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¹¹ Unless otherwise noted, all references to the articles by Marx and Engels on the ‘Eastern Question’ are taken from the Collected Works (hereafter, MECW) and the German Werke (MEW). The volumes cited in this article are, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Werke, 9 (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1960); Werke, 10 (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1961); Collected Works, 12 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1979); Collected Works, 47 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1995). For the sake of brevity, I shall cite only the volume of MECW or MEW that contains the cited article along with the relevant page numbers.

¹² As indicative of its dominant role in public discourse, Nazan Çiçek notes that ‘[b]etween 1876 and 1885 nearly five hundred articles exploring the different aspects of this subject [Eastern Question] appeared in the ten most widely circulated monthly journals in Great Britain alone.’ Çiçek, Nazan, The Young Ottomans: Turkish Critics of the Eastern Question in the Late Nineteenth Century (London: IB Tauris, 2010), p. 1Google Scholar.

¹³ I do not claim that all the proclamations made and the details provided in their analysis are accurate though one should not overlook Eleanor Marx’s comment: ‘not all prophecies have come true, or have been realised in the precise form in which they were made. But the accuracy of them in the main is astonishing’. See Marx, Karl, The Eastern Question: A Reprint of Letters Written 1853–1856 Dealing with the Events of the Crimean War, eds. E. Marx Aveling and E. Aveling (London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1897), p. IXGoogle Scholar. Among these ‘failed prophecies’, one can recall their expectation of and hopes for a wave of Balkan movements for self-determination to pave the way for the establishment of ‘government[s] more suitable to the wants of the people’ and ‘the reconstruction of the Ottoman Empire by the establishment of a Greek Empire, or of a Federal Republic of Slavonic States’. See MECW 12, pp. 33, 212. Engels, in a retrospective overview, noted the ascendancy of ethnic nationalism in newly independent Balkan states wherein ‘Slavophil chauvinism which had been encouraged in the hope that it would counterbalance the revolutionary element, continued to grow day by day’. See MECW 47, p. 515.

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²¹ This is not to say that Marx and Engels did so by using the term ‘geopolitics’ given the concept in its modern form which signified ‘an attempt to reveal textually and cartographically the complex relationships between geography and politics at a variety of spatial scales from the local to the global’ was first coined by the Swedish jurist and political scientist Rudolf Kjellén in 1899. See Heffernan, Michael, ‘Fin de siècle, fin du monde? On the origins of European geopolitics, 1890–1920’, in K. Dodds and D. Atkinson (eds), Geopolitical Traditions: A Century of Geopolitical Thought (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 28Google Scholar; Tunander, Ola, ‘Swedish-German geopolitics for a new century: Rudolf Kjellén’s “The State as a Living Organism”’, Review of International Studies, 27:3 (2001), p. 459CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵³ Pozo-Martin, , ‘Autonomous or materialist geopolitics?’, pp. 560–561Google Scholar.

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⁸⁴ MECW 12, pp. 212–13.

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⁸⁶ MECW 12, p. 106, emphasis in original.

⁸⁷ MECW 12, p. 34.

⁸⁸ There is no doubt that the ‘Eastern Question’ interventions of Marx and Engels are constructed from a European perspective. Nevertheless, the empirical focus on Europe is always accompanied by a universal sensitivity to the prospects of revolution beyond Europe, thus any attempt at unpacking the archive’s Eurocentrism has to carefully evaluate its position within the broader corpus of Marx and Engels. I have explored these questions in more detail in Tansel, ‘Deafening silence?’ and Tansel, Cemal Burak, ‘Breaking the Eurocentric cage’, Capital & Class, 37:2 (2013), pp. 299–307CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹⁰ Marx’s citation of an article by M. de St-Marc Girardin published in the Journal des Débats signals the extraordinary extent to which class relations were seen fundamental during the mid-nineteenth century. Mirroring a conservative counter-argument of the revolutionary praxis espoused by Marx and Engels, Girardin wrote: ‘Europe has two great perils, according to us: Russia, which menaces her independence; and the Revolution, which menaces her social order. Now, she cannot be saved from one of these perils except by exposing herself entirely to the other … [W]hat we know is, that in the present state of Europe, war would be the social revolution’. See MECW 12, p. 117 emphasis in original.

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⁹² MECW 12, p. 313.

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¹⁰⁶ Marx, , The Eastern Question, p. 90Google Scholar; MECW 12, p. 175; MEW 9, p. 177. There are other direct associations made between the political circuits and newspapers. Marx, for example chastises The Morning Post as ‘Palmerston’s private Moniteur’. See Marx, , The Eastern Question, p. 263Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ MECW 12, p. 537.

¹⁰⁸ MECW 12, p. 19.

¹⁰⁹ See, for example, leader of The Times dated 8 July 1953 which contains the following statement: ‘as the Russians could not master their propensity for civilizing barbarian provinces, England had better let them do as they desired, and avoid a disturbance of the peace by vain obstinacy’ (quoted in MECW 12, p. 185).

¹¹⁰ MECW 12, p. 113, emphasis in original.

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