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The external relations of the European Community—shadow and substance

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 October 2009

Geoffrey Goodwin
Geoffrey Goodwin
Affiliation:
Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics
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Extract

In the last three years or so the Nine have been more active in promoting consultation, co-ordination and occasionally common action in the realm of the external relations of the European Community than in fostering the integration process within the Community. However, a good deal of this activity has been procedural in nature rather than substantive and at times such modest progress as has been achieved has been extolled beyond its due, if only to conceal the lack of progress on the internal side. Moreover, it is as well to remember that each of the Nine member governments continues to rely mainly upon its nexus of bilateral relations for promoting its own particular interests with the outside world. Thus to focus on the external relations of the Community per se is to highlight only part - and not necessarily the most significant part - of the spectrum of the external relations of individual members. Nevertheless, the inauguration of a new European Commission on the 6 January 1977 provides a convenient moment to assess the state of the Community's external relations1 and, in particular, to try and separate the achievements of substance from those of a more shadowy or procedural nature.

Type
Research Article
Information
Review of International Studies , Volume 3 , Issue 1 , April 1977 , pp. 39 - 54
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1977

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References

page 39 note 1. For a more detailed account see Twitchett, Kenneth J. (ed.) Europe and the World; The External Relations of the Common Market (London, 1976)Google Scholar.

page 40 note 1. The relevant part of Art 113 reads: “After the transitional period has ended, the common commercial policy shall be based on uniform principles, particularly in regard to changes in tariff rates, the conclusion of tariff and trade agreements, the achievement of uniformity in measures of liberalization, export policy and measures to protect trade such as those to be taken in case of dumping or subsidies. ” See also, Goodwin, Geoffrey, ‘A European Community Foreign Policy’, Journal of Common Market Studies, xxi (1973), p. 17Google Scholar.

page 42 note 1. See report of speech by Mr George Thomson,The Times 6 Jan. 1977.

page 42 note 2. See Geoffrey Edwards and William Wallace, A Wider European Community? Issues and Problems ofFurther Enlargement, Federal Trust, 1977. Mr Crosland, speaking to the European Parliament in his capacity as President of the Council of Ministers, is reported to have stressed the case for enlargement as “an investment in the democratic future of Europe” and to have argued that “the political benefits…outweigh all the practical difficulties”, The Times, 14 Jan. 1977; but the latter are very real, particularly in terms of accentuating the gulf between rich and poor within the Community and in increasing the demands on limited Community funds.

page 44 note 1. Walton, Ann-Margaret, ‘Atlantic Bargaining over Energy’, International Affairs, lii (1976).Google Scholar

page 45 note 1. Lindemann, Beate, ‘Europe and the Third World: The Nine at the United Nations’, The World Today, July 1976Google Scholar.

page 45 note 2. Ibid. p. 267.

page 46 note 1. For text seeLe Courier, No. 31 - special - Mar. 1975.

page 46 note 2. To which should now be added three new members: Surinam, Seychelles, and Comoro States.

page 47 note 1. Wall, David, The European Community's Lome Convention: “Stabex” and the Third World's Aspirations, Trade Policy Research Centre, Guest Paper No. 4, 1976Google Scholar.

page 48 note 1. The Community's role is said to have been secondary to that of the Socialist International.

page 49 note 1. Voile, Dr Angelika and Wallace, William, ‘How Common a Fisheries Policy?’, The World Today, Feb. 1977Google Scholar.

page 49 note 2. First Report of the Foreign Ministers to the Heads of State and Government of the European Community's Member States of 27 Oct. 1970 (Luxembourg Report). For a valuable analysis of the growth and limitations of political co-operation see: Wallace, William and Allen, David, ‘Political Cooperation: Procedure as substitute for policy?’, in Wallace, William, Webb, Carole and Wallace, Helen (eds.), Policy-Making in the European Communities(London, 1977)Google Scholar

page 49 note 3. Committee of Permanent Representatives.

page 50 note 1. Prime Minister Leo Tindemans Report to the European Council on European Union, Supplement 1/76 toBulletin of the European Communities, p. 13.

page 50 note 2. William Wallace and David Allen,op. cit. p. 243.

page 50 note 3. Ibid.

page 51 note 1. See Annette Morgan,From Summit to Council: Evolution in the EEC, European Series No. 27, PEP/CH, June 1976. Also Wallace, Helen and Edwards, Geoffrey, ‘European Community: The Evolving Role of the Presidency of the Council’, International Affairs, lii (1976)Google Scholar.

page 51 note 2. Fortext see:Bulletin of the European Communities 1/75.

page 51 note 3. Tindemans,op. cit, p. 3.

page 51 note 4. Ibid. p. 29.

page 52 note 1. Britain, France, West Germany, Italy. The other three are the United States, Canada and Japan.

page 52 note 2. The USA, Japan, West Germany, France and Britain.

page 53 note 1. Tindemans,op. cit. p. 10.

page 53 note 2. The position adopted earlier by M. Joubert and reiterated recently by the French Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, M, Pierre Christian Taittinger,The Times, 1 Dec. 1976.

page 54 note 1. D. J. Allen,Report of UACES Study Group on European Union, June 1976, p. 29.

page 54 note 2. See Roy Jenkins's speech to the European Parliament,The Times, 12 Jan. 1977, in par ticular the passage: “We must work to ensure that the Europe of the Community, and especially the Commission which is its servant, is seen to have and has in fact, a human face which individual citizens in member states can both recognize and trust.