1 I wish to thank my friends Eugene F. Rice, Jr., of Columbia University and Charles H. Lohr of the Lullus-Institut in Freiburg im Breisgau for their valuable assistance and constant encouragement.

2 Hillgarth, J. N., Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth Century France (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar and Madre, A., Die theologische Polemik gegen Raimundus Lullus (Munster, 1973)Google Scholar are of particular importance. For the history of Spanish Lullism the following are useful: T. and Carreras, J. y Artau, , Historia de la filosofia española (Madrid, 1943), vol. II Google Scholar; Avinyó, J., Historia del Lulisme (Barcelona, 1925)Google Scholar; Menéndez, y Pelayo, , Historia de los heterodoxos españoles, 8 vols. (Santander, 1946-1948).Google Scholar

3 Henrici Corn. Agrippae in artem brevem Raymundi Lulli Commentaria… . (Cologne: Ioannis Soter, 1531), p. 1. On the composition of this work, see Prost, A., Les sciences et les arts occultes au XVIe siècle: Corneille Agrippa, sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris, 1881-1882), I, 35.Google Scholar On the immense popularity of Agrippa's work, see the other editions described in Rogent, E. and Duràn, E., Bibliografia de les Impressions Lul.lianes (Barcelona, 1927).Google Scholar This work is referred to hereafter as RD. For a study of the commentary as well as for valuable information on intellectual traditions at Cologne, see J. Meurer, Zur Logik desHeinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettescheim in Renaissance und Philosophic: Beilrage zur Geschichte der Philosophic, ed. A. Dyroff, vol. XI (Berlin-Bonn, 1913).

4 The activities of Pedro Dagui and of the printers Posa and Brun made Barcelona the first European center of Lullism in the Renaissance. On this see, Sanpere, S. y Miquel, , “De la Introducción de la Imprenta en las Coronas de Aragon y Castilla y de los impressores de los incunables catalanes,” in Revista de Bibliografia Catalana, IV (1904), v (1905), esp. 157–161.Google Scholar Alfonso de Proaza was the founder of the Valencia school of Spanish Lullism; on him see RD, p. 35, and McPheeters, D. W., El Humanista español Alonso de Proaza (Valencia, 1961).Google Scholar

5 Little is known of Dagui's life. He was a canon of the cathedral of Mallorca and was accused of spreading heretical doctrines by the inquisitor of Mallorca. He went to Rome in 1484-1485 and was exonerated. On this dispute, see Custerer, J., Disertaciones históricas de culto immemorial del B. Raymundo Lullio (Mallorca, 1700), p. 184.Google Scholar

Dagui's Ianua artis magistri Raymundi Lulli was printed at Barcelona by P. Posa, February 25, 1482 (RD, no. 4), and was reprinted with ecclesiastical approval at Rome in 1485 by E. Silber. The work's popularity caused it to be printed seven times between 1488 and 1516; see RD, nos. 8, 13, 23, 27, 29, 61, and addendum 1. His Opus deformalitatibus sive metaphysica was first printed at Barcelona by P. Posa in 1489 (RD, no. 11). By 1500 it had been printed twice more (RD, nos. 15, 26). The Ars brevis appeared in Barcelona in 1491 (RD, no. 10) while another work entitled Tractatus brevis formalitatum was first printed at Barcelona in 1489 (RD, no. 12) and again at Seville in 1491 (RD, no. 14). A final work, the Tractatus de differentia, appeared at Seville in 1500 (RD, no. 26).

6 Jaime Janer was a Cistercian monk of the monastery of Santes Creus who taught Lullism at Barcelona, Valencia, and Lérida. He was a pupil and assistant of Pedro Dagui and corrected his Metaphysica and Logica brevis between 1489 and 1491 for the press. In 1491 he published his Naturae ordo studentium pauperum … (Barcelona: P. Miquel, June 9, 1491 [RD, no. 17; rep. Barcelona, 1512, RD, no. 47]). In 1492 he brought out Ingressus facilis rerum intelligibilium (Barcelona: P. Miquel, June 21, 1492 [RD, no. 19]). Later in life he moved to Valencia where he taught and thus became an important bridge between these two schools of Lullism. He published his last work, Ars methaphisicalis naturalis ordinis … reverendi doctoris praeclarissimi magistri Jacobi Januarii… at Valencia, L. Hutz, February 28, 1506 (RD, no. 36).

Of Fernando de Córdoba's Lullism, Agrippa remarked: ‘Notum est Fernandum Cordubam Hispanum, per cuncta ultra et citra montes gymnasia omnibus studiis hac arte celebratissimum extitisse.’ He was actually an enemy of Lullism. See the convincing evidence in Antonio, N., Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus (Madrid, 1783-1788), 1, 324 Google Scholar; Bonilla, y Martin, San, Fernando de Córdoba (Madrid, 1911)Google Scholar and RD, nos. 6-7.

7 Villoslada, R. G., La Universidad de Paris durante los estudios de Francisco de Victoria, O.P., 1507-1522 (Rome, 1938)Google Scholar; Renaudet, A., Préréforme et Humanisme à Paris pendant les premières guerrcs d'Italie, (1494-1517), 2nd ed. (Paris, 1953).Google Scholar

8 No critical study of Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros (b. Torrelaguna, 1436; d. Roa near Valladolid, November 8, 1517) exists in any modern language. The monumental nineteenth-century study of Hefele is hopelessly out of date. The two treatments in Spanish, de Ayala, J. L., El cardenal Cisncros: Gobernador del reino, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1921-1928)Google Scholar and de Retana, L. Fernandez, Cisneros y su siglo, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1929-1930)Google Scholar are also inadequate. Alvaro Gómez de Castro's De Rebus Gestis a Francisco Ximenio … libri octo (Alcalá: A. de Angulo, 1569) is still the best treatment of his life. Also important because it is based on research in the archives of Alcalá is Pedro Quintanilla y Mendoza, Archetypo de virtudes, espejo de prelados el… F. Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros (Palermo: N. Bua, 1653). Dated, though still interesting, are Fléchier, E., Histoire du cardinal Ximenes (Paris: J. Anisson, 1693)Google Scholar and Marsollier, J., Histoire du ministère cardinal Ximenes (Toulouse: G. L. Colomyez, 1693).Google Scholar The vast correspondence of Jiménez remains almost totally unedited.

On Jiménez’ praise of Lefèvre, see Charles de Bovelles, Qui in hoc volumine continentur: liber de intellectu, liber de sensu, liber de nihilo … epistolae complures … (Paris: H. Estienne, February 1, 1511), Jiménez to Bovelles, November 6, 1509, fol. 167: ‘Ceterum tui Stapulensis in recollectione et compaginatione illius psalterii laudes non tacebo. Est enim opus illud tarn docte premeditatum atque compositum ut psalmorum intelligentie nihil sit accommodatius.’ (Hereafter referred to as Opera followed by the particular work.)

9 Opera, Epistolae, Bovelles to Jiménez, August 22, 1509, fol. 174^v: ‘Prisci dies quos in tua egi domo… .’

10 Citations in Menéndez, y Pelayo, , op. cit., p. 287 Google Scholar, and Peers, E. A., Ramon Lull: A Biography (London, 1929), p. 383.Google Scholar On Jiménez’ library, see R. d'Alós-Moner, Los catálogos lulianos. Contribución al estudio de la obra de Ramón Lull (Barcelona, 1918), pp. 55-57, where an inventory appears, and his Sis documents per la història de les doctrines lulianes (Barcelona, 1919).

11 On anti-Lullism at Paris in the fifteenth century see the works by Hillgarth and Madre previously cited. Specifics are found in Carreras, y Artau, , op. cit., II, 30–44 Google Scholar, and Carreras, T. y Artau, , “Una apostació a la història del origins doctrinals de antilullisme” in Miscellania lul-liana (Barcelona, 1935), 3–35 Google Scholar; on Gerson's anti-Lullism, see Carreras, y Artau, , Historia II, 88–99 Google Scholar, and Vansteenberghe, E., ‘Un traité inconnu de Gerson sur la doctrine de Raymond Lulle,’ Revue des sciences religieuses, xxvi (1936), 441–473.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12 There were three excellent manuscript collections of Lull's works in Paris in the early sixteenth century: at Vauvert, the Carthusian monastery, at the monastery of St. Victor, and at the Sorbonne. During Lull's lifetime his pupil Thomas le Myésier, a canon of Arras, prepared a catalogue of Lull's works in the Carthusian monastery of Vauvert. It listed 123 titles (cf. BN Par. lat. 15450, fols. 88–89^v). Lull had a great fondness for the Parisian Carthusians and willed them many of his books. See Delisle, L., Le Cabinet des manusaits de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris, 1874-1881), III, 69, 76, 114Google Scholar; R. d'Alós, Los Catálogos lulianos; Tarré, J., ‘Los codices lulianos de la Bibliotheca de Paris,’ Analecta sacra Tarraconensia, xiv (1941), 155–174.Google Scholar Much of the above information can be found in Rice, E. F. Jr., ‘Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples and the Medieval Christian Mystics,’ in Florilegium historiale: Essays in Honor of Wallace K. Ferguson (Toronto, 1970), p. 105.Google Scholar For further information on the Lull manuscripts at Paris consult Littré, E. and Hauréau, B., ‘Raymond Lulle, ermite,’ in Histoire littéraire de la France, xxix (1885), 1–386.Google Scholar esp. 58ff. Complete descriptions of the Lull manuscripts at Paris can be found in R. Lulli Opera Latina, ed. F. Stegmüller (Palma, 1959-), v, 203-239.

13 On Ramon de Sebond, see Probst, J. H., Le Lullisme de Raymond de Sebond (Ramondi de Sibiude) (Toulouse, 1912).Google Scholar The Theologia Naturalis, composed in the 1430's, was printed as follows: Deventer: R. Paefraet, before 1485; Strassburg: M. Flach, January 21, 1496; Lyons: G. Balsarin, ca. 1496; Nuremburg, 1502. The first Paris printing was J. Petit, 1508. Beatus Rhenanus, a member of Lefèvre's circle, had acquired a copy of the 1502 edition in 1505-1506, thus attesting to its popularity within that group; see Knod, G., Aus der Bibliothek des Beatus Rhenanus: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Humanismus (Leipzig, 1889), pp. 64–73.Google Scholar Bovelles thought highly of the Theologia Naturalis and praised it to his friends; cf. Commentarius in Primordiale Evangelium Divi loannis… (Paris: Badius, December 13, 1514), Bovelles to Jean Cocon, October 27,1508, fols. 53^v-54 and Bovelles to Nicolas de Sainctz, October 27, 1508, fol. 54^v: ‘… huius Naturalis Theologie sermo tametsi humilior atque abiectior esse videatur, succulentissimus tamen atque uberrimus est …’ (these letters appear in the 1511 edition of the Primordiale as well but not in the 1511 Opera as Renaudet, Préréforme, p. 521, claims). There is very good evidence to suppose that Bovelles looked at the Theologia Naturalis as Lullist in content; see Carreras, y Artau, , Historia, 11, 88–99 Google Scholar, where the work of Sebond is regarded as a direct answer to an anti-Lullist tract of Gerson written in 1423.

14 The relationship between Parisian scholars and their Lyonnais counterparts remains an unexplored subject. For Bovelles’ correspondence with Jean Labin, see Commentarius in Primordiale, Labin to Bovelles, September 3, 1513, fols. 73^v-74; Labin to Bovelles, November 4, 1513, fols. 75^v-76; and Bovelles’ letters to Labin of August 14, 1513, fols. 73-73^v; September 20, 1513, fols. 74^v-75; and December 7, 1513, fols. 76-76^v.

15 Jean de la Grène (Ioannis Lagrenus) was a Franciscan doctor of theology attached to the convent of St. Bonaventure. He provides one of the most explicit indications of the close links between Lyons and the circle of Lefèvre. He had been associated with Lefèvre since at least 1501 when he assisted Lefevre with the Libri Logicorum ad archetypos rccogniti cum novis ad litter am commentariis … (Paris: W. Hopyl and H. Estienne, October 17, 1503); cf. preface to Ganay, 1501, fols. 77^v-78; he cooperated on the 1505 edition of Lefèvre's Contemplationes and Lefèvre was still writing to him in August 1518; cf. Champier, S., Duellum epistolare Galliae et Italiae antiquitates … (Venice: J. F. Giunta, October 10, 1519)Google Scholar, sig. hi. On his correspondence with Agrippa, cf. Nauert, , op. cit., pp. 22n, 77, 91.Google Scholar On his letters from Bovelles, see Bibl. Univ. Paris., MS. 1134, fols. 24-25, 31-32.

Lagrenus edited the Moralia of St. Gregory the Great (Lyons: J. Giunta, August 17, 1530); cf. Baudrier, , Bibliographie lyonnaise, VI, 134–135.Google Scholar This was reprinted by Giunta on April 3, 1540 (Baudrier, VI, 204-205). Lagrenus also edited the Sermones of St. Augustine and contributed an introduction to the edition published by Jacques Mareschal at Lyons on August 9, 1520 (Baudrier, xi, 406). He also compiled a Rudimenta grammatices, a manual for beginning students that was reprinted at Paris by S. de Colines in November of 1526 ( Renouard, P., Bibliographie des editions de Simon de Colines, 1520-1546 [Paris, 1894], p. 89 Google Scholar). The work was printed again by Colines in 1531 and 1539 ( Renouard, , Colines, pp. 181–182, 313Google Scholar).

Lagrenus may also have been the editor of the fourth book of Richard of Middleton's commentary on the Sententiae. The editions in question are Richardus de Media Villa …in quartum sententiarum theologicarum (Lyons, 1512, and Lyons [?], 1517). Baudrier mentions only one edition of Richard of Middleton's commentary printed in 1504 by Johannes Schwab (xii, 276). Panzer does not mention the commentaries of 1512 and 1517 in listings for Lyons while the BN catalogue states that the 1512 edition was printed at Lyons but attributes its printing to Jacques de Platea, an author and not a printer. The attribution for Lagrenus’ editorship comes from the BM catalogue. For a full discussion of these points see Rice, E. F. Jr., The Prefatory Epistles of Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples and Related Texts (New York and London, 1972), 126, pp. 414-415.Google Scholar This work is cited hereafter as Rice, PE, followed by epistle number and pages.

16 Rice, E. F. Jr., ‘Lefèvre and the Medieval Christian Mystics,’ op. cit., pp. 104ff.Google Scholar

17 For the works of Lull the following collections are indispensable: for the Catalan works, see Obres, eds. M. Obrador, S. Galmes et al., 21 vols. (Palma, 1906-1950); Obres essentials, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1957-1960); for the Latin works, see Opera Omnia, ed. I. Salzinger, vols. 1-6, 9-10 (vols. 7-8 were never published) (Mainz, 1721-1742), and more recently Opera Latina, ed. F. Stegmüller, (Palma, 1959.).

18 Hic continentur libri Remundi pii eremite. Primo. Liber de laudibus beatissime virginis Mariae: qui et ars intentionum Apellari potest. Secundo. Libellus de natali pueri parvuli. Tertio. Clericus Remundi. Quarto. Phantasticus Remundi (Paris: Guy Marchant for himself and Jean Petit, April 6, 1499 [RD, no. 24]; second printing, April 10, 1499 [RD, no. 25]). Rice, , PE, 22, pp. 75–78.Google Scholar

The Libre de Sancta Maria was written in Rome ca. 1290; Catalan text, Obres, x; the only published Latin text is that of Lefèvre. The Libre de Clerica is lost in Catalan; the Latin version was finished at Pisa in 1308 and can be found in Obres, I, 295-386. The Liber de natali was written in Paris in 1311; Latin text (reproduction of Lefèvre's text) in Mueller, Marianus, Wissenschaft und Weisheit, III-IV (1936-1937)Google Scholar; the manuscript presented to Philip the Fair is now in the BN (Par. lat. 3323). The Phantasticus was written by Lull on his way to the Council of Vienne in 1311; Latin text edited by Mueller, in Wissenschaft und Weisheit, 11 (1935), 311–324.Google Scholar

19 Contenta. Pritnum volumen Contemplationum Remundi duos libros continens. Libellus Blaquerne de amico et amato (Paris: Guy Marchant for Jean Petit, December 10, 1505 [RD, no. 35]).

The Libre de contemplaciò en Deu was composed in 1272; Catalan text in Obres, II-VIII; Latin text in Opera Omnia (ed. Salzinger, ix-x). Libre de amic e amat, a part of the Blanquerna, was written at Montpellier in 1283; Catalan text in Obres, ix, 379-433; Lefèvrc's is the only Latin text; cf. Rice, , PE, 45, pp. 140–145.Google Scholar

20 Proverbia Raemundi. Philosophia amoris eiusdem. Iodoci Badii qui impressit tetrastichon … (Paris: Badius, December 13, 1516). (RD, no. 62; Renouard, P., Bibliographie des impressions et des oeuvres de Josse Badius Ascensius, imprimeur et humaniste, 1462-1535. rep. [New York, 1964], in, 48.Google Scholar)

The Libre de Proverbis was written in Rome in 1296; Catalan text, Obres, XIV, 1-324; Latin text in Opera Omnia, vi, 283-413. The Arbre de Philosophia d'amor was written in Paris in 1298; Catalan text, Obres, xviii, 67-227; Latin text in Opera Omnia, vi, 159-224; cf. Rice, , PE, 118, pp. 373–378.Google Scholar

21 In hoc opere Caroli Bovilli contenta: Commentarius in primordiale Evangelium divi Ioannis; vita Remundi eremitae; philosophicae aliquot epistolae (Paris: Badius, 1511). ( Renouard, , Badius, II, 220 Google Scholar; RD, no. 45.) Fol. 34: ‘Petisti interdum a me, mi Raemundi, esset ne quisquam beatorum cui Remundo nomen fuisset quisque merito abs te ut patronus et censors nominis tui coleretur. Respondi esse quendam Raemundum Lullium natione Hispanum conversatione Eremitam cuius vitam nonnumque a quodam Hispano amico rccenseri audieram.’

22 Lefevre, Proverbia Raemundi, sig. aii^v; cf. Rice, , PE, 118, p. 375.Google Scholar Primum volumen contemplationum, sig. ai^v; cf. Rice, , PE, 45, p. 142.Google Scholar

23 Primum volumen … sig. ai^v; this MS is now in the Marciana. See Littré-Hauréau, op. cit., p. 253; Rice, , PE, 45, p. 142.Google Scholar

24 Hic continentur libri Remundi, sig, ai^v; Rice, , PE, 22, pp. 76–77.Google Scholar This point is made explicit by Renaudet, , Préréforme, p. 379, n. 3.Google Scholar

25 Primum volumen … ai^v; Rice, , PE, 45, pp. 141–143.Google Scholar

26 Lefèvre, , Decern librorum Moralium Aristotelis, tres conversiones (Paris: J. Higman and W. Hopyl, April 12, 1497)Google Scholar, sig. f., viii; also Champier, S., Duellum epistolare: Gallie et Italie antiquitates summatim complectens (Venice, October 10, 1519)Google Scholar, sig. aiiii.

27 Rice, E. F. Jr., ‘The Humanist Idea of Christian Antiquity: Lefèvre d'Étaples and His Circle,’ Studies in the Renaissance, ix (1962), 126–141.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28 Rice, , PE, p. xii.Google Scholar

29 Renaudet, , Préréforme p. 156.Google Scholar

30 Rice, , PE, 68, pp. 205–206.Google Scholar

31 Ibid., 118, p. 375: ‘Si hoc vero est, id eo tempore praesertim evenisse putandum est, quo sequaces Abenruth prius sectae Arabicae, mox Christianae, sed demum impii apostatae studium maxima pro parte obtinebant… . Militabat enim ille (omni lege reiecta) diabolo, hic vero (lege vitae aeternae admissa) Christo.’

32 Hic continentur libri Remundi pii eremite, sig. ai^v: ‘Cum duo sint quae vitam nostram rectissime instituunt, universalium scilicet cognitio (quam morales disciplinae pariunt) et operandi modus, qui ordinata operatione comparatur, pauciores profecto invenimus qui singularia ad operandum pendant quam qui recte universalia coniectent. Neque id quidem ab re evenit; nam singularia ad infinitatem devergunt, universalia vero se colligunt ad unitatem. Et cum utrumque ad sancte et beate vivendum necessarium sit, modus tamen operandi (ut qui vicinius ipsam operationem dirigit in qua nostra salus summaque perfecto sita est), praecellere videtur. Unde iure evenit ut hi in pretio haberi debeant, qui quae rara et necessaria sunt utiliter monstrant; cuiusmodi revera librum unum pii eremitae Raemundi animadverti, qui operandi modum monstrat, operandi dico, laudandi, orandi, et intentionem finemque dirigendi, quae ad sancte instituendam formandamque vitam unicuique necessaria sunt.’

33 Rice, , PE, 126, p. 412.Google Scholar

34 Ibid., 22, p. 77.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid., 118, p . 375.

37 Ibid., 20, pp. 3-66.

38 Ibid., 134, pp. 434-441.

39 Primum volumen contemplationum, sig. ai^v: ‘Fluxerunt anni supra quatuordecim… . Propositum … interurbaverunt quam plurima. Dissuadebant nonnulli, partim retinebant curae et quaedam nondum absoluta studia. Dum igitur differo, dum mundi fugam protelo, desiderio tamen semper aestuans, propositum fovebam, visitando sanctos opinione hominum viros. Colebam insuper mirifice eos, qui zelo Dei mundum calcantes, et verbis et operibus accedentium mentes ad Deum elevabant: Momburnum (inquam) sanctae memoriae Liveriacensem abbatem, Burganium, Rolinum, innumerorum paene ad sanctiorcm vitam cenobiorum restitutores, Ioannem Standucium, austeritate vitae (dum viveret) admodum austera et pertinaci, et in omni sanctimonia vitae alios quam plurimos.’

40 The best recent summaries of Lefèvre's thought are as follows: Dagens, J., ‘Humanisme et Evangelisme chez Lefèvre d'Étaples,’ in Courants religieux et humanisme à la fin du XVe et au debut XVIe siècle colloque de Strasbourg, 9-11 max 1975 (Paris, 1959), pp. 121–134 Google Scholar; Vasoli, C., ‘Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples e le origini del “Fabrismo,” ’ Rinascimento, x (1959), 221–254.Google Scholar For Lefèvre's Aristotelianism, see now Rice, E. F. Jr., ‘Humanist Aristotelianism in France: Jacques Lefèvre d'Étaples and His Circle,’ in Humanism in France, ed. Levi, A. H. T. (Manchester Univ. Press, 1970), pp. 132–149.Google Scholar

41 On this connection, see Yates, Frances, ‘Ramon Lull and John Scotus Erigena,’ The Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxiii (1960), 1–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42 There is some doubt as to whether de Lavinheta was a Franciscan. The Explanatio of 1523 (RD, p. 78) reads: ‘finivit Bernardus de Lavinheta hoc opus in conventu sancti Francisci alias sancti Bonaventurae Lugduni prima Martii AD 1523.’ I am indebted to Charles Lohr for this note.

43 Giordano Bruno, Opere latine, ed. F. Fiorentino, V. Imbriale, et al. (Naples and Florence, 1879-1891), 11, 2, 234: ‘Lullo admirandum illud Cusani quanto profundius atque divinius tanto paucioribus pervium minusque notum ingenium mysteriorum, quae in multiplici suae doctrinae torrente dilescunt fontes hausisse fatetur… .’ On Lull's influence on Cusanus, see Colomer, E., Nikolaus von Kues und Raitnund Lull (Berlin, 1961)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Carreras, y Artau, , Historia, II, 178–196.Google Scholar For the Lullian manuscripts in the library of Cusanus, see Honecker, M., ‘Lullus-Handschriften aus dem Besitz des Kardinals Nicolaus von Cues,’ Spanische Forschungen des Görres-Gesellschaft, vi (Munster, 1937), 252–309.Google Scholar

44 Cf. Cassirer, E., Individuum und Kosmos in der Philosophie der Renaissance (Berlin, 1927)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; trans. M. Domandi (New York, 1964).

45 The difficulties that such similarities present in sorting out a number of overlapping influences can be seen by comparing the following texts: Lefèvre, Egregi Patris et Clari theologi Ricardi quodam devoti coenobitae sancti victoria iuxta muros parisienses de superdivina Trinitate theologicum opus … (Paris: H. Estienne, July 10, 1510), fols. 7-7^v, and Bovelles, Opera, De Intellectu, fols. 16-20, esp. fol. 20: ‘Scientia Dei prima mens est, sccunda intellectus, tertio ratio. Hec tria, mens, intellectus, ratio licet a plerisquc nullam putcntur habere differentiam latissimo tamen distant intervallo. Nam mens est solius Dei, intellectus angeli, ratio hominis. Mens enim dicitur et vis qua Deus se ipsum prehendit et intuetur; intellectus qua Deus ab angelo captatur; ratio qua qui medio aliquo interhiante discluduntur sibi invicem per medium nudantur.’ (Note the striking Lullian and Cusan implications in the above passage.) Cf. also Lefèvre, , Haec Accurata Recognitio Trium Voluminum Operum Clariss. P. Nicolai Cusae … (Paris: Badius, 1514)Google Scholar, sig. aai^v. Compare also Bovelles, Opera, De Sensu, and Lefèvre, De Superdivina Trinitate, fols. 19^v- 20, with Agrippa, , In artem brevem … commentaria, pp. 6–8.Google Scholar

46 Cf. Joseph M. Victor, ‘Charles de Bovelles (1479-1553): An Intellectual Biography’ (unpublished PH.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1971), chaps. 1, 3.

47 On the cordial relationship between Bovelles and Lefèvre, see Bovelles, Libellus de Constitutionc et Utilitate Artium Humanarum (Paris: Guy Marchant for J. Petit, n.d. [1504/1505]), prefatory epistle, Bovelles to Lefèvre, fol. i^v ; Opera, Epistclae, May 8, 1505, fol. i68v; Commentarius in Primordiale, Bovelles to Lefèvre, October 12, 1511, fol. 50^v; Rice, , PE, 23, p. 78.Google Scholar

48 Bibl. Univ. Paris, MS. 1134, Bovelles to Jean Lefranc, November 1529, fol. 2V.

49 On Bovelles’ trip, see his remarks in Caroli Bovilli Samarobrini Dialogi Duo de Trinitate in Questionum Theologicarum Libri Septem (Paris: Badius, 1513), fol. 53.

50 ‘Epistola in vitam Raemundi Lulli Eremitae. Carolus Bovillus Samarobrinus studiossimo viro Raemundo Boucherio iurisperito S.P.D.’ The letter occupies fols. 34-40^v in Commentarius in Primordiale Evangeliutn Divi Ioannis. (Panzer, vii, 554, 460; Renouard, , Badius, 11, 220 Google Scholar; RD, no. 45.) The Vita was completed at Amiens on June 27, 1511.

51 The printing of Bovelles’ Vita Raemundi are as follows: Paris: Badius, 1511; Paris: Badius, 1514 (Panzer, viii, 21, 779; Renouard, , Badius, ii, 221 Google Scholar; RD, no. 51). Vita et Sententiae Patrum Occidentis Libris VII… (Lyons: L. Durand, 1620 [RD, no. 196]); Acta B. Raymundi Lulli doctoris . . . (Anvers, 1708 [RD, no. 291]); Acta Sanctorum Iunii ex Latinis et Graecis aliarumque gentium monumentis … collecta … (Anvers, 1709 [RD, no. 292]); Acta Sanctorum … collecta … (Venice, 1744 [RD, no. 324]).

52 Bovelles, Vita Raemundi, fol. 40^v.

53 There have come down to us two copies of the Vita Bead Raimundi Lulli in Paris that Bovelles might have used. One is in BN Par. lat. 14586 (library of St. Victor) and contained the vita fols. 250-255^v; part of this work was lost in the sixteenth century. Bovelles almost certainly knew BN Par. lat. 15450 which Thomas Le Myésier had prepared in 1325 and was in the Sorbonne library in the sixteenth century. The vita appears on fols. 86^ra-89, while a catalogue of Lull's works appears on fols. 89^va-90^rb. A similar catalogue was included by Bovelles in the Vita Raemundi, fols. 35-36. The catalogue of BN Par. lat. 15450 was printed by Littré-Hauréau, pp. 72-74. On the importance of BN Par. lat. 15450, sec L. Delisle, op. tit., vol. ii. A full description of the manuscript is found in Opera Latina, v, 216ff. For the manuscript sources of Parisian Lullism, consult Opera Latina, v, 230ff.; Hillgarth, op. cit.; and the various catalogues of Lull's works found in BN Par. lat. 17829 (Cordeliers), fols. 508-509^v and fols. 511-515^v, and printed in R. d'Alós-Moner, Antic fons lul.lians a Paris,’ La paraula cristiana, x (1934), 332-339.

54 Caroli Bovilli Samarobrini De divinis praedicamentis liber unus in Questionum Theologicarum Libri Septem; Opera Latina, Liber de quinque predicabilibus et decern praedicamentis, 1, 329-345, esp. 338.

55 Bovelles, Libellus, fol. 76^v: ‘De ubi sive loco Dei?’; the answer is everywhere and nowhere.

56 Caroli Bovilli… Divinae caliginis liber (Lyons: A. Blanchard, 1526), sig. aii^v; sig. eiiii.

57 Opera Latina, 1, 338: ‘De istis decern partibus generalibus mundi intendimus facere quaestiones et solvere ipsas per contrarias suppositiones.’

58 Carreras, y Artau, , Historia, II, 178–196 Google Scholar; Hofmann, J. E., Die Quellen der cusanischen Mathematik (Heidelberg, 1942).Google Scholar

59 Bovelles composed two works dealing with the art of opposites: In Artem Oppositorum Introductio (Paris: W. Hopyl, December 24, 1501) and Ars Oppositorum in Opera (H. Estienne, February 1, 1511). The Ars Oppositorum is an expanded version of the 1501 work composed, Bovelles asserts, because no one could understand the first work. Cf. Opera, Ars Oppositorum, fol. 77: ‘Introductiunculam artis oppositorum … cum dudum Faber noster Stapulensis, vir nostro evo laudatissimus, emitti curasset; tamen luce commentarioli destitutam intelligere hactenus potuit nemo.’

60 Opera, Ars Oppositorum, fols. 94-95.

61 Commentarius in Primordiale, fol. 6^v: ‘Primum, secundum, tertium; monas, dyas, trias; unitas, aequalitas, connexio; principium, medium, finis; intellectus, memoria, voluntas; obiectum, cognitio, amor; et ut Remundus vult: Ivum / ile / io …’; ibid., fol. 8: ‘Tres divine persone sunt a quo, per quem, in quo; a quo principium, per quem medium, in quo finis. Principium pater; medium filius; finis spiritus sanctus’; ibid., fol. 10^v : ‘Docuimus enim in libro de intellectu divinum totum opus esse tritium. Nam quicquid creavit deus aut actus est aut potentia aut utriusque medium. Actus est angelicus intellectus qui ab ortu suo omnia actu novit. Potentia humanus intellcctus est cui ab origine scientia actu nulla inest; fieri tamen omnia potest utriusque aut medium… .’

62 Opera, De Generatione, fol. 98ff.; also Pring-Mill, R. D. F., ‘The Trinitarian World Picture of Ramon Lull,’ Romanistisches Jahrbuch, vii (1955-1956), 229–256.Google Scholar

63 Opera, De Generatione, fol. 101: ‘Generatio rem affert in medium quam corruptio tollit e medio’; ibid., fol. 101: ‘Ubi vero e medio, id est, e terrenis sedibus, nam terra mundi est medium, migrant, non esse a nobis dicuntur. Affert autem hoc pacto rerum substantias in medium, id est, in esse generatio que corruptione in antiquum materiei chasma et chaos revocatur disceditque a medio.’

64 The only monograph on Bovelles, Dippel, J., Versuch einer systematischen Darstellung der Philosophie dcs Carolus Bovillus (Würzburg, 1865)Google Scholar, has nothing significant on this problem. The pertinent literature is Cassirer, E., Das Erkenntnisproblem in der Philosophie und Wissenschaft der Neueren Zeit, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1911), 1, 62–72 Google Scholar, and his Individual and Cosmos, pp. 88-89; Groethuysen, B., ‘Die kosmische Anthropologic des Bovillus,’ Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, XL (1931), 66–89 Google Scholar; Rice, E. F. Jr., The Renaissance Idea of Wisdom (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), pp. 106–123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar None of these studies speaks about Bovillus’ application of Lull in his delineation of the wise man.

65 On the Disputatio and the Liber de convenientia, see Peers, E. A., Ramon Lull: A Biography (London, 1929), pp. 311–313, 338.Google Scholar Both works are printed in Opera Omnia, vol. iv.

66 On Valla, see Cassirer, , Individual and Cosmos, pp. 78–83.Google Scholar On Valla's position, see De Libero Arbitrio in Cassirer, , Kristeller, , and Randall, , eds., The Renaissance Philosophy of Man (Chicago, 1948), pp. 155–157.Google Scholar On Renaissance Aristotelianism, see Nardi, B., Saggi sull'Aristotelismo padovano dal secolo XIV al XVI (Florence, 1965)Google Scholar; Garin, E., Italian Humanism, trans. Munz, P. (New York, 1965), pp. 136–145.Google Scholar For additional bibliography, see Kristeller, P. O., Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renaissance (Stanford, 1964), pp. 185–186.Google Scholar

67 Di Napoli, G., L'immortalità dell'anima nel Rinascimento (Turin, 1963)Google Scholar; to be used with care are Busson, H., Les sources et le developpement du rationalisme dans la littéature française de la renaissance, revised ed. (Paris, 1957)Google Scholar, and Allen, D. C., Doubt's Boundless Sea (Baltimore, 1964).Google Scholar For a useful survey of this controversy in France, see Kristeller, P. O., ‘The Myth of Renaissance Atheism and the Tradition of French Free Thought,’ Journal of the History of Philosophy, vi (1968), 233–243.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

68 O'Malley, J., Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform (Leiden, 1968), p. 42.Google Scholar For Bovelles’ work on the immortality of the soul see the letter to Leonard Pomar, Opera, Epistolae, fols. 169^v-170^v, and the Dialogus de Immortalitate Animae (Paris, 1552). Other mentions of the soul's immortality are Opera, De Intellectu, fol. 14^v; De Sensu, fol. 27-28; De Sapiente, fol. 124^v.

69 Opera, De sapiente, c. 29: ‘Est enim intelligentia fidei consummatio, fides vero intelligentiae dispositio sacrumque initium.’

70 Questionum Theologicamm Libri Septem, bk. 1, 19: ‘An nequeat naturali ratione arcanum dinosci trinitatis mysterium? - Mens fide divinitus illustra perfacile ex his quae sunt naturalia arcanum divinae trinitatis mysterium ratione comprobabit; nam ex ratione divinae bonitatis et actionis et sapientiae palam divinae trinitatis demonstratio colligitur, cum nequeat bonum esse nisi quod diffusivum sui seque ipsum alicui impertiens; cum item nequeat aeterne agere circa seipsum, nisi cuius substantia absque sui divisione in extrema et medium discreta fuerit; cum denique sapiens non sit, nisi quod seipsum noverit, seque ipsum intueri possit.’

71 Theologicarum Conclusionum Caroli Bovilli libri decern quorum quinque pritni necessaria Dei nomina atque praedicata pertractant residuis vero quinque divina contigentia nomina trutinantur (Paris: Badius, 1515). (Panzer, viii, 21, 799; Renouard, , Badius, II, 223.Google Scholar)

72 Theologicarum Conclusionum Libri, fol. i^v : ‘Christianae scientiae culmen amplissime praesens longe augustius atque insignius est philosophico fastigio, insignius quidem non entis eminentia et altitudine sed uberiore duntaxat ac sereniore luminis radio. Idem enim divinus radius est qui subobscurior et sensibilium varietate signorum obtectus priscis philosophis illuxit et qui deinceps Christianorum mentes ex antiqui erroris nube feliciter ad supremae monadis agnitionem respirantes foecundiore divinae speculationis luce exaltavit.’

73 Ibid., fol. i^v : ‘Et eadem prorsus divinitas quae prius per pauciora sui nomina atque predicata sapientibus mundi sub caligine innotuit et quae deinceps plura sui nomina multiplicioresque rationes Christianorum mentibus (per sacre regenerationis gratiam a labe expiatis) infundit… . Nemini autem (quod norim) ante divini verbi incarnationem mysticus sacrae divinitatis numerus (quem trinitatem appellamus) illuxit…. Agnoverunt quidem in sapientia mundi primam forte divinarum contigentiarum, summum inquam bonum esse omnium initium, originem et causam. Secundas autem et ad humani generis salutem ordinatas a Deo contigentias ut futuram verbi in carne per virginis patrum mansionem, eius passionem, resurrectionem et extremum mundi iudicium, nullis rationis acumine scrutari valuerunt, quippe quae extra et praeter naturae seriem sola divinae bonitatis humanum genus miserantis pietate evenisse noscuntur. Haec enim non tarn rationi aut acumini naturalis intelligentiae quam fidei humilitati divino quodam munere reserantur.’

74 On Pax, see Antonio, N., Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus (Madrid, 1783-1788), II, 129 Google Scholar; Carreras, y Artau, , Historia, II, 207–209, 250, 252-254Google Scholar; on Pax's relationship with Jiménez see Avinyó, , op. cit., pp. 370–374 Google Scholar; the 1515 collection of Lull's works published by Didacus de Gumiel at Valencia contained an ode in honor of Ramón and directed to the cardinal (RD, p. 53); Pax also discussed his friendship with the cardinal in his Vita Remundi (sig. aiii^v) which he published along with Lull's De anima rationali in 1519 (RD, no. 73). This was his most enduring contribution to Lullist scholarship and enjoyed a certain popularity over the centuries, the Vita being reprinted in 1708, 1709, and 1744 (RD, nos. 291, 292 324). The Pax-Bovelles correspondence is found in Aetatum mundi septan supputatio per Carolum Bovillum. Eiusdem Caroli Bovilli…Responsiones ad novem quaesita Nicolai Pascii… (Paris: Badius, 1521/1522). (Panzer, viii, 70, 1240; Renouard, , Badius, II, 224 Google Scholar; RD, no. 75.)

75 Responsiones, fol. 2: ‘In legendis tuis limatissimis operibus, doctissime Carole, sublime authoris ingenium perpendi seu ut castigatius loquar illustratoris aemulum esse cognovi et gavisus sum. Unde arbitror te non minus summam Raimundi Lulli devotionem quam eximiam in eius libris eruditionem ab illo copiosissimo fontc imbibissc.

‘Parce igitur si te ad exiguas et humiles cordis mei dubitationes patronum et advocatum imploro… . Mitto ad te castigatum Raimundi codicem, Dubitabilium Quaestionum in quattuor libros magistri Sententiarum… .’

76 Ibid., fol. 3: ‘Scribis te ex aliquo meorum opusculorum perpendisse me et Iacobi Fabri Stapulensis discipulum et Raimundi Lulli piissime eremite amatorem cum revera ut scribis Raimundi Lulli doctrinam (quippe pietate plenam illustratione potius divina quam ab hominibus depromptam) mirifice efferre, venerari, amplecti solitus sim; in hoc a preceptore Fabro nequaquam dissentiens.’

77 Ibid., fols. 3-3^v.

78 Custerer, , op. cit., p. 451.Google Scholar

79 Proverbia Remundi, sig. ai^v; also quoted in Opera Omnia, Testimonia, I, 4, and Rice, , PE, 118, pp. 374–375 Google Scholar: ‘Sentiunt profecto quae Romani, quae Veneti, quae Germani, quae denique vestri qui omnes opera illius excudunt; legunt, admirantur eos tamen qui ilia profitentur publice, libenter audiunt, illam Romam auctoritate pontificia adversus malevolos calumniatores haec opera defendisse? … Quomodo igitur possent nostri non approbare, quae sciunt a capite fidei fuisse approbata? At aliquando non approbaverunt: si hoc verum est, id eo tempore praesertim evenisse putandum est, quo sequaces Abenruth… studium pro maxima parte obtinebant… .’

80 Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, rx, cc. 36-37, and Carreras, y Artau, , Historia, ii, 197, 209-214, 236, 238-240.Google Scholar On his publications, see RD, nos. 52, 61, 65, 78.

81 De Lavinheta, , De Incarnatione Verbi … (Cologne, 1516)Google Scholar, sig. ai^v: ‘Presens questio disputata fuit Parrhisiis in Francia, Lovanii in Brabantia… .’ The debate took place in the great Dominican convent on the rue St. Jacques. Cf., ibid., fols. 48^v-49.

82 Ibid., fol. 26: ‘Obiectiones sancti Thome, Scoti et Ockam contra principalem conclusionem cum solutionibus ad eorum argumenta… .’

83 Renouard, , Badius, iii, 48 Google Scholar; Opera Omnia, Testimonia, 1, 4: ‘… quod etiam superiore anno sacre paginae doctor Bernardo Lavinheta favorabili auditorio factitavit.’

84 Remundi Lulli Eremitae divinitus illuminati in Rhetoricen Isagoge (Paris: Badius, 1515). De Lavinheta was definitely the center of this group as Rufo makes clear in the preface, sig. ai^v: ‘… quam quidem Rhetoricen impellente Bernardo Lavinheta amico nostro Remundi studiosissimo atque in disciplina impense edocto veluti primitias quasdam primam in lucem idcirco damus… .’

85 Explanatio compendiosaque applicatio artis Raymundi Lulli… (Lyons, 1523).

86 Rossi, P., ‘Enciclopedismo e combinatoria nel secolo XVI,’ Revista critica di storia della filosofia, iii (1958), 243–272 Google Scholar, and the partial English translation, ‘The Legacy of Ramon Lull in Sixteenth Century Thought,’ Medieval and Renaissance Studies, v (1961), 182-213; for de Lavinheta, see pp. 191-193, 207-210. Also important for de Lavinheta are Rossi, P., Clavis universalis … (Milan-Naples, 1960), pp. 74–78 Google Scholar; Yates, F., The Art of Memory (London, 1966), p. 194 Google Scholar; Hillgarth, , op. cit., pp. 288–293.Google Scholar