¹ In this article, East Asia refers to the geographic region that includes China, Japan, Korea, and ASEAN countries.

² Combining insights of Hobson, Katzenstein, and Bettiza, I conceptualise civilisations as ‘the broadest, loosely coupled, internally differentiated, cultural and social constructs that help relationally constitute political actors’ identities and interest’. See Hobson, John M., The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 7–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Katzenstein, Peter J., ‘A world of plural and pluralist civilizations: Multiple actors, traditions, and practices’, in Katzenstein, Peter J. (ed.), Civilizations in World Politics: Plural and Pluralist Perspectives (London: Routledge, 2010), p. 5Google Scholar; Bettiza, Gregorio, ‘Civilizational analysis in International Relations: Mapping the field and advancing a “civilizational politics” line of research’, International Studies Review, 16:1 (2015), p. 7Google Scholar.

³ Wade, Robert, ‘Japan, the World Bank, and the art of paradigm maintenance: The East Asian miracle in political perspective’, New Left Review, 217 (1995/1996), pp. 3–37Google Scholar; Lee, Yong Wook, The Japanese Challenge to the American Neoliberal Order: Identity, Meaning, and Foreign Policy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁴ See, for example, Ferchen, Matt, ‘Whose China model is it anyway? The contending search for consensus’, Review of International Political Economy, 20:2 (2013), pp. 390–420CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Drawing on So Young Kim's extensive conceptual survey of Asian values, I broadly define Asian values here as a set of values that are putatively, perceptively, and distinctively shared among Asians, which are believed to be responsible for Asia's successful economic development. More specifically, the four major components of Asian values are familism, communalism (the primacy of group goals over individual welfare and freedom), authority orientation (deference to authority, penchant for order and stability), and work ethic (hard work, thrift, and emphasis on education). See Kim, So Young, ‘Do Asian values exist? Empirical tests of the four dimensions of Asian values’, Journal of East Asian Studies, 10 (2010), pp. 317–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ See Chey, Hyeong-kyu and Helleiner, Eric, ‘Civilizational values and political economy beyond the West: The significance of Korean debates at the time of its economic opening’, Contemporary Politics, 24:2 (2018), pp. 191–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Helleiner, Eric and Wang, Hongying, ‘Beyond the tributary tradition of Chinese IPE: The indigenous roots of early Chinese economic nationalism’, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 11:4 (2018), pp. 451–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹² Woo-Cumings, Meredith, ‘Introduction: Chalmers Johnson and the politics of nationalism and development’, in Woo-Cumings, Meredith (ed.), The Developmental State (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), pp. 7–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Woo-Cumings, Meredith, ‘Back to basics: Ideology, nationalism, and Asian values in East Asia’, in Helleiner, Eric and Pickel, Andreas (eds), Economic Nationalism in a Globalized World (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), pp. 93–5Google Scholar.

¹³ I take advantage of Eisenstadt's conceptualisation of ‘[Western] modernity’ here, as it is not only authoritative in its own right, but also it resonates with this article's emphasis on East Asian agency (‘East Asian struggles to recalibrate its place in world politics by challenging neoliberalism’, for example). According to Eisenstadt, modernity, which is rooted in Western Enlightenment's twin premises of autonomous human agency and progressive view of history, refers to a secular humanist programme/movement entailing that human beings can create and chart the world as they design and plan (as opposed to God-ordained cosmos). See Eisenstadt, Shmuel N., ‘The civilizational dimension of modernity: Modernity as a distinct civilization’, International Sociology, 16:3 (2001), pp. 321–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁶ In this article, I broadly define discourse as a constitutive structure of meaning for what can be said and done, while a narrative is taken to be a subclass of discourse with the key characteristic of having ‘a clear sequential order that connects events in a meaningful way’. See Hinchman, Lewis and Hinchman, Sandra, Memory, Identity and Community: The Idea of Narrative in Human Sciences (Albany: SUNY Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

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¹⁸ Since I use the concept of multiple modernities analytically, the question of what the proper meaning of modernity is, which is extremely important in its own right, goes beyond the scope of this article. For the role of concept in interpretation, see Duranti, Alessandro, Linguistic Anthropology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), ch. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dworkin, Ronald, Law's Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), ch. 2Google Scholar; Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973), ch. 2Google Scholar; Harding, Sandra, Is Science Multi-Cultural? Postcolonialisms, Feminisms, and Epistemologies (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1998), pp. 9–28Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Bettiza, ‘Civilizational analysis in international relations’, pp. 5–9. Bettiza categorises civilisational politics as one of four research paradigms in the field of civilisational analysis. The other three are ‘civilisational dynamics’, ‘inter-civilisational ethics’, and ‘the politics of civilisation’. ‘Civilisational dynamics’ research mainly investigates the historical patterns of civilisational interactions. ‘Inter-civilisational ethics’ research, which has a strong normative orientation, is concerned with the ways in which inter-civilisational dialogues and understandings are best promoted for international peace. Lastly, ‘the politics of civilisation’ research critically examines how civilisational discourses and invocations are called in as rhetorical tools to legitimise unequal power relations and practices among concerned parties. In contrast, the centrality of civilisational politics research lies in ‘the desire to investigate how actors come to perceive the international as a place where civilisations and their relations matter; and how actors, when reshaping international politics along these beliefs, bring civilizations into existence as social facts at this historical juncture in world politics’ (ibid., p. 4, emphasis in original). For a similar survey of civilisational analysis and research, see also Bettiza, Gregorio and Petito, Fabio, ‘Why (clash of) civilizations discourses just won't go away? Understanding the civilizational politics of our times’, in Orsi, Davide (ed.), The ‘Clash of Civilizations’ 25 Years On: A Multidisciplinary Appraisal (Bristol: E-International Relations, 2018), pp. 37–51Google Scholar.

²⁰ Recent exceptions include Bell, Daniel, Beyond Liberal Democracy: Political Thinking for an East Asian Context (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brett Bowden and Leonard Seabrooke, ‘Global standards of market civilization’, in Hall and Jackson (eds), Civilizational Identity, pp. 119–33; Chey, Hyoung-kyu and Helleiner, Eric, ‘Civilizational values and political economy beyond the West: The significance of Korean debates at the time of its economic opening’, Contemporary Politics, 24:2 (2018), pp. 191–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Helleiner, Eric and Wang, Hongying, ‘Beyond the tributary tradition of Chinese IPE: The indigenous roots of early Chinese economic nationalism’, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 11:4 (2018), pp. 451–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation; Hobson, ‘Part 2 – Reconstructing the non-Eurocentric foundation of IPE’; Hobson, John M., ‘Reconstructing International Relations through world history: Oriental globalization and the global-dialogue conception of inter-civilizational relations’, International Politics, 44 (2007), pp. 414–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hobson, John M., ‘Part 1 – Revealing the Eurocentric foundation of IPE: A critical historiography of the discipline from the classical to the modern era’, Review of International Political Economy, 20:5 (2013), pp. 1024–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Katzenstein, Peter J. (ed.), Sinicization and the Rise of China: Civilizational Processes beyond East and West (New York: Routledge, 2012)Google Scholar; Pomeranz, Kenneth, ‘Without coal? Colonies? Calculus? Counterfactuals and industrialization in Europe and China’, in Tetlock, Phillip, Lebow, Richard, and Parker, Geoffrey (eds), Unmaking the West: ‘What-If’ Scenarios that Rewrite World History (Ann Arbor: the University of Michigan Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

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²⁹ Ibid., p. 4.

³⁰ Michel Callon, ‘What does it mean to say that economics is performative?’, in MacKenzie, Muniesa, and Siu (eds), Do Economists Make Markets?, p. 316.

³¹ As Butler herself acknowledges in her 1999 preface of Gender Trouble, pp. xiv, xxiv, her idea of performativity has changed or evolved over time in response to criticisms. In Butler's own assessment of how she has clarified and revised the use of performativity, she was initially interested in employing the concept of performativity to highlight the performative role of gender discourses (‘regulative discourses’) in creating ‘the anticipation of a gendered essence’ for a socially sanctioned ritual of gender performance, which in turn reinforces the gendered anticipation in a self-fulfilling prophecy fashion. In her subsequent writings, Butler more explicitly elaborated on the performativity link between gender scripts/descriptions and gendered ontologies. See Butler, Judith, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of ‘Sex’ (New York: Routledge, 1993)Google Scholar; Butler, Judith, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (New York: Routledge, 1997)Google Scholar. For her claim that performativity is useful to analyse the processes that engender the naturalised assumptions of what constitutes reality; see also Butler, Judith, ‘Performative agency’, Journal of Cultural Economy, 3:2 (2010), pp. 147–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In fact, both MacKenzie, Muniesa, and Siu (eds), Do Economists Make Markets and Mackenzie, An Engine Not a Camera recognise Butler as a pioneer who utilises the notion of performativity for social analysis.

³² In Butler's own words, ‘Such acts, gestures, enactments, generally constructed, are performative in the sense that the essence or identity that they otherwise purport to express are fabrications manufactured and sustained through corporeal signs and other discursive means. That the gendered body is performative suggests that it has no ontological status apart from the various acts which constitute its reality.’ Butler, Gender Trouble, p. 173, emphasis in original.

³³ Callon, ‘What does it mean to say that economics is performative?’, p. 327.

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⁶⁶ Otherwise, it is hard to fathom the empirical fact that clashes occur primarily within rather than between civilisations. For this empirical insight, see, for example, Ben-Yehuda, Hemada, ‘The clash of civilization's thesis: Findings from international crises, 1918–1994’, Comparative Civilizations Review, 49 (2003), pp. 28–42Google Scholar; Chiozza, Giacomo, ‘Is there a clash of civilizations? Evidence from patterns of international conflict involvement, 1946–97’, Journal of Peace Research, 39:6 (2002), pp. 711–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶⁸ Bettiza, ‘Civilizational analysis in international relations’, p. 10.

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⁷⁰ Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation.

⁷¹ Hobson, ‘Part 2 – Reconstructing the non-Eurocentric foundation of IPE’, p. 1070.

⁷² Tetlock, Lebow, and Parker (eds), Unmaking the West.

⁷³ Interestingly, Zhang empirically tracks how China helped shape the formation of European civilisational subjectivity as a superior other during the Enlightenment period. As such, China was indispensable to the development of European ‘idea of progress’ in the eighteenth century. See Yongjin Zhang, ‘Worlding China, 1500–1800’, in Dunne and Reus-Smit (eds), The Globalization of International Society, pp. 204–23.

⁷⁴ Bowden, The Empire of Civilization, pp. 50–3.

⁷⁵ Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, ‘Modernity and modernization’, Sociopedia.isa (2010), available at: {doi: 10.1177/205684601053}, p. 13.

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⁷⁷ Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation, pp. 7–11.

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