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12 This is not to say that governmentality is separate from or subsequent to sovereign power and its reliance on law, consensus and force, but rather a reconfiguration of sovereign power: they exist side by side, circulating in and out of each other. As John Protevi explains in ‘What Does Foucault Think is New About Neo-Liberalism?’, John Protevi's website {http://www.protevi.com/john/Foucault_28June2009.pdf} (accessed 28 June 2009) the present moment consists of a succession of various rationalities of government: the medieval ‘cosmo-theological framework’, where the responsibility of the sovereign is to guarantee the salvation of the people by acting in accordance to natural, cosmic and divine law; seventeenth-eighteenth century raison d'état, where the prince has to secure the growth and survival of the state through various means of discipline, such as police, mercantilist regulation and inter-state stability; nineteenth century physiocracy and classic liberalism, which introduce political economy as a science to both limit the power of government and ensure the growth and prosperity of the population; and, finally, twentieth century neoliberalism, where the state intervenes in the social fabric to secure the smooth functioning of an artificial and fragile market. This progression must not be understood in the strict, linear sense. The present rationality of government is in many ways a principle for developing, perfecting, and strengthening moments past, in Foucault, Birth of Biopolitics, p. 29.

13 Foucault, ‘Governmentality’, p. 97.

14 Burchell, Graham, ‘Liberal Government and Techniques of the Self’, in Barry, A., Osborne, T. and Rose, N. (eds), Foucault and Political Reason: Liberalism, Neo-Liberalism and Rationalities of Government (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), p. 20Google Scholar.

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29 Joseph, ‘Governmentality of What?’, p. 427.

30 Joseph, ‘The Limits of Governmentality’, pp. 237–8; Joseph, ‘What Can Governmentality Do for IR?’, p. 203.

31 Joseph, ‘Governmentality of What’, p. 427; Joseph, ‘The Limits of Governmentality’, p. 225.

32 Joseph, ‘The Limits of Governmentality’, p. 236.

33 Ibid., p. 236.

34 Ibid., p. 242.

35 Ibid., p. 239.

36 Chandler, ‘Critiquing Liberal Cosmopolitanism?’, p. 97; Joseph, Jonathan, ‘What Can Governmentality Do for IR?’, International Political Sociology, 2:4 (2010b), p. 203Google Scholar; Joseph, ‘The Limits of Governmentality’, p. 241.

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58 Joseph, ‘The Limits of Governmentality’, p. 242.

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60 Chandler, ‘Critiquing Liberal Cosmopolitanism?’

61 Kiersey et al., ‘Response to Chandler’, p. 144.

62 Foucault's own political view of liberalism is more complicated. The next section discusses this in greater detail.

63 Nelson, Sovereignty and the Limits of the Liberal Imagination, p. 102.

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70 Ibid., p. 104, emphasis in original.

71 Ibid., p. 105, emphasis in original.

72 Foucault, The Birth the Biopolitics, pp. 117–20.

73 I borrow the phrase from Mazzarella, William, ‘Affect: What Is It Good For?’, in Dube, Saurabh (ed.), Enchantments of Modernity: Empire, Nation, Globalization (London: Routledge), p. 299Google Scholar.

74 Burchell, Graham, Gordon, Colin, and Miller, Peter (eds), The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (University of Chicago Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barry, Andrew, Osborne, Thomas, and Rose, Nikolas (eds), Foucault and Political Reason: Liberalism, Neo-Liberalism and Rationalities of Government (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

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77 Hardt, Michael and Negri, Antonio, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Hardt and Negri, Multitude.

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80 Ibid., pp. 564–5.

81 It is important here to make a clear distinction between neoliberalism, which Foucault could not have had any sympathies for given his strong connections to the French Left and the liberal art of government, which Foucault might indeed have been attracted to given the failures of the institutional Left to put forth a credible political vision around 1968. After May 1968 many on the French Left accused the Socialist Party and trade unions of having betrayed the wider aspirations of the Left by entering an unholy alliance with the governing forces led by de Gaulle. From this perspective, liberal governmentality could indeed teach the Left a thing or two about how to effectively govern in the name of human betterment without turning to totalitarianism or violating individual autonomy. It is the method, not the principles of liberal governmentality that Foucault would have wanted the Left to learn from. Further proof for the fact that Foucault could not have been a supporter of neoliberalism (a proposition Behrent is careful to avoid) can be found in various recent publications trying to make sense of Foucault's complicated yet sympathetic relation with Marxism: Poster, Mark, Foucault, Marxism and History (Oxford, MA: Polity Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Marsden, Richard, The Nature of Capital: Marx After Foucault (New York: Routledge, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Macdonald, Bradley J., ‘Marx, Foucault, Genealogy’, Polity, 34:3 (2002), pp. 259–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Olssen, Mark, ‘Foucault and Marxism: Rewriting the Theory of Historical Materialism’, Policy Futures in Education, 2:3–4 (2002), pp. 454–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Read, Jason, ‘A Fugitive Thread: The Production of Subjectivity in Marx’, Pli, 13 (2002), pp. 124–44Google Scholar.

82 Behrent, ‘Liberalism without Humanism’, p. 558.

83 It should be remembered that Foucault never had a chance to fully elaborate his thoughts on biopolitics. While The Birth of Biopolitics was intended to fill that gap, Foucault spent most of the lecture series exploring the ‘condition of intelligibility’ for biopolitics, that is, liberal government. He apologises for this digression but ultimately leaves the conceptualisation of biopolitics up to the generations to come.

84 Nelson, Sovereignty and the Limits of the Liberal Imagination, p. 107.

85 Agamben, Giorgio, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), p. 6Google Scholar.

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88 Dillon and Reid, The Liberal Way of War.

89 Agamben, Homo Sacer, p. 3.

90 Kiersey, ‘Neoliberal Political Economy’, p. 368.

91 Chandler, ‘Globalising Foucault’, p. 139.

92 Neal, ‘Goodbye War on Terror?’, p. 46.

93 Foucault cited in Kiersey and Weidner, ‘Editorial Introduction’, p. 345. See also Wendy Larner and Walter Williams, ‘Global Governmentality’; Walters, William and Haahr, Henrik, ‘Governmentality and Political Studies’, European Political Science, 4 (2005), pp. 288–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholas J. Kiersey, ‘Neoliberal Political Economy’; Jason Weidner, ‘Governmentality, Capitalism and Subjectivity’; De Goede, Marieke (ed.), International Political Economy and Poststructural Politics (New York: Palgrave, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Langley, Paul, The Everyday Life of Global Finance: Saving and Borrowing in Anglo-America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lisle, Debbie, ‘Joyless Cosmopolitans: The Moral Economy of Ethical Tourism’, in Best, J. and Peterson, M. (eds), Cultural Political Economy (New York: Routledge, 2008), pp. 139–58Google Scholar; Moore, Phoebe, The International Political Economy of Work and Employability (New York: Palgrave, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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117 Venn, ‘Neoliberal Political Economy’, p. 206; Agathangelou, ‘Bodies of Desire’, p. 15.

118 Venn, ‘Neoliberal Political Economy’, p. 211.

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