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Can conflict-generated diasporas be moderate actors during episodes of contested sovereignty? Lebanese and Albanian diasporas compared

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 July 2010

MARIA KOINOVA
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Abstract

Conflict-generated diasporas are considered likely to maintain radical behaviours. This article seeks to explain why and how they nevertheless adopt moderate claims, especially when advocating highly sensitive issues such as state sovereignty. Focusing on groups in the US I investigate the Lebanese diaspora linked to the pro-sovereignty movement in Lebanon (2000–2005) and the Albanian diaspora linked to Kosovo's independence movement (1999–2008). The contentious episodes take place during the original homeland's post-conflict reconstruction. Embedded in the literatures on diasporas, conflicts, and transnational social movements, this article argues that instrumental approach towards the achievement of sovereignty explains why conflict-generated diasporas adopt moderate behaviours. Diasporas hope that by linking their claims to a global political opportunity structure of ‘liberalism’ they ‘play the game’ of the international community interested in promoting the liberal paradigm, and thus expect to obtain its support for the legitimisation of their pro-sovereignty goals. Diaspora entrepreneurs advance their claims in a two-step process. Initially they use frame bridging and frame extension to formulate their existing grievances. Then, an increased responsiveness from their host-state emerges to sustain their initial moderation. While individuals or groups in diaspora circles occasionally issue threats during the contentious episodes, the majority in the diaspora consider moderate politics as their dominant behaviour.

Type
Research Article
Information
Review of International Studies , Volume 37 , Issue 1 , January 2011 , pp. 437 - 462
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2010

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49 Since I use a constructivist definition of the term ‘diaspora’, the numbers provided should be treated as proxies. Not all diaspora members who claim an identity act politically upon them.

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55 Anonymous 3, Lebanese expatriate, author's telephone interviews (May 2007 and February 2009).

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61 International legal sovereignty designates the judicial recognition of an international legal entity. Domestic sovereignty denotes the ability of domestic authority structures to control activities within their territorial borders. Stephen Krasner, Problematic Sovereignty (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), pp. 1–52.

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68 Shawn Pogatchnik, AP (30 May 2008).

69 Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink, ‘International Norm Dynamics and Political Change’, International Organization, 54 (Autumn 1998), pp. 887–917.

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71 Anonymous 3, author's telephone interview (February 2009).

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74 An outburst without central planning but with a high degree of local co-ordination swept Kosovo and left 19 people dead, nearly 900 injured, 4,500 displaced, and over 700 minority homes, public buildings and 30 Serbian churches and monasteries damaged or destroyed, ICG, ‘Collapse’, p. 28.

75 Human Rights Watch, Failure to Protect, 16 (2004), p. 59.

76 Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: a Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).

77 Discussions with participants in the international conference, ‘Politics, Culture, and the Lebanese Diaspora’, Lebanese American University (Beirut, Lebanon, May 2007).

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79 Jacob Bercovitch, ‘A Neglected Relationship’, in Smith and Stares, ‘Diasporas in Conflict’, pp. 17–38; Lyons, ‘Diasporas in Conflict’, p. 123.

80 See n. 69 above.

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82 Adamson, ‘Global Liberalism’, p. 548; John Ikenberry, Liberal Order and Imperial Ambition (London: Polity, 2006).

83 Sikkink defines international opportunity structure as the ‘degree of openness of international institutions to the participation of transnational NGOs, networks, and coalitions’. Domestic opportunity structure refers to ‘primarily how open or closed domestic political institutions are to domestic social movement or NGO influence’. Kathryn Sikkink, ‘Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance and the Insider-Outside Coalition’, in Della Porta et al., ‘Transnational Protest’, pp. 156–7.

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86 On diaspora association in liberal democracies: Adamson, ‘Transformation’, p. 162; Koslowski, ‘Globalization of Domestic Politics’, p. 12. On ‘boomerang’ effects under closed opportunity structures: Keck and Sikkink, ‘Activists’, p. 13; On ‘spiral effects’: Risse, ‘Human Rights’, 1999. On adaptation of boomerang effects to diaspora mobilisation: Wayland, ‘Ethno-nationalist networks’, p. 411.

87 ‘Rooted cosmopolitans’ primarily think of themselves as locals embedded in a host-land while maintaining transnational ties. Tarrow, ‘Transnational Activism’, p. 40. In contrast, works on transnationalism maintain that diasporas are embedded simultaneously in two political contexts, of the homeland and the host-land. Glick Shiller et al., Nations Unbound (New York, Gordon and Breach, 1994).

88 Christian groups supporting former General Michel Aoun (FPM) and Samir Geagea (LF) fought bitterly against each other during the Lebanese civil war yet supported Lebanon's independence from Syria in its aftermath by different means. After an unsuccessful ‘war of liberation’ (1988–1990) Aoun fled to France. Marie-Joelle Zahar, ‘Peace by Unconventional Means’, in Donald Rothchild et al. (eds), Ending Civil Wars (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2002), pp. 572–5. Samir Geagea openly resented Syrian domination from within Lebanon, yet his LF were banned in 1994, and he and many sympathisers were imprisoned while others fled in exile. Blanford, ‘Killing’, p. 59.

89 Elizabeth Pickard, Lebanon. A Shattered Country (New York: Holmes and Meier, 2002), p. 199.

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96 Anonymous 6, Albanian-American analyst, author's interviews (Washington D.C., 12 July 2006 and 12 July, 2007).; Anonymous 8, Kosovo Albanian student leader, author's interview (Washington D.C., 14 July 2007).

97 ICG, Kosovo After Haradinaj. Europe Report 163 (2005), 26 May; Anonymous 8, Source close to the US government, author's interview (Washington D.C., 24 July 2007).

98 Benford and Snow, ‘Framing Processes’, p. 625.

99 Najjar, ‘Letter to George Bush’ (2001).

100 LFP, ‘The Fourth World Maronite Congress’ 2002, Press Release, {http://www.free-lebanon.com/LFPNews/congress/congress.html}.

101 Anonymous 7, ‘Interview’ (2007).

102 Elias Bejjani, General Aoun, LF Blog (2006), {http://www.ouwet.com/lf-boston/political/general-aoun-by-elias-bejjani/}.

103 Anonymous 9, Lebanese expatriate, author's interview (Washington D.C., 31 July 2007).

104 Zeri Weekly, ‘A Strong Man on the Side of Kosova. Interview with Former Congressman Joe DioGuardi’ (Prishtina, Kosovo, 25 October 2000), AACL web-site available at {http://www.aacl.com/Diaspora.html}.

105 Anonymous 5, ‘Interview’ (2006).

106 Benford and Snow, ‘Framing Processes’, p. 625.

107 Beijjani, ‘General Aoun’ (2006).

108 Anonymous 3, ‘Interview’ (February 2009); Anonymous 8, author's telephone interview (February 2009).

109 Charles Brockett, Political Movements and Violence in Central America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 56.

110 Anonymous 3, Lebanese expatriate, author's telephone interview (May 2007).

111 Anonymous 10, Lebanese expatriate, author's interview (Washington D.C., 24 July 2007).

112 The bill was introduced in Congress in 2002, but did not pass. It was reintroduced for consideration in 2003 when it was adopted.

113 Norton, ‘Hezbollah’, p. 126.

114 Gary Gambill, ‘Hariri's Dilemma’, Middle East Intelligence Bulletin, 5 (November 2003), {http://www.meib.org/articles/0311_l2.htm}.

115 See n. 103 above.

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117 Maria Stephan and Rudy Jaafar, ‘Lebanon's Independence Intifada’, unpublished manuscript, 2006.

118 Norton, ‘Hezbollah’, p. 128.

119 Since its military withdrawal, Syria continues to interfere in Lebanon's affairs. It obstructed a UN-launched investigation into the assassination of Rafiq Hariri and was allegedly behind the assassinations of high profile anti-Syrian politicians, journalists, and activists. The 33-day war between Hezbollah and Israel in 2006 ended with no side defeated, while the local reputation of Hezbollah increased due to its ability to sustain a major attack and quickly recuperate. Hezbollah has been part of the opposition to the US-backed local government and has obstructed the political process through demonstrations and by seizing large parts of Beirut in May 2008 in order to advance its preferred presidential candidate.

120 ICG, ‘Collapse’, p. 28.

121 ICG, ‘After Haradinaj’, p. 9.

122 Anonymous 4, ‘Interview (2006).

123 Anonymous 4 and Anonymous 8, interviews in 2007.

124 ICG, Kosovo's First Month, Europe Briefing 47 (18 March 2008).

125 Adamson, ‘Global Liberalism’, pp. 547–69.

126 Lori Brainard and Jennifer Brinkerhoff, ‘Sovereignty under Siege, or a Circuitous Path for Strengthening the State? Digital Diasporas and Human Rights’, International Journal of Public Administration, 29 (2006), pp. 595–618.