Class Struggle Without Class?,” Social History 3:2 (May 1978): 137.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²⁰ Ibid., p. 145; Gilsenan, Michael, “Against Patron-Client Relations,” in Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies, ed. Gellner, Ernest and Waterbury, John (London: Duckworth, 1977), pp.167–68, 179–80Google Scholar; Waterbury, John, “An Attempt to Put Patrons and Clients in their Place,” in Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies, pp. 329, 332–33.Google Scholar

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²⁷ See, inter alia, Dawn, C. Ernest, From Ottomanism to Arabismi Essays on the Origins of Arab Nationalism (Urban: University of Illinois Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Khoury, Philip S., Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism: The Politics of Damascus 1860–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ Hourani, Albert, “The Arab Awakening Forty Years After,” in Hourani, (ed.), The Emergence of the Modern Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 201–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹ Hourani, , “Ottoman Reform,” p. 100Google Scholar; Kedourie, Elie, “Pan-Arabism and British Policy,” in The Chatham House Version and Other Middle-Eastern Studies (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2004), p. 213.Google Scholar

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³¹ See Khoury, , “The Urban Notables Paradigm,” p. 224.Google Scholar

³² For a more detailed discussion of these issues, see my “Post Hoc Ergo Propter Hoc?: Reassessing the Lineages of Nationalism in Bilad al-Sham,” in Philipp, Thomas and Schumann, Christoph (eds.), From the Syrian Land to the State of Syria (Würtzburg: ERGON Verlag, 2004), pp. 127–44Google Scholar; “Modernity and Its Discontents: On the Durability of Nationalism in the Arab Middle East,” Nations and Nationalism 5:1 (January 1999): 71–89; Divided Loyalties: Nationalism and Mass Politics in Syria at the Close of Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).

³³ Dawn, , “From Ottomanism to Arabism,” p. 377.Google Scholar

³⁴ A more thorough discussion of this phenomenon can be found in Gelvin, , “Post Hoc Ergo Propter Hoc?” and Gelvin, , The Modern Middle East: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 197–201.Google Scholar

³⁵ Hourani, , “The Arab Awakening” p. 199.Google Scholar