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Pouvoir, puissance, and politics: Hans Morgenthau's dualistic concept of power?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 April 2013

Abstract

Hans Morgenthau's concept of power is widely debated among scholars of International Relations. Superficial accounts present Morgenthau's concept of power in the Hobbesian tradition as a means of self-preservation; however, more thorough investigations demonstrate Morgenthau's psychogenic and praxeological understanding. By referring to Sigmund Freud and Max Weber, such accounts identify Morgenthauian power as the ability to dominate others. This article contributes to this discourse by demonstrating that Morgenthau separated power into two dualistic conceptualisations. Although analytically Morgenthau worked with a concept of power understood as domination, normatively – in reference to Friedrich Nietzsche and Hannah Arendt – he promoted a concept of power that focused on the will and ability to act together. Elaborating this dualistic concept has wider implications for current International Relations because it reminds scholars to be self-reflexive. In addition, it is argued that a Morgenthauian scholarship helps scholars to gain a more profound understanding of depoliticising tendencies in Western democracies.

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Copyright © British International Studies Association 2013 

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References

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7 Turner and Mazur interpreted Morgenthau's mentioning of Standortgebundenheit to be referring to Weber. However, the concept of Standortgebundenheit was introduced by Karl Mannheim to German sociology. See Turner and Mazur, ‘Morgenthau as a Weberian Methodologist’, pp. 487–8.

8 In an early manuscript Morgenthau called power to be of ‘durchgehende[r] Geistigkeit’ (absolute intellectuality). Hans J. Morgenthau, ‘Über die Herkunft des Politischen aus dem Wesen des Menschen’, 1930 (Container 151, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC), p. 43.

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11 This manuscript was Morgenthau's first attempt to further conceptualise the political; a study which he had announced in his doctoral thesis the year before (See Morgenthau, Hans J., Die internationale Rechtspflege, ihr Wesen und ihre Grenzen (Leipzig: Robert Noske, (1929), p. 72)Google Scholar. Morgenthau provided a more substantial elaboration with La notion du ‘Politique’ in 1933. The English translation of this book was recently published and I will refer to this translation throughout the rest of the article: Morgenthau, Hans J., The Concept of the Political, ed. Behr, Hartmut and Rösch, Felix (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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20 Morgenthau, Scientific Man vs. Power Politics, p. 165.

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26 Ibid., pp. 26–7.

27 Ibid., pp. 31–2.

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30 Morgenthau, ‘Über die Herkunft des Politischen aus dem Wesen des Menschen’, p. 70.

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32 Ibid., p. 71; ‘The Evil of Politics and the Ethics of Evil’, Ethics, 56:1 (1945), p. 13; Scientific Man vs. Power Politics, p. 166.

33 Morgenthau, Die internationale Rechtspflege, pp. 75–7 and Freud, Civilization and its Discontents and Other Works, p. 117.

34 Morgenthau, Scientific Man vs. Power Politics, p. 165.

35 Morgenthau, Hans J., ‘Positivisme mal Compris et Théorie Réaliste du Droit International’, in Zavala, Silvio A. (ed.), Colección de Estudios Históricos, Jurídicos, Pedagógicos y Literarios : Homenaje a D. Rafael Altamira (Madrid: C. Bermejo, 1936), p. 5Google Scholar.

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39 Morgenthau, Hans J., ‘The Social Crisis in America: Hedonism of Status Quo’, Chicago Review, 14:2 (1960)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Equally: ‘Letter to Bryon Dobell’, 9 July 1968 (Container 43, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

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42 Morgenthau, Hans J., La Réalité des Normes. En particulier des Normes du Droit International. Fondement d'une Théorie des Normes (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1934)Google Scholar. This point is also raised in: Molloy, Seán, ‘Realism: a Problematic Paradigm’, Security Dialogue, 34:1 (2003), p. 83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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44 Schuett, ‘Freudian Roots of Political Realism’, pp. 61–6; Scheuerman, William E., Hans Morgenthau. Realism and Beyond (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009), pp. 37–8Google Scholar. A critical discussion of this point is provided in Scheuerman, William E., The Realist Case for Global Reform (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2011), pp. 4953Google Scholar.

45 Morgenthau, ‘Der Selbstmord mit gutem Gewissen’.

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50 Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, p. 52.

51 Examples are Barkawi, Tarak, ‘Strategy as a Vocation: Weber, Morgenthau and Modern Strategic Studies’, Review of International Studies, 24:2 (1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pichler, ‘The Godfathers of “Truth”’; and Turner, ‘Hans J. Morgenthau and the Legacy of Max Weber’.

52 Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics in the Twentieth Century, p. 65.

53 Ibid., p. 69. See as well: Molloy, Seán, ‘Truth, Power, Theory: Hans Morgenthau's Formulation of Realism’, Diplomacy and Statecraft, 15:1 (2004), pp. 67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

54 Behr, Hartmut, A History of International Political Theory: Ontologies of the International (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), p. 215CrossRefGoogle Scholar. More on Politics Among Nations: Molloy, Seán, The Hidden History of Realism. A Genealogy of Power Politics (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2006), pp. 82–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55 Politics Among Nations was only later transformed into a textbook because of the lack of textbooks on International Relations at that time, its unprecedented success, when numerous American colleges and universities adopted it as the textbook for their undergraduate courses on International Politics, and the insistence of Morgenthau's publisher Knopf. To adjust Politics Among Nations more to the requirements of a textbook the ‘Six Principles of Political Realism’ were added to the second edition. See the correspondence in Container 121, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.

56 See, for example, Lebow, Richard Ned, ‘The Ancient Greeks and Modern Realism: Ethics, Persuasion and Power’, in Bell, Duncan (ed.), Political Thought and international Relations. Variations on a Realist Theme (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 37Google Scholar; Jütersonke, Oliver, Morgenthau, Law and Realism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 139CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Rengger, Nicholas, ‘Tragedy or Scepticism? Defending the Anti-Pelagian Mind in World Politics’, in Lebow, Richard Ned and Erskine, Toni (eds), Tragedy and International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), p. 57Google Scholar.

57 Hans J. Morgenthau, ‘Letter to Michael Oakeshott’, 22 May 1948 (Container 44, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

58 Hans J. Morgenthau, ‘Letter to Richard S. Cohen’, 4 October 1962 (Container 10, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

59 Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics in the Twentieth Century, p. 110.

60 Morgenthau, Hans J., ‘Power as a Political Concept’, in Young, Roland (ed.), Approaches to the Study of Politics (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1971), p. 75Google Scholar.

61 Solomon, ‘Human Nature and the Limits of the Self’, p. 211.

62 This optimism is also acknowledged in Lebow, Richard Ned's recent ‘German Jews and American Realism’, Constellations, 18:4 (2011)Google Scholar.

63 Young-Bruehl, Elisabeth, Hannah Arendt. For Love of the World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), p. 324Google Scholar.

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65 Nietzsche, Friedrich, Thus Spoke Zarathustra. A Book for Everyone and No One (London: Penguin, 1969), p. 234Google Scholar.

66 Morgenthau, Scientific Man vs. Power Politics, p. 176.

67 Nietzsche, Friedrich, The Will to Power (New York: Vintage Books, 1968), p. 336Google Scholar.

68 Spinks, Lee, Friedrich Nietzsche (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 131Google Scholar.

69 Lukács, György, The Theory of the Novel: A Historic-Philosophical Essay on the Forms of Great Epic Literature (London: Merlin Press, 1963), p. 41Google Scholar.

70 Ontological security is understood here in Anthony Giddens's sense. Ideologies furnish people in their yearning to give meaning to the social world and establish their identity within it not only with the ontological framework that allows them to do so and thereby gain security, but there is also a reification of the ideology through social structures and institutions. Giddens, Anthony, The Constitution of Reality. Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), p. 375Google Scholar.

71 Neacsu, Hans J. Morgenthau's Theory of International Relations, p. 99.

72 Morgenthau, Science: Servant or Master?, pp. 48–9.

73 Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra, p. 111.

74 Ibid., pp. 84–6.

75 Morgenthau, ‘Letter to Bryon Dobell’.

76 Morgenthau, The Concept of the Political and ‘Einige logische Bemerkungen zu Carl Schmitt's Begriff des Politischen’, 1934–5 (Container 110, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

77 Morgenthau, Science: Servant or Master?, p. 144.

78 Ibid., pp. 144–5.

79 Frei, Christoph, Hans J. Morgenthau. Eine intellektuelle Biographie (Bern: Paul Haupt, 1994), p. 102Google Scholar.

80 Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra, p. 85.

81 Morgenthau, The Concept of the Political, p. 106.

82 Morgenthau, Science: Servant or Master?, p. 146.

83 Simmel, Georg, Philosophie der Mode. Die Religion. Kant und Goethe. Schopenhauer und Nietzsche. Gesamtausgabe Band 10 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1995), pp. 361–2Google Scholar and Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 100.

84 Morgenthau, ‘Kann in unserer Zeit eine objektive Moralordnung aufgestellt werden?’, p. 88, author's translation.

85 Young-Bruehl, Hannah Arendt, p. xv.

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88 Klusmeyer, Douglas, ‘Hannah Arendt's Critical Realism: Power, Justice, and Responsibility’, in Lang, Anthony F. Jr. and Williams, John (eds), Hannah Arendt and International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005)Google Scholar; ‘Beyond Tragedy: Hannah Arendt and Hans Morgenthau on Responsibility, Evil, and Political Ethics’, International Studies Review, 11 (2009).

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90 Arendt, Hannah, On Violence (Orlando: Harcourt, 1970), p. 44Google Scholar.

91 Ibid., p. 41.

92 Ibid., p. 51; Arendt, Hannah, Denken ohne Geländer. Texte und Briefe (Munich: Piper, 2005), pp. 92–3Google Scholar; Morgenthau, Die internationale Rechtspflege, p. 51; and The Concept of the Political, pp. 106–7. See as well: Williams, ‘Why Ideas Matter’, p. 645.

93 Hans J. Morgenthau, ‘But are they allowed to do that?’, Christian Science Monitor (19 July 1968), p. 9.

94 Rohde, Hans J. Morgenthau und der weltpolitische Realismus, p. 98; Owens, ‘The Ethic of Reality in Hannah Arendt’, p. 110.

95 Morgenthau, Political Theory and International Affairs, p. 30.

96 Ibid., p. 56.

97 Hans J. Morgenthau, ‘Letter to Edward Dew’, 22 August 1958 (Container 17, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC).

98 Morgenthau, Hans J., Human Rights and Foreign Policy (New York: Council on Religion and International Affairs, 1979), p. 25Google Scholar.

99 Another example for the flexibility of Morgenthau's concepts is his understanding of the national interest, as remarked in Lebow, The Tragic Vision of Politics, p. 245. This conceptual flexibility repeatedly caused academic discomfort and particularly Morgenthau's concept of power was criticised as not being scientific enough. See, for example, Keohane, Robert O., ‘Realism, Neorealism, and the Study of World Politics’, in Keohane, Robert O. (ed.), Neorealism and its Critics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 10Google Scholar.

100 Morgenthau, Politics in the Twentieth Century, pp. 72–3.

101 Morgenthau, The Concept of the Political, pp. 123–6.

102 Morgenthau, Political Theory and International Affairs, p. 91.

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105 This aspect is increasingly of interest for International Relations scholarship, as evidenced in Brown, Chris, ‘The “Practice Turn”, Phronesis, and Classical Realism: Towards a Phronetic International Political Theory’, Millennium – Journal of International Studies, 40:3 (2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Solomon, ‘Human Nature and the Limits of the Self’; or Rösch, ‘The Human Condition of Politics’. Recently, also the Leverhulme Trust granted a research network with the intention to further examine this aspect: {http://research.ncl.ac.uk/classicalrealism}.

106 The latter is largely forgotten today in International Relations. However, there was a recent reassessment of his life and work. See Thümmler, Ellen, Katholischer Publizist und amerikanischer Politikwissenschaftler. Eine intellektuelle Biografie Waldemar Gurians (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2011)Google Scholar.

107 Crouch, Colin, Post-Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), ch. 1Google Scholar and The Strange Non-Death of Neoliberalism (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2011), ch. 7.

108 Mouffe, Chantal, On the Political (London: Routledge, 2005), p. 12Google Scholar.

109 Examples are Council of Europe, White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue. ‘Living Together as Equals in Dignity’ (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 2008)Google Scholar and European Commission, Highlights of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2009)Google Scholar.

110 Radtke, Frank-Olaf, Kulturen sprechen nicht. Die Politik grenzüberschreitender Dialoge (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2011), pp. 1225Google Scholar.

111 Morgenthau, The Concept of the Political, p. 126.