Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-j824f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-20T00:49:44.782Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Comparative theory, China, and the future of East Asian regionalism(s)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 July 2010

Abstract

Despite the development of an increasingly sophisticated literature on comparative regional integration drawing from a variety of cases, the European experience remains the most often used benchmark against which other integrative processes are judged; there is still an often implicit expectation that ‘successful’ processes of regionalism will end up looking something like the European Union. While it is correct to move away from such a ‘Euro-dominance’, the theoretical lessons learned continue to have salience when applied to emerging and competing forms of integrative processes in East Asia. In particular, when economic considerations dominate regional relations – at times of economic crises – then integrative logics and strategies come to the fore. In more ‘normal’ times when geo-strategic considerations reassert themselves, then the consensus over region building and the very nature of the region itself is weakened and cooperation is replaced by competing visions and the over-supply of region.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2010

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Discussions with Wang Zhengyi, Beijing University, Beijing (February 2008).

2 I am, of course, using ‘China’ here to refer to the policies and attitudes of key state elites and not to imply that there is only one interest in the entire nation.

3 Rosamond, Ben, Theories of European Integration (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000), p. 10Google Scholar .

4 Haas, Ernst, The Obsolescence of Regional Integration Theory (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies Working Paper, 1975)Google Scholar .

5 Keohane, Robert and Nye, Joseph, Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1977)Google Scholar .

6 Mattli, Walter, The Logic of Regional Integration: Europe and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

7 See Breslin, Shaun, ‘Theorising East Asian Regionalism(s): New Regionalism and Asia's Future(s)’, in Curley, Melissa and Thomas, Nick (eds), Advancing East Asian Regionalism (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 2651Google Scholar .

8 In particular, Chapters Six and Seven of Robert Cox, Robert Cox with Sinclair, Timothy, Approaches to World Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996)Google Scholar .

9 Grimes, Scott, ‘San Diego-Tijuana: Microregionalism and Metropolitan Spillover’, in Breslin, Shaun and Hook, Glenn (eds), Microregionalism and World Order (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), pp. 2341CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

10 A distinction that was made early in the evolution of literature on new regionalism in this journal in Hurrell, Andrew, ‘Explaining the Resurgence of Regionalism in World Politics’, Review of International Studies, 21:4 (1995), pp. 331358CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; and also by Gamble, Andrew and Payne, Anthony (eds), Regionalism and World Order (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

11 Panagiota Manoli, The Formation of Black Sea Economic Cooperation: A Case of Subregionalism (University of Warwick, Department of Politics and International Studies, PhD Thesis, 2003).

12 Katzenstein, Peter, ‘Regionalism in Asia’, in Breslin, Shaun et al. , (eds), New Regionalisms in the Global Political Economy: Theories and Cases (London: Routledge, 2002), p. 104Google Scholar .

13 Jayasuriya, Kanishka (ed.), Governing the Asia Pacific: Beyond the ‘New Regionalism’ (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2004)Google Scholar .

14 Colin Hay and Ben Rosamond, ‘Globalisation, European Integration and the Discursive Construction of Economic Imperatives’, International Political Science Association XVIIIth World Congress of Political Science, Quebec City, Canada (1–5 August 2000).

15 Helen Wallace, ‘Europeanisation and Globalisation: Complementary or Contradictory Trends?’, in Breslin, et al., New Regionalisms in the Global Political Economy, p. 149.

16 Cocks, Peter, ‘Towards a Marxist Theory of European Integration’, International Organization, 34:1 (1980), pp. 140CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

17 Andrew Hurrell, ‘Explaining the Resurgence of Regionalism in World Politics’.

18 Of course, this does not have to simply be based on market access, and could also include simply ensuring special political gains.

19 Thanks to Ben Rosamond for focussing the ideas here – and for also pointing out that this is why realists tend to leave the field of regional integration studies to others.

20 For details, see Rozman, Gilbert, ‘Flawed Regionalism: Reconceptualizing Northeast Asia in the 1990s', Pacific Review, 11:1 (1998), pp. 127CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Breslin, Shaun, ‘Decentralisation, Globalisation and China's Partial Engagement with the Global Economy’, New Political Economy, 5:2 (2000), pp. 205226CrossRefGoogle Scholar , and Christopher Hughes, ‘Tumen River Area Development Programme (TRADP): Frustrated Microregionalism as a Microcosm of Political Rivalries’, in Breslin and Hook (eds), Microregionalism and World Order, pp. 115–43.

21 This section builds on a policy analysis brief published by the Stanley Foundation, and Breslin, Shaun, ‘Towards a Sinocentric regional order? Empowering China and Constructing Regional Order(s)’, in Dent, Christopher (ed.), China, Japan and Regional Leadership in East Asia (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2008), pp. 131155Google Scholar .

22 Relations were formally established with Singapore in 1990, with Brunei in 1991, and re-established with Indonesia and Vietnam in the same year.

23 ‘China’ was actually a founding member of the Bretton Woods institutions in the shape of the Republic of China under the leadership of the Guomindang.

24 Christensen, Thomas, ‘The Rise of China and US Policy toward East Asia’, International Security 31:1 (2006), pp. 81126CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

25 Goldstein, Avery, Rising to the Challenge: China's Grand Strategy and International Security (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005)Google Scholar .

26 For example, Shambaugh, David, ‘China Engages Asia: Reshaping the Regional Order’, International Security, 29:3 (2004–5), pp. 6499CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

27 Japan's position was somewhere between the two – or for Zhao caught between the twin and conflicting desires to both fall in line with the West and to not alienate China. While the resumption of loans to China in 1991 did much to help ‘rehabilitate’ China into the international order, such security-based approaches place a much stronger emphasis on the changing perception of ASEAN. Quansheng, Zhao, Japanese Policymaking: The Politics behind Politics, Informal Mechanisms and The Making of China Policy (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1993)Google Scholar .

28 Cheng, Joseph, ‘The ASEAN-China Free Trade Area: Genesis and Implications’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 58:2 (2004), pp. 257277CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

29 Sutter, Robert, ‘Asia in the Balance: America and China's Peaceful Rise’, Current History, 103:674 (2004), pp. 284290Google Scholar .

30 Christensen, ‘Fostering Stability or Creating a Monster?’, p. 104.

31 See Medeiros, Evan, ‘Strategic Hedging and the Future of Asia-Pacific Stability’, Washington Quarterly, 29:1 (2005–6), pp. 145167CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Chambers, Michael, ‘Framing the Problem: China's Threat Environment and International Obligations’, Asia Policy, 4 (2007), pp: 6166CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

32 Friedberg, Aaron, ‘The Struggle for Mastery in Asia’, Commentary, 110:4 (2000), pp. 1726Google Scholar .

33 See Fewsmith, Joseph, ‘China in 1998: Tacking to Stay the Course’, Asian Survey, 39:1 (1999), pp. 99113CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; and Daojiong, Zha, ‘Chinese Considerations of “Economic Security”’, Journal of Chinese Political Sciencem, 5:1 (1999), pp. 6987Google Scholar .

34 Snitwongse, Kusuma, ‘A New World Order in East Asia?’, Asia-Pacific Review, 10:2 (2003), p. 38CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

35 Higgott, Richard, ‘The Asian Economic Crisis: A Study in the Politics of Resentment’, New Political Economy, 3:3 (1998), pp. 333356CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

36 Godement, Francois, The Downsizing of Asia (London: Routledge, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

37 Lipscy, Phillip, ‘Japan's Asian Monetary Fund Proposal’, Stanford Journal of East Asian Affairs, 3:1 (2003), p, 95Google Scholar . Lipscy also shows that Japan originally proposed a membership of China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines.

38 For details of the evolution of ASEAN+3, see Terada, Takashi, ‘Constructing an “East Asian” Concept and Growing Regional Identity: From EAEC to ASEAN+3’, The Pacific Review, 16:2 (2003), pp. 251277CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; and Webber, Douglas, ‘Two funerals and a wedding? The ups and downs of regionalism in East Asia and Asia-Pacific after the Asian Crisis’, The Pacific Review, 14:3 (2001), pp. 339372CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

39 For details of what the Chiang Mai Initiative is and does, see Hamilton-Hart, Natasha, ‘The Chiang Mai Initiative and the Prospects for Closer Monetary Integration in East Asia’, in, Fort, Bertrand and Webber, Douglas (eds), Regional Integration in East Asia and Europe: Convergence or Divergence?, (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 109–28Google Scholar .

40 Although initially hesitant about including China, Mahathir proposed the then ASEAN Six plus Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam. As this was conceived of as an economic grouping promoting Asian interests, it also included the economic territories of Hong Kong and Taiwan (referred to as Chinese Taipei). This Group was subsequently ‘downgraded’ to become a Caucus representing ‘Asian Asia's’ interests with APEC.

41 Dent, Christopher, New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

42 Mattli, The Logic of Regional Integration.

43 Hund, Markus, ‘ASEAN Plus Three: Towards a New Age of Pan-East Asian Regionalism? A Skeptic's Appraisal’, The Pacific Review, 16:3 (2003), pp. 383417CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

44 Though as Alice Ba points out, socialisation as a two-way process, and the potential for ASEAN leaders to be socialised by China (rather than just the other way round) remains. Ba, Alice, ‘Who's socializing whom? Complex engagement in Sino-ASEAN relations’, The Pacific Review, 19:2 (2006), pp. 157179CrossRefGoogle Scholar , at p. 162.

45 See Lautard, Stéphanie, ‘State, Party, and Market: Chinese Politics and the Asian Crisis’, International Political Science Review, 20:3 (1999), pp. 285306CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; and Kurlantzick, Joshua, Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power Is Transforming the World (New Haven, CTYale University Press, 2007)Google Scholar .

46 Osamu Watanabe, ‘Integration of East Asian Economies: A Role for the US and Japan’, Speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington (14 December 2005). Available at: {http://www.jetro.go.jp/en/jetro/profile/speeches/2005/dec14.pdf}, emphasis in the original.

47 Stubbs, Richard, ‘ASEAN Plus Three: Emerging East Asian Regionalism?’, Asian Survey, 42:3 (2002), p. 443CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

48 For example, see Jin-seo, Cho, ‘Single East Asian Currency Proposed’, Korea Times (9 February 2010)Google Scholar .

49 ‘China open to unified East Asia proposal’, People's Daily Online Edition (29 September 2009), available at: {(http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/90883/6772134.html}.

50 Xiaozhong, Liu, ‘“Dongya Gonggongti” Jingjishang Quefa Xinyinli (“East Asian Community” Lacks Economic Attraction), Beijing Bao (Beijing Daily), (28 October 2009)Google Scholar , reprinted on People's Daily Online Chinese Edition {http://opinion.people.com.cn/GB/10271068.html)}.