1 See, in a vast literature, Martines, Lauro, Power and Imagination (New York, 1979)Google Scholar; idem, The Social World of the Florentine Humanists (Princeton, 1963); Gilbert, Felix, The Pope, His Banker, and Venice (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1980)Google Scholar; Origo, Iris, The Merchant of Prato (New York, 1957)Google Scholar; Baxandall, Michael, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar; Chambers, D., Patrons and Artists in the Italian Renaissance (London, 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Gilbert, The Pope; Partner, Peter, “The ‘Budget’ of the Roman Church in the Renaissance Period,” in E. F. Jacob, ed., Italian Renaissance Studies (London, 1960), pp. 256-78Google Scholar; idem, The Lands of St. Peter. The Papal State in the Middle Ages and the Early Renaissance (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1972); idem, “Papal Financial Policy in the Renaissance and Counter-Reformation,” Past and Present, 87 (1980), 17-62; idem, The Papal State under Martin V (London 1958); Idem, Renaissance Rome, 1500-1559: Portrait of a Society (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976); Stinger, Charles L., The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington, Indiana, 1985)Google Scholar; D'Amico, John, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome (Baltimore and London, 1983)Google Scholar; Bullard, Melissa Meriam, Filippo Strozzi and the Medici (Cambridge, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rodocanachi, Emanuel, La Première Renaissance: Rome au temps de Jules II et de Léon X (Paris, 1912)Google Scholar.

3 The fundamental work on Agostino Chigi is Giuseppe Cugnoni's annotated edition of the Chisiae Familiae Commentary found in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana [hereafter BAV] as cod. Chigi a.I.I. These biographies, written by Fabio Chigi, the eventual Pope Alexander VII, in 1618 and revised for the rest of his life, include a life of Agostino Chigi which is published by Cugnoni as a book, Agostino Chigi II Magnifico (Rome, 1878), and also seriatim in the Archivio delta R. Società Romana di Storia Patria, 2 (1879), 37-83, 209-26, 475-90; 3 (1880), 213-32, 291-305, 422-48; 4 (1881), 56-75, 195-216; 6 (1883), 139-72, 497-539; hereafter cited as Cugnoni using the pagination of 1878. Also important are Buonafede, G., I Chigi Augusti (Venice, 1660)Google Scholar; Dante, F., “Chigi, Agostino,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani [DBI], 24 (Rome, 1980), 735-43Google Scholar; Franchini, Vittorio, “Note sull'attività finanziaria di Agostino Chigi nel Cinquecento,” Studi in onore di Gino Luzzatto, II (Milan, 1950), 156-75Google Scholar; Frommel, Christoph Luitpold, Die Farnesina und Peruzzis Architektonisches Frühwerk (Berlin, 1961)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gilbert, The Pope; Ottorino Montenovesi, , “Agostino Chigi banchiere e appaltatore dell'allume di Tolfa,” Archivio della R. Società Romana di Storia Patria, 60 (1937). 111-40Google Scholar; Rowland, I. D., “The Birthdate of Agostino Chigi: Documentary Proof,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes [JWCI], 47 (1984), pp. 192-93CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, “Some Panegyrics to Agostino Chigi,” JWCI, 47 (1984), pp. 194-99; eadem, “A Summer Outing in 1510: Religion and Economics in the Papal War with Ferrara,” Viator, 18 (1987), forthcoming; Wilde Tosi, ed., Il Magnifico Agostino Chigi (Rome, 1970). The present author's annotated edition of Chigi's correspondence is forthcoming in the Studi e Testi series of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

4 Baxandall, , Painting and Experience, pp. 1–27 Google Scholar.

5 Of Borghese Petrucci, then ruler of Siena, Agostino wrote to his brother Gismondo, “Sua Magnificentia vedrà come a boche li disi, non è bono stile dispiacermi per suoconto,” B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 74, 9 August 1514. Borghese was deposed in 1516, not without Agostino's aid; see Sigismondo Tizio, B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.Il.38, fol. 18^v.

6 Origo, Merchant of Prato, p. xiv.

7 The impresa is described in Cugnoni, pp. 25-26, from notes collected in B. A. V., cod. Chigi R.V.e.III, fol. 14. It refers to Chigi's birth in Sagittarius; see Quinlan-McGrath, Mary, “The Astrological Vault of the Villa Farnesina: Agostino Chigi's Rising Sign,“JWC7, 47 (1984), 91–105 Google Scholar.

8 Machiavelli himself was acutely aware of the definite but elusive relationship between public image and actual power. See, e.g. Principe XVIII (on how princes keep faith); Discorsi 1.51 (how political necessity may be masked as liberality); Discorsi II. 14 (on the use of fraud to attain power).

9 See Bullard, Melissa Meriam, “ Mercatores Florentini Romanam Curiam Sequentes in the Early Sixteenth Century,” The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance History, 6 (1976), 51–71 Google Scholar; Gilbert, The Pope, pp. 64-99; Franchini, “Note sull’ attività finanziaria,” pp. 157-58, 168; Cugnoni, p. 14; I. D. Rowland, “Status and Originality in Chigi Patronage: a Comparison of Agostino and Mariano,” paper delivered to the Renaissance Society of America National Conference, San Marino, California, 22 March 1985 (forthcoming under the title “One Hundred Lousy Ducats“). Agostino Chigi was almost certainly apprenticed to Stefano Ghinucci rather than to the Spannocchi firm, as asserted by Franchini, p. 168; see Cugnoni, p. 14.

10 “Promptius ad negocia, quam ad studia disciplinarum ostendit ingenium.” Cugnoni, p. 14. Mariano, on the other hand, “Pueritiam, et adolescentiam in literis peregit, verum XXI aetatis anno patre orbatus negocia domestica prosequi aggressus est,” B. A. V., cod. Chigi a.I.I, fol. 18 (the same source from which Cugnoni drew his biography of Agostino). Of Agostino's brothers: “Lorenzo non tam domesticis, quam literarijs, aulicisquenecocijs operam novaret.” B.A.V., cod. Chigi a.I.I, fol. 21; while Angelo purchased a position as Apostolic scriptorin 1499: B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 32 (Letter from Agostino to Mariano Chigi, 7 December 1499); cf. Archivio di Stato di Roma (hereafter ASR), Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 110, cc. 43, 43^v, 47.

11 The exact nature of Chigi's intelligence is well captured by Sigismondo Tizio's phrase “virum naturali ratione pollentem,” B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.II.38, fol. 246. Tizio earlier describes Agostino as “vir ingenii sagacissimi,” B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.II.37, fol. 112. For such a mordant observer of his fellow man as Tizio, it is highly significant that he single out this particular trait in describing a man with whom he almost certainly must have come into contact; Tizio is notoriously stingy about dispensing compliments. For the lacunae in Chigi's education, see Rowland, “Some Panegyrics.“

12 See especially Chigi's attempt to inscribe himself properly as a member of the Confraternity of Santo Spirito, Rome, Biblioteca Lancisiana, cod. 328, fol. 90: “Ego agustinus de chigis merchatori sene[nsi]s Entravi anche santam confraterntatem s[ancti] sp[iritu]s die vii mesis aprilis anni do[mi]n[u]s M.0CCCC.oLXXXV.” See also “ite este” for “ita est“: ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 109, c. 68^v; “penes este” for “penes est,” B.A. V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 57, among many examples.

13 For the types of business pursued by merchant bankers, see Origo, Iris, The Merchant of Prato (New York, 1957)Google Scholar; Melis, Federigo, L'economia fiorentina del Rinascimento (Prato, 1984)Google Scholar; Luzzatto, Gino, Breve storia dell'Italia medievale (Torino, 1958) pp. 92–210 Google Scholar; Morandi, Ubaldo, “Gli Spannocchi: piccoli proprietari terrieri, artigiani, piccoli, medi e grandi mercanti-banchieri,” Studi in onore di Federigo Melis, III (Naples, 1978), 103-20Google Scholar. For the Banco Chigi in particular, see, inter alia, ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Buste 109-111, 120; ASR Notai A.C. 4836, 4837, 4838, 7152; ASR Camerale I: Mandati Camerali 857; B.A.V., codd. Chigi R.V.b, R.V.e, i-iii; MSS Vat. Lat. 11171; B.A.V., Archivio Chigi 360, 413, 3666, 11445-11455.

14 Mariano Chigi's protest against his son's purchase of the Tolfa mines is evident from Agostino's letters to him in B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fols. 28^v-29^v (letter of 23 January 1501), fols. 33-34 (30 January 1501). A copy of the Tolfa contract, said to be in the hand of Giulio Spannocchi, is preserved in ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 109, Document #3, dated 25 January 1501. See also Morandi, , “Gli Spannocchi,” p. 113 Google Scholar; Delumeau, Jean, L'alun romain, XVe-XIXe siècle (Paris, 1962), pp. 97–105 Google Scholar; Carlo, Mario di, Giulio, Nello di, Franceschini, Piero, Moretti, Carlo, Torreti, Fulvio, La società dell'allume: cultura, materiale, economia e territorio di un piccolo borgo (Rome, 1984)Google Scholar; Zippel, G., “L'allume di Tolfa e il suo commercio,” Archivio della R. Società Romana di Storia Patria, 30 (1907), 389–462 Google Scholar; Montenovesi, , “Agostino Chigi“; Filippo Maria Mignanti, Santuari della Regione di Tolfa (Rome, 1936)Google Scholar; Morra, Ottorino, Tolfa: profilo storico e guida illustrata (Civitavecchia, 1979)Google Scholar; Franchini, “Note sull’ attività finanziaria.”

15 That these purchases were a concerted effort is shown by Chigi's own correspondence, particularly the letter of 30 January 1501: B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fols. 33-34. Two of the relevant contracts are found in ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 109, Documents #3 (copy in the hand of Giulio Spannocchi of the Tolfa contract from 25 January 1501), #7 (copy of the contract withjacopo Sannazzaro for the alum mines of Agnano, 9 May 1501). Another copy of the Agnano contract can be found in the Archivio de Stato di Siena (hereafter ASS), Particolari Famiglie Senesi, Spannocchi A/I, Document #44, 9 May 1501. Agostino's original contract of 1501 for the alum fields of Massa Marittima, in Sienese territory, is mentioned in ASS, Particolari Famiglie Senesi 67 bis (Fondi), Document #4, c. I^v; see also ASS, Giudice ordinario 5, Document #47. Jacopo Appiani, the ruler of Piombino, site of another alum field, was highly dependent on Siena's dictator Pandolfo Petrucci, with whom Chigi maintained extremely close contact.

16 Gilbert, The Pope, pp. 70-85; Delumeau, L’ alun romain.

17 For Chigi's alum monopoly see Gilbert, , The Pope, passim, and esp. pp. 70–85 Google Scholar; Zippel, “L'allume di Tolfa“; Montenovesi, “Agostino Chigi“; Morandi, “Gli Spannocchi“; Delumeau, L’ alun romain, pp. 97-105; Barbieri, Gino, Industria e politica mineraria nello Stato Pontificio dal ‘400 al ‘600: lineamenti (Rome, 1940), pp. 112—61Google Scholar (but be aware of the author's Fascist bias). The Sienese Vannoccio Biringucci devoted a chapter of his Della Pirotecnia (II. 6) to “l'allume di roccha“; not only was this colorful character armorer and fireworks-maker to the Petrucci family, but he also worked for Agostino Chigi in Tolfa and in Porto Ercole, there acquiring his firsthand experience of the industrial processes used by Chigi. His treatise, first published in Venice in 1540, enjoyed several editions in the mid-sixteenth century.

18 Cugnoni, p. 14: “Patrijs adaugendis divitijs inhians.”

19 Chigi's income was conventionally estimated at seventy thousand ducats per annum; so Sigismondo Tizio, B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.II.38, fol. 246^r-v. Marin Sanudo's diary reported his capital at one hundred thousand ducats on 21 February 1511, I diarii di Marino Sanuto (58 vols., Venice 1879-1903), XI (Venice, 1890), cols. 834-35. Delumeau, L’alun romain, p. 105, believes that estimates of Chigi's income are exaggerated. On the other hand, Fabio Chigi's story that because his assets were so extensive, Agostino professed not to know his own worth (Cugnoni, p. 17) sounds absolutely true-tolife— the more so for its element of bold-faced mendacity. Given the fact that Chigi died with nine hundred thousand ducats’ worth of valuables sequestered in the strongroom of his Villa Suburbana, B.A.V., Archivio Chigi 11450, fols. 456, 463^v, Delumeau's scepticism about the banker's actual wealth may be somewhat misplaced.

20 See Morandi, “Gli Spannocchi,” p. 113.

21 The provisions of the Tolfa contract are evident from the copy preserved in ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 109, Document #3, and from the text of a lawsuit brought by the Spannocchi against Agostino Chigi beginning in 1511: ASS, Particolari Famiglie Senesi, Spannocchi A/I, Document #47. See also Morandi, “Gli Spannocchi,” p. 113.

22 Sienese hopes at the election of Pius III are vividly narrated by Sigismondo Tizio in his Historia Senensium, B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.II.36, fols. 359^v-377^v. See also Ludwig Freiherr von Pastor, History of the Popes [hereafter Pastor], VI, 134-37 (death of Alexander VI); VI, 197-98 (election of Pius III).

23 This is apparent, as Gilbert points out, (The Pope, p. 138n.42), from copies of the original contracts. It recurs in the text of the Spannocchi lawsuit, ASS, Particolari Famiglie Senesi, Spannocchi A/I, Document #47.

24 The coronation ceremony is illustrated in Tizio: B.A. V., cod. Chigi G.II.36, fol. 368^v. Pius’ sickness and death are detailed in Pastor, VI, 203-206; Tizio, fol. 372. The Spannocchi's situation was not improved by the fact that one of the two brothers who headed the bank, Antonio, died on 21 August 1503, as the conclave which elected Pius III began to gather, Tizio, fol. 362^v. Tizio also attributed the misfortunes of the Spannocchi bank to the machinations of one Bonaventura Benassai, Bishop of Massa, fol. 372^v.

25 Pastor, VI, 208-10.

26 Gilbert, The Pope, pp. 74-75. Tizio (B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.II.36, fol. 377^v) mentions the succession of the Sauli to the office of Depositario Generale; see also Gilbert, p. 75. The takeover of curial appalti by Genoese merchant firms is evident in ASR, Camera Apostolica, Mandati Camerali 857.

27 “Ma amichevolmente e a sicurtà vi diro questò, che per aventura se non fuste stato tanto vantagioso le chose fra noi si sarieno mosse d'acordo,” Giulio Spannocchi wrote Chigi on 5 January 1504: ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 120, cc. 52^v-53^v. Neither was Stefano Ghinucci damaged by the death of Pius III; Tizio reports that the Ghinucci and Chigi firms both erected triumphal arches for the coronation of Julius II: B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.I.36, fol. 375^v.

28 For the charge of simony, see Pastor, VI, 209, and Gilbert, The Pope, pp. 75, 138n.48. Gilbert (pp. 75-76) contends that Chigi must have facilitated the election of Julius II.

29 For Agostino Chigi's role in the Ferrara campaign of 1510, see Rowland, , “A Summer Outing in 1510“; Gilbert, The Pope, pp. 88–91 Google Scholar; Leonardo da Porto's letter to Antonio Savorgnano published in Ruscelli, Girolamo, Lettere di Principi (Venice, 1562), fol. 19^v Google Scholar; Guicciardini, Francesco, Storia d'ltalia, IX. 1; Cugnoni, pp. 14–15 Google Scholar.

30 Chigi's presence in Bologna in 1506 is incidentally attested by the provenance of minute drawn up by Cristofano Pagni, an apostolic notary who was also in Chigi's own employ: ASR, Notai Archivio Capitolino 4837, cc. 538^r-v, from Bologna in November 1506. Actual notices include Cugnoni, pp. 36-37: “Curialis homo et aulicus, in Pontificis comitatu erat [Augustinus]; Julium praecipue secundum Bononie usque sequutus est, turn anno MDVI, cum e Bentivolij manu civitas ilia recepta fuit; qua in urbe maxime adiutor fuit, ut ad Cardinalis dignitatem extolleretur postea a Pontifice Alphonsus Pandulphi Petrucij filius; turn anno MDXI, quo quidem tempore Bononie discedens Venetias se contulit;” cf. Sigismondo Tizio, B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.II.37, fol. 25^v: “Bononie ubi pontifex erat cum Augustino Chisio senensi et mercatori famoso agenti,” a testimonium from 29 November 1506; cf. ibidem, fol. 26^v: “Sene quoque in vulgus spargebatur Augustinum Chysium et Archangelum physicum popularem senensem apud bononiam pontificem assidua ac familiari nimia colloquutione sine de lectu compellare: ita ut rege paulatim francorum deficere et hispano herere senenses viderentur.“

31 Chigi's Venetian trip is the subject of Gilbert's book, The Pope. Excommunication of Agostino's adversaries is mentioned in that work, pp. 59, 82-83, 105-109; cf. ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 110, c. 47: “Scomunicha contro più nostri creditori“; B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 40: “sò in parere che si debbi eseghuire per via della schomunicha e ghravatoria,” Agostino Chigi in a letter to his brother Gismondo, 16 January 1511.

32 The relationship between Pope Pius II and Ambrogio Spannocchi is detailed in Morandi, “Gli Spannocchi,” p. 103; that between Pope Clement VII and Filippo Strozzi is the subject of Melissa Bullard's Filippo Strozzi and the Medici. More recently, the friendship of Pope Paul VI and Monsignor Paul Marcinkus, the head of the Vatican Bank (IOR), has had profound effect not only on ecclesiastical matters, but also on Italian politics.

33 This analogy was first brought up in Rowland, “Tradition and Originality.”

34 Mignanti, Santuari, pp. 32-104.

35 Mignanti, pp. 49-64.

36 “Sopra la cappella vostra ò visto la intenzione vostra e per risolvarvi presto, se quel perigino che dite avere parlato è messer pietro perogino vi dico che volendo fare di suo mano lui il meglio maestro di Italia e questo che si chiama il pintorichio è stato suo discepolo il quale a presente non è qui: altri maestri non cisonno che vaglino,” B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 30^r-v, letter of Agostino Chigi to Mariano Chigi, 8 November 1500. Cugnoni's publication of this letter (p. 7711.75), derives from the inaccurate seventeenth-century transcription of Chigi's difficult writing which is invariably, and incorrectly, cited.

37 Fabio Chigi narrates, for example, an incident in which Agostino displayed flour sacks allegedly filled with gold to a group of gawking merchants. The flour sacks, crows Fabio, contained flour: Cugnoni, p. 17. On another occasion, Agostino bought up the entire contents of the market at Foligno, reselling everything shortly thereafter, having offered no collateral except his name: Cugnoni, p. 16.

38 Indeed, Fabio Chigi reports that “Patritij generis virum esse se, et haberi voluit.” Cugnoni, p. 15.

39 See below at n. 79.

40 Frommel, Die Farnesina, pp. 28-31, shows that the building must have been planned between 1505 and 1508.

41 Frommel, Die Farnesina, pp. 163-70.

42 See the list of neighbors printed in Frommel, Die Farnesina, pp. 167-70.

43 That there were theatrical entertainments at the Viridario is clear from Egidio Gallo's description of the building in De Viridario Augustini Chigii Patritii Senen[sis] Vera Libellus (Rome: Guilleret and Nani, 1511), cited with analysis by Frommel, Die Farnesina, pp. 36-37. Of all Chigi's learned flatterers, Gallo was the most likely to appreciate this aspect of his patron's new home; the humanist was also an accomplished actor, and had earlier dedicated a volume of Neo-Plautine comedies to Chigi: Comoediae, published by Besicken in Rome in 1505. This latter book is extraordinarily rare; I know of only two copies, one in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and the other in the Biblioteca Universitaria, Bologna.

44 The order of rooms in a suburban villa is given by Vitruvius VI. 5 and is observable in such ancient examples as the Villa of the Mysteries in Pompeii. In contrast to the walled façade of an urban dwelling, which then leads directly to the main part of the house, the suburban villa has a garden peristyle as its entrance; interior and exterior forms are exchanged. Alberti, De Re Aedificatoria IX. 2, also describes the type; see Frommel, Die Farnesina, pp. 111, 117. Chigi's house, too, is entered through garden loggia enclosed within projecting wings rather than through a flat palazzo facade.

45 Gallo's poem, De Viridario, is clearly a gift to welcome Chigi back from his trip to Venice; see De Viridario, p. 2^v: “Te reversum esse Romam atque ex animo iniecta est inter omnes incredibilis quaedam voluptas.” See also Frommel, Die Farnesina, p. 30.

46 In this regard, Frommel's term “Tiberpalast” is exceedingly well-chosen.

47 Frommel, Die Farnesina, pp. 47-48, 51-52. For documents drawn up in the Viridario, see, inter alia, B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.e, I, fol. 667; B.A.V., Archivio Chigi 11453, fol. 312; cf. fols. 293^v, 294^v, etc. A “talamo” located “in palatio transtiberino” contained valuables worth nine hundred thousand gold ducats at the time of Chigi's death, as reported in a record of questions used for interrogating witnesses in a litigation between Lorenzo Leone Chigi, Agostino's son, and Marcantonio Colonna in 1526: “Item [interrogetur testis] nonne verum est quod praefatus quondam Augustinus dum vixit semper et continue usque ad eius obitum habitus tentus et reputatus fuit pro ditissimo mercatore, et ditiori quam ullus alius tunc in partibus italiae presertim reperiretur prout in rei veritate erat et ita tunc temporis erat communis et publica vox et fama adeo ut fere loco proverbij qui volebat designare aliquas divitias allegaret augustinum chisium. Item nonne verum est quod tempore mortis sue prefatus quondam Augustinus fore infinitas divitias pecunias gemma vasa argentea ac etiam aurea statuas pretiosas suppellectile et multa bone mobilia ac etiam immobilia nee non quam plurima eredita exigentia etiam valorem quingentorum milium ducatorum exedentia ac bancum seu rationem sub eius nomine contante tarn in urbe quam in civitate neapolitana et diversis alijs locis reliquit et inter alia Veritas fuit et sic erat communis vox et publica fama, quod in palatio transtiberino in quo discesset inter pecunias gemmas vasa argentea et alia pretiosa iocalia clausa in uno talamo reliquit valorem novem centum milium ducatoirum auri.” B.A.V., Archivio Chigi 11450, fol. 456^r-v; cf, with a few alterations, fols. 463^v, 466.

48 This is where the banking firms erected their triumphal arches for papal coronations; for the coronation of Julius II, see Tizio, cod. Chigi G.II.36, fol. 375^v; cf Cugnoni, p. 27. For Leo X, see below, n.129.

49 Chigi's original residence in the Cortile de’ Chigi (now called Via Arco de’ Banchi), is described by Fabio Chigi in Cugnoni, p. 27. A plan of the building is included in the collection of Roman works undertaken by Fabio Chigi as Pope Alexander VII: B.A.V., cod. Chigi P.VII.9, fols. 62^v-64^v, published by Cugnoni, pp. 83-85; cf. Frommel, Die Farnesina, pp. 2-3.

50 The Chigi stemma has now been altered, but still stands in close proximity to the bell of a trumpet winded by Fama; as Gilbert says (The Pope, p. 95): “There can be no doubt whose fame this figure is meant to spread around the world.” Cf. Saxl, Fritz, Lectures, I (London, 1957), pp. 195-99Google Scholar; idem, La fede astrologka di Agostino Chigi: interpretazione dei dipinti di Baldassare Peruzzi nella Sala di Galatea della Farnesina (Rome, 1934), p. 65; Gilbert, , The Pope, pp. 95–97 Google Scholar; Quinlan-McGrath, “Astrological Vault.“

51 Dante, “Chigi,” p. 735, and Cugnoni, p. 66n.51, give as the reason for Chigi's adoption his helping Julius II to purchase a Sienese villa known as La Suvera. Their reasoning is based on Tizio, cod. Chigi G.II.37, fols. 47-52, which connects the two events. However, the Suvera transaction is actually a neat way of smoothing over a thorny diplomatic problem: in his eagerness to curry favor with the Genoese Pope, an overly enthusiastic Sienese humanist had succeeded only in making a nuisance of himself at the Apostolic Court but had managed to stir up great interest at home in his “discovery” that Julius was the long-lost scion of a prominent Sienese family. The Pope, closely dependent on Chigi and also interested in making overtures to Siena's ruler, Pandolfo Petrucci, needed to find a way to accept some of the Sienese flatteries without compromising his sense of dignity. Chigi's maneuverings with La Suvera provided just such an avenue; thus the papal adoption, if indeed it is made in gratitude for this event, honors not so much Julius’ delight in his new villa, but his appreciation of Agostino Chigi's diplomatic gifts. The fact that Sigismondo Chigi is included in the adoption suggests that papal relations with Siena may have been a dominant element in the proceeding, for another brother, Francesco Chigi, firmly ensconced in Viterbo, was not mentioned in the papal bull: B.A.V., Archivio Chigi, 3666, Document #3, with a seventeenth-century copy in B. A. V., Archivio Chigi 11446, fols. 31-36.

52 Leo X, for instance, adopted a court lutenist, “Giammaria giudeo“: Cesareo, G. A., Pasquino e Pasquinate nella Roma di Leone X (Rome, 1938), p. 304 Google Scholar.

53 The Spannocchi adoption is reported in Morandi, “Gli Spannocchi,” p. 102; Gilbert, The Pope, p. 141n. 71, states that “it seems … most likely that competition with the Spannocchi was an important motive in Chigi's actions.” Even so, the weight which Chigi gave to his adoption suggests that it was more strongly motivated by the immediate circumstances of his relationship with Julius. Fabio Chigi reports that the brothers were adopted “anno MDVI“: Cugnoni, p. 22; cf. B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.e, III, fol. 217^r-v: “I predetti due fratelli Sigismondo et Agostino aggiunsero all’ Arme loro gentilitia l’insignia della Quercia per dono di Papa Giulio Secondo che ancora gli adotto nella sua famiglia l'anno 1506.” The reason for the discrepancy is not entirely clear, for Fabio Chigi is on the whole a meticulous archivist, while as early as 1507 Agostino is probably planning to be buried in Santa Maria del Popolo, a church filled with the graves of Delia Rovere forebears.

54 See Christoph Luitpold Frommel, Baldassare Peruzzi als Maler und Zeichner, Beiheft to Römisches Jahrbuch far Kunstgeschichte, II (1967/1968), 64-65, Catalogue #18b.

55 Frommel, , Baldassare Peruzzi, pp. 61–68 Google Scholar, with ample references to earlier sources.

56 My thanks to Kyle Phillips for this suggestion, amply borne out by classical testimonia.

57 Chigi's entourage is described by Cugnoni, p. 22: “saepius fuit equo insidens Turco splendide phalerato ephippiatoque (Magni Turcae munus hoc fuerat) et pluribus circumpedibus conspicuus.” In 1514, Chigi testily reminds his brother Gismondo “di qui non mi parto senza incomodità,“B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 64, 7 March 1514; the real problem is that his movements are known to the cardinals and an abrupt change of plans will render him, in his own words, “scornato come una bestia.”

58 For Agostino's banquets, see esp. Cugnoni, pp. 34-36. For Agostino's sponsorship of a performance by the Sienese Accademia de’ Rozzi, Cugnoni, p. 28; see also a banquet held in 1518 after a hunting trip with Pope Leo X in Luzio, Alessandro, Isabella d” Este tie’ primordi del papato di Leone X e il suo viaggio a Roma nel 1514-1515 (Milan, 1906), p. 64n.3Google Scholar.

59 Agostino's love for raveggiolo, a kind of ricotta wrapped in ferns which is still a Sienese delicacy, was close to fanatical; in 1499, when Chigi followed Cesare Borgia south from France in a period of great danger, his most fervent concern is to obtain some “ravagiuli,” B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 31^r-v. Virtually every letter in cod. R.V.c which is written during the autumn, when pears and raveggiolo are in season, mention these two items. Chigi also seems to have enjoyed marzipan, but never does his correspondence name any foodstuff more exotic.

60 For the Augustan message of humanistic poems written for Chigi, see Rowland, “Some Panegyrics.” Borgia's poems, in B.A.V., cod. Barb. Lat. 1903, fols. 99^v-100, are published without identification of author by Cugnoni, pp. 69-70, from a copy in B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.e, III, fol. 475^r-v:

I have emended the ms. reading “Diique” in line 5 of the second poem to read the more metrically correct “dique.” Translations of these and all subsequent poems have made an attempt to preserve in English rhythms the meters of the original Latin.

61 The terracotta could, however, be used because it is a typically Tuscan material; a conscious Tuscan emphasis, a we shall see, is discernible throughout Chigi's patronage.

62 Suetonius, Life of Augustus, 72: “neque laxitate neque cultu conspicuis, ut in quibus porticus breves essent Albenarum columnarum et sine marmore ullo aut insigni pavimento conclavia.” There is otherwise no attempt in the Villa Suburbana to imitate Suetonius’ description of Augustus’ house in the way that, for example, the wooden alcove of Federico di Montefeltro recently found in the Palazzo Ducale of Urbino seems to be based on Suetonius’ description of Augustus’ bedroom. It is also worth noting that the house of Augustus on the Palatine hill in Rome, the famous bedroom included, has now been substantially excavated, so that Suetonius’ testimony can be shown to be quite accurate: the house is of no exceptional size, and is not particularly skillfully decorated.

63 Cugnoni, p. 31: “in aedibus mirabile dictu est quot marmora eaque preciosa congesserat.” Despite his proverbial generosity, Chigi remained acutely watchful of his finances; Machiavelli's warning, Principe XVI, that it is more prudent to be niggardly than impossibly liberal, was not entirely irrelevant to Agostino's case. Thus, Agostino soundly berated his brother for an expenditure of four ducats (cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 64^r-v, and proceeded ruthlessly against his debtors, no matter how small the sum; see his actions toward his chancellor Cornelio Benigno, n. 142 below.

64 For an evocative assessment of Peruzzi's qualities as an architect, see Portoghesi, Paolo, Roma del Rinascimento (Milan [1972]), I, 88–95, 184-88Google Scholar; see also II, 435-37.

65 See Hayum, Andrée, Giovanni Bazzi—“Il Sodoma” (New York, 1976), pp. 164-77Google Scholar; Förster, Richard, “Die Hochzeit des Alexander und Roxane in der Renaissance,” Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, 15 (1884), 167-68Google Scholar. Dottoressa R. Varoli-Piazza of the Istituto Centrale del Restauro in Rome has informed me that her recent restorations of this room show that the fresco of the Basilica of Maxentius on the Bucelphalus wall is probably contemporary with the wedding wall; private communication, 1981.

66 For the notion of recreating ancient painting in the Renaissance, see Cast, David, The Calumny of Apelles: a Study of the Humanist Tradition (New Haven, 1981)Google Scholar. For Alexander and Roxane in particular, see Forster, “Die Hochzeit.” Sodoma's ability to emu late antique painting technique has not been remarked in print, but is particularly evident in his landscapes, especially that behind the Flagellation fresco now in the Pinacoteca Nazionale of Siena, and in the Alexander and Roxane fresco itself.

67 When Chigi finally married his mistress in 1519, Pope Leo X declared their four children legitimate. The decree is found in ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 109, Document #12; cf. Busta 110, cc. 127-131^v, published in Montenovisi, “Agostino Chigi,” p. 124, Document III.

68 Gallo, De Viridario, p. 26^v:

69 Ibid., p. 1, “Gallus adlibrum“:

70 Though courtesans often did take antique noms de guerre, Imperia apparently did not; see Moncallero, G. L., Imperia de Paris nella Roma del Cinquecento e i suoi cantori fautori (Rome, 1962)Google Scholar. Masson, Giorgina, Courtesans of the Italian Renaissance (London, 1975)Google Scholar, however entertaining, contains many factual errors in her discussion of Imperia, whose history, like Chigi's own, has been steadily embellished since the early Cinquecento.

71 B.A.V., cod. Vat. Lat. 3419, fol. 27V:

Moncallero uses the evocative phrase, “il dio della ricchezza e la dea della grazia,” Imperia de Paris, p. 82. For a more detailed discussion of Imperia, Chigi, and the humanists, see Rowland, “Some Panegyrics,” p. 197.

72 This is essentially the point Felix Gilbert makes. Following the line of Julius’ contemporary apologists with exhaustive documentation is Pastor, VI, 321-65. See also Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome; Partridge, Loren and Starn, Randolph, A Renaissance Likeness: Art and Culture in Raphael's Julius II (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1980)Google Scholar; Rowland, “A Summer Outing in 1510.“

73 See Rowland, “A Summer Outing.” A substantial part of Fabio Chigi's biography of his ancestor is devoted to Agostino's piety: Cugnoni, pp. 41-44. Of Chigi's donations to the shrine of the Virgin's House in Loreto, Fabio asserts, “Quae omnia eo maiorem laudem promereri nobis videntur, quo ille in occulto voluit esse pro verae ac solidae religionis argumento… . “ though to be sure Agostino advertised his faith on many occasions. His correspondence is filled with allusions to God, in typical Tuscan fashion a deity who is thought to take an intimate personal concern in Agostino's life.

74 This is generally true of Renaissance bankers, but its ubiquity should not be taken as an indication that the practice is insignificant.

75 Origo, The Merchant of Prato, p. xiv.

76 See below n. 188.

77 See Fea, Carlo, Notizie intorno a Raffaele Sanzio da Urbino ed alcune di lui opere (Rome, 1822), p. 79n.I:Google Scholar “Nondubito, che Agostino Chigi scegliesse queste due Chiese per farvi le dette opere, a riguardo del Papa Giulio, nipote di Sisto; e come da lui aggregate all loro famiglia Della Rovere.” Chigi's donations to the Santa Casa di Loreto, likewise a Sixtine shrine, strengthen Fea's argument even more.

78 For Delia Rovere patronage in Santa Maria del Popolo, see Partridge, and Starn, , Renaissance Likeness, pp. 75–95 Google Scholar, 147-51; Bentivoglio, Enzo and Valtieri, Simonetta, Santa Maria del Popolo (Rome, 1976)Google Scholar; Cannata, Roberto, Cavallaro, Anna, Strinati, Claudio, Cellini, Pico, Umanesimo e Primo Rinascimento in Santa Maria del Popolo (Rome, 1981)Google Scholar.

79 Hirst, Michael, “The Chigi Chapel in Santa Maria della Pace,” JWCI, 24 (1961), 161-85Google Scholar, argues that this chapel was conceived as early as 1512. The bull which changes the dedication of the Chigi Chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo from Saints Sebastian, Roch, and Sigismund to the Virgin of Loreto, reflecting traditional della Rovere devotion to the Santa Casa, was issued by Julius on 3 December 1507: Cugnoni, pp. 75, 138-42 and n. 174; cf. Gilbert, , The Pope, p. 84 Google Scholar. The chapel itself was purchased in December 1507, B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.e, III, fol. 687: see n. 106 below.

80 See Stinger, Renaissance in Rome.

81 See O'Malley, John W., Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform (Leiden, 1968), esp. pp. 111-12Google Scholar.

82 See in particular, Hirst, , “Chigi Chapel“; John Shearman, “The Chigi Chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo,” JWCI, 24 (1961), 129-60Google Scholar.

83 That is, the ideas promulgated by Egidio da Viterbo and other humanists would have been adapted specifically for Chigi's commissions; see n. 199 below.

84 For Raphael's ability to articulate Julius’ aspirations, see Partridge and Starn, Renaissance Likeness. Specific connection of the Vatican Stanze with Egidio da Viterbo is made by Pfeiffer, Heinrich, S.J., Zur Ikonographie von Raffaels Disputa: Egidio da Viterbo und die christlich-platonische Konzeption der Stanza della Segnatura (Rome, 1975)Google Scholar; idem, “Die Predigt des Egidio da Viterbo über das goldene Zeitalter und die Stanza della Segnatura,” in Festschrift Luitpold Dussler (Munich and Berlin, 1972), pp. 237-54, following a suggestion made by Nelson Minnich in connection with his own work on the Fifth Lateran Council. The iconography of Raphael's School of Athens has been traced by the present author to Egidio's Sententiae ad mentem Platonis in two public lectures at the University of California, Los Angeles, in 1984 and 1986, with intent to publish these findings. Paul Watson, of the University of Pennsylvania, is turning his attentions to the Parnassus along similar lines.

85 See nn.28-31 above.

86 See n. 30 above.

87 Golzio, Vincenzo, Raffaello nei documenti (Vatican City, 1936), p. 22 Google Scholar; the order dates from 10 November 1510.

88 Not all his audience was so enthralled, however. Of his sermon in Siena on the coronation of Pope Pius III in 1505, Tizio reported in his text that it was: “etsi longum luculentem tamen“: B.A.V., cod. Chigi G.II.36, fol. 370^v. A marginal note begs to differ: “Verum ita longum ut universum populum tedio afficeret atque fastidio ex tam rugidantici psalmi repetitione dum inquit fecit Lunam in tempore suo.” The same qualities in Egidio's rhetoric are recognized by O'Malley, John W., S.J., in “Fulfillment of the Christian Golden Age under Julius II: Text of a Discourse of Giles of Viterbo, 1507,” Traditio, 25 (1969), 265–338 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 269, 277; cf. idem, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Reform in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court, c. 1450- 1521 (Durham, N.C., 1979), pp. 27-28.

89 For the Fifth Lateran Council, see Minnich, Nelson, “Concepts of Reform Proposed at the Fifth Lateran Council,” Archivium historiae pontificiae, 7 (1969), 163–251 Google Scholar; idem, “The Participants at the Fifth Lateran Council,” Archivium historiae pontificiae, 12 (1974), 157-206. For Egidio's apologetic activities after the military expedition of 1510-1511, see Rowland, “A Summer Outing in 1510“; Tizio, cod. Chigi G.II.37, fols. 163^v-165^v 10 and 11 December 1511.

90 See n. 87 above.

91 See, for example, Martin, F. X., O.S.A., “Egidio da Viterbo, Martin Luther, and Girolamo Seripando,” Biblioteca e società, 4:1-2 (1982), 5–9 Google Scholar, at p. 5: ”… as prior general of the Augustinian order, 1506-1518 [Egidio] was the foremost exponent of the Observant ideals among the Augustinians. By his personal example, his fervid preaching, his visitation of so many Augustinian priories in Italy, his unrelenting programme for religious revival of his friars, his stream of reform letters to all provinces of the order, he galvanized the Augustinians to greater efforts of spiritual renewal“: cf. O'Malley, , Giles of Viterbo, pp. 139-78Google Scholar, “Reform in Concept and Practice“; cf. Vismara, Sandro, “Una grande figura religiosa del Rinascimento: Egidio da Viterbo,” Biblioteca e società, 4:1-2 (1982), 10–16 Google Scholar, at p. II.

92 See Stinger, Renaissance in Rome, as a recent, superbly documented discussion of a subject whose bibliography is vast. For Egidio in particular, see O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo, and idem, “Fulfillment of the Christian Golden Age.” The Golden Age is explicitly linked to Julius II in the following humanistic poems: B.A.V., codd. Vat. Lat. 3441, fols. 167-177^v, 193-204 (Pietro Corsi); Vat. Lat. 2862, fols. 27^v-30 (Pacifico Massimi); Vat. Lat. 2836, fol. 99^v (Fausto Capodiferro); Vat. Lat. 3419, fol. 87 (Fausto Capodiferro).

93 O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo, passim.

94 O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo; cf. idem, “Giles of Viterbo: a Reformer's Thought on Renaissance Rome,” Renaissance Quarterly, 20 (1967), 1-11, and, as an extremely useful paradigm, O'Malley's “Erasmus and Luther, Continuity and Discontinuity as Key to their Conflict,” The Sixteenth Century Journal, 5 (1974), 47-65.

95 Eugenio Massa's long-promised edition of the Sententiae has still not appeared; the theological system described here is found scattered and repeated throughout the text, whose organizing principle is the headings of Peter Lombard's Sentences, but primarily in the first part of the text, approximately fols. 1-80 in B. A. V., cod. Vat. Lat. 6325.

96 For the Renaissance interpretation of the Fourth Eclogue, see Yates, Frances A., Astraea: the Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1975), p. 4 Google Scholar, with bibliog raphy; Norden, Eduard, Die Geburt des Kindes: Geschichte einer religiosen Idee (Leipzig and Berlin, 1924)Google Scholar; Levin, Harry, The Myth of the Golden Age in the Renaissance (Bloomington, Indiana, 1969)Google Scholar.

97 See n. 84 above.

98 See Hirst, “Chigi Chapel,” p. 167, esp. n.32.

99 See Ettlinger, Leopold, “A Note on Raphael's Sibyls in Santa Maria della Pace,” JWCI, 24 (1961), 322-23Google Scholar.

100 References to Sibylline programs in the Renaissance are collected in Dotson, Esther Gordon, “An Augustinian Interpretation of Michelangelo's Sistine Ceiling,” Art Bulletin, 61 (1979), 223-56CrossRefGoogle Scholar (Part I), 405-29 (Part II), at p. 405; see also Yates, Frances A., Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (London, 1964), pp. 42–43 Google Scholar; Stinger, , Renaissance in Rome, pp. 308-14Google Scholar.

101 So Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda Aurea, Chapter VI, 25 December, “De Nativitate domini nostri Jesu Christi“; cf. Stinger, , Renaissance in Rome, pp. 309-10Google Scholar.

102 See Yates, , Astraea, p. 4 Google Scholar; Stinger, Renaissance in Rome, passim.

103 Line 4: “Ultima Cumaei venit iam carminis aetas.“

104 This cyclical motion is inherent in the Fourth Eclogue itself: “magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo” (5). The return of past ages comes about as a natural cycle. The experience of the divine child serves as an analogy to that of the humanistically educated Renaissance man: he reads about the past: “At simul heroum laudes et facta parentis / iam legere et quae sit poteris cognoscere virtus” (26-27). But the great deeds of the past are destined to be repeated (34-36). Wholly Christian is the notion that this return to the Golden Age is brought about by divine love for mankind and that it has a permanent redemptive significance, although Ovid in Metamorphoses xv.743-789 sees a lasting alteration of the world order under Augustus. For a classicist's analysis of the Fourth Eclogue and its concept of the Golden Age, see Putnam, Michael C. J., Virgil's Pastoral Art: Studies in the Eclogues (Princeton, 1970), pp. 136-75Google Scholar. I am grateful to Peter Meller for his insights into the Golden Age of Ovid.

105 I am indebted to Marc Worsdale for sharing some of his ideas on the meaning of the Chigi chapel's iconography in 1981 and subsequently.

106 See John Shearman, “The Chigi Chapel“; Bentivoglio, Enzo, “La Cappella Chigi,” in Bentivoglio and Valtieri, Santa Maria del Popolo, pp. 104-20Google Scholar; Frommel, Christoph Luitpold, “Das Hypogäum Raffaels unter der Chigi Kappelle,” Kunstchronik, 27 (1974), 10 and 344-78Google Scholar; Ray, Stefano, Raffaello architetto (Rome and Bari, 1974), pp. 128-47Google Scholar, 307-10; idem, “Il sepolcreto della cappella Chigi e altre note raffaelesche,” Bollettino del centro di studi per la storia dell’ architettura, 24 (1979), 89-92; Paolo Portoghesi, Roma del Rinascimento, II, 441. As this article went to press: Brandt, Kathleen Weil-Garris, “Cosmological Patterns in the Chigi Chapel,” in Raffaello a Roma: il Convegno del 1983, Rome 1986, pp. 127-57Google Scholar.

107 Marchini, Giuseppe, “Le Architetture,” in the collection Raffaello (Novara, 1968), pp. 442-92Google Scholar at p. 454.

108 See Buddensieg, Tilman, “Criticism and Praise of the Pantheon in the Middle Ages and Renaissance,” in R. R. Bolgar, ed., Classical Influences on European Culture, A.D. 500-1500 (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 259-67Google Scholar; cf. Albertini, Francesco, Opusculum de mirabilibus novae et veteris Romae (Rome, 1510)Google Scholar, Book II, “De Templis Urbis“: “Templum Pantheon dedicatum erat Iovi ultori et Cybeli et omnibus diis: nunc vero deo aeterno et Mariae Vir. et omnibus Martiribus.”

109 The holes by which the bronze letters of Hadrian's addendum to this inscription, attributing credit to himself for having restored Agrippa's shrine, were fastened to the architrave of the Pantheon porch allow its reconstruction and show that Hadrian was not entirely self-effacing; the letters themselves would have been rubbed out in the Middle Ages.

110 The bull is discussed in Gilbert, , The Pope, p. 84 Google Scholar, and published in Cugnoni, pp. 138-42n.174, referring to B.A.V., Archivio Chigi 11456, fols. 346-349; cf. Ray, , Raffaello, p. 307 Google Scholar.

111 The photograph of lanother bronze relief, attributed to Lorenzetto and indeed to the Chigi Chapel itself, is found in the B. A. V. as Archivio Chigi 25294. This shows a putto with a downward-pointing torch, an appropriate funerary subject. From what a black-and-white photograph can reveal, the bronze appears to have been patinated in the same black tone as the relief still in the chapel.

112 The interior of the Pantheon dome may have been gilded or decorated with gilded rosettes. See MacDonald, William L., The Architecture of the Roman Empire, I: An Introductory Study (New Haven and London, 1965) p. 104n.27Google Scholar, esp. with reference to the statement in Platner, Samuel B. and Ashby, Thomas, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (London, 1929), p. 384 Google Scholar, unsubstantiated, that the ceiling was gilded.

113 So Shearman, “Chigi Chapel,” pp. 138-43.

114 For one account of the significance of color, derived from Marsilio Ficino, see Yates, , Giordano Bruno, pp. 75–83 Google Scholar. The present analysis is clearly cursory, but the gradations of color in the chapel are clear enough to warrant mention.

115 The chapel, never completed after Agostino's death, was extensively restored by Gianlorenzo Bernini and Pope Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi); see Shearman, “Chigi Chapel,” for an analysis of the chapel's original state; cf. Ray, , Raffaello, pp. 128-47Google Scholar. Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt is now engaged in research on the development of the Chigi chapel's architecture.

116 Public lecture in the Chigi chapel, 1982.

117 This is a particular expression of the chapel's resurrection imagery. That resurrection was the chapel's fundamental iconographic point was already noted by Fabio Chigi (Cugnoni, p. 43) and is extensively discussed by Shearman, “Chigi Chapel, “ pp. 138-43.

118 This coin appears in B.A.V., cod. Vat. Lat. 3439, fol. 65. It has now been published by Shearman, , “Pentimenti in the Chigi Chapel,” in Moshe Barasch and Lucy Freeman Sandler, eds., Art the Ape of Nature: Studies in Honor of Horst W. Janson (New York, 1981), pp. 219-22Google Scholar.

119 Shearman notes that in the Chigi chapel, pyramid and obelisk are effectively conflated: “Chigi Chapel,” pp. 132-36; cf. Peruzzi's obelisks in the form of elongated pyramids, published in Gatti, Guglielmo, “Nuove osservazioni sul mausoleo di Augusto,” L'Urhe, 3 (1938), fasc. 8, 1-17, at p. 10 Google Scholar, Fig. 9 (Uffizi 3956). For the ball alleged to contain Caesar's ashes, see d'Onofrio, Cesare, Gli obelischi di Roma (Rome, 1965), pp. 16–18 Google Scholar, Figs. 27, 82. A thorough discussion of the mausoleum is found in Richard, Jean-Claude, “ ‘Mausoleum': D'Halicarnasse à Rome, puis a Alexandrie,” Collection Latomus, 29(1970), 370-88Google Scholar, with extensive bibliography at p. 370n.2.

120 Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de mirabilibus, Book II, “De sepulchro augustorum et mole hadriana“: “Stabant praeterea apud dictum locum obelisci duo et columnae ingentes pulcherrimae cum parietibus marmoreis porphireticisque lapidibus incrustatis.“

121 For Rome's transformation from brick to marble, see Suetonius, Life of Augustus, 28; see also Shearman, “Chigi Chapel,” p. 130. For the letter to Leo X, see Golzio, Vincenzo, Raffaello nei documenti, pp. 78–92 Google Scholar; Shearman, John, “Raphael, Rome, and the Codex Escurialensis,” Master Drawings, 15 (1977), pp. 107-46Google Scholar.

122 The fact that Albertini specifically mentions porphyry-colored stone rather than porphyry itself is archaeologically correct, as porphyry was barely introduced to Rome in the Augustan period; see Gnoli, Raniero, Marmora Romana (Rome, 1971), pp. 98–103 Google Scholar. This is all the more intriguing because from all available information, the Augusteum was revetted with travertine; Strabo III.9, 236, calls the monument leukolithos. The most recent excavation report by Guglielmo Gatti, “Nuove osservazioni,” discusses drawings made of the monument by Baldassare Peruzzi which seem to refer to the travertine blocks actually found in excavation in the twentieth century.

123 See Iversen, Erik, Obelisks in Exile, I (Copenhagen, 1972), pp. 47–50 Google Scholar, 115-16; Cesare d'Onofrio, Obelischi, pp. 154-59.

124 The letter is found in Siena, Biblioteca Comunale degli Intronati, cod. G.X.26, fols. 73-75; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica cod. Lat. 688, fols. 21^v-22; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica cod. Lat. 1001, fols. 280-82.

125 Like Egidio himself, Gabriele Delia Volta was an acquaintance of Aldus Manutius; see O'Malley, , Giles of Viterbo, p. 4 Google Scholar)n. Gabriele's succession to the Priorate General of the Austin Hermits upon Egidio's appointment as Cardinal in 1517 is noted in Vismara, “Grande figura religiosa,” pp. 12, 16.

126 The citation follows cod. Angelica 688, a fairer copy than Angelica 1001, and nearly identical to the text of Intronati G.X.26: “Profecto sicut nihil in Asia Alexander solus, nihil in Africa solus Scipio, nihil in Europa Caesar solus, aut tentasset, aut perfecisset: ita prope et Dominus meus unius praeceptum charitatis, omnium virtutum praeceptis anteposuit: cum Duodecim ducum, terra, caeloque potiturorum foelicem sanctam familiam comparasset. Id minime praetermittam, ne numerum quidem ipsum amoris significatione carere. Nam et apud Euclidem, et apud Aristotelem videre est Pyramidis figuram locum implere: si simul tamen Pyramides ad punctum unum, nee plures, nee pauciores coierint quam Duodecim namque cum inter se coierint, Sperae, caelique formam absolutissimam reddunt. Scis Pyramidem igni tributam esse a Platone, scis divinum amorem a patre, atque filio manantem; cum constitutus Deus esset super omnem terrain Principes: essetque illos amore, qui est virtutum omnium parens, impleturus: iure ignis Pyramidem adhibendam constituit: turn ut animos, et eorum, et omnium mortalium penetraret: turn ut ad res divinas non moveret modo: verum etiam aestuantissima amoris incendia excitaret: sed cur duodecim tandem? non viginti. non undecim? Quomodo ex secretis naturae viribus orbem duodecim Pyramidibus non paucioribus; non numerosioribus impleri constabat. Tunc denique impleri coepit syderus orbis: cum Coepere primum duodecim illae Pyramides apparere: Quorum quidem sonus acutissimis sapientiae rationibus: flammisque divini amoris ardentissimis (utrumque enim Pyramis habet igneam) non solum in omnem penetravit terram: sed et caelum personuit universum. Sat hec esse de amore dicta … Collectam Viterbij dari vellem per nummularios Chigi: Si id fieri non facile posset; ea ratione ages: quae tibi quam facillima videatur… .” 29 July 1507.

127 The letters of Intronati G.X.26 constitute, in effect, Egidio's official correspondence; O'Malley, , Giles of Viterbo, p. 196 Google Scholar; Martin, F. X., O.S.A., “The Writings of Giles of Viterbo,” Augustiniana, 29(1979), 141-93Google Scholar, esp. at p. 151n.

128 Two Chigi forebears, Beato Giovanni and Venerabile Angela, were members of the Augustinian order, the former at the convent of Lecceto with which the Chigi family continued to have an association; see Buonafede, , I Chigi Augusti, pp. 120-52Google Scholar; Capisucchi, Raimondo, O.P., Vita B. Ioannis Chisii senensis Ordinis Erem. Sancti P. Augustini (Rome, 1656)Google Scholar, composed in verse for the newly elected Alexander VII. Schedoni, Giuseppe, Il Beato Giovanni e i venerabili Angelo Sigismondo e Aurelio Chigi: ricordi storici (Modena, 1881)Google Scholar, states that Beato Giovanni was the first to use the surname Chigi, changing from Giovanni di Chigio dei Conti dell’ Ardenghesca to a humble patronymic (pp. 4-5); he repeats uncritically other legends glorifying either Beato Giovanni's piety or the honor of the Chigi.

129 The pyramids, of course, are repeated in the basement of the chapel; see Frommel, “Das Hypägaum Raffaels“; Ray, “Il sepolcreto della cappella Chigi.” The fact that Renaissance aesthetics worked by means of images possessing multiple significance is given a firm philosophical and historical basis in Allen, Michael J. B., The Platonism of Marsilio Ficino (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1984)Google Scholar. The Chigi chapel itself was already connected to Ficinian Neoplatonism by Chastel, André, Art et humanisme au temps de Laurent le Magnifique (Paris, 1959), pp. 489-90Google Scholar.

130 Pastor, VI, 436-37, VII, 1-33; Tizio, cod. Chigi G.II.37, fols. 229^v-245.

131 Thus Agostino and Mariano Chigi maintained friendly contacts with Francesco Girolami, a Florentine merchant: B.A. V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 28^v: and maintained accounts in Florence: B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 31; many contracts of the Banco Chigi are made with Florentine firms.

132 For payments to Leo X early in his reign, see Montenovesi, “Agostino Chigi,” pp. 128-30; Delumeau, L'Alun de Rome, p. 105. Gilbert, The Pope, p. 146n.10, suggests that bribery of some sort took place.

133 Chigi was in fact more than an ally—he was a frequent companion in Leo's entertainments; see n. 56 above.

134 Nonetheless, Leo continued to excommunicate Chigi's business adversaries; see ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta III, cc. I^v-2, containing excommunications from 1516 and 1519.

135 For the Tolfa contract, see Gilbert, , The Pope, pp. 98 Google Scholar, 146-47 nn.11-12. Gilbert sees two reasons for Chigi's alteration of the contract: the change of Popes and his own social aspirations, and the increasingly threatening lawsuit leveled against him by the Spannocchi bank for their debacle of 1503, which was initiated in 1511. While recognizing that Bellanti was related to the Spannocchi, Gilbert does not mention that Agostino's sister Eufrasia was married to Bellanti until her death in 1496.

136 B.A.V., Archivio Chigi 11450, fol. 266:

The authorship of this epigram by Marcantonio Casanova is given by Moncallero, Imperia de Paris, p. 143. See also Cancellieri, Francesco, Storia de’ solenni possessi de’ sommi pontefici detti anticamente processi o processioni dopo la loro coronazione dalla basilica vaticana alla lateranense (Rome 1802), pp. 72–74 Google Scholar.

137 Gilbert, , The Pope, pp. 96–99 Google Scholar, an opinion confirmed by Fabio Chigi, who reports Chigi's ambitions for his children as follows: “Namque parvulis filijs, abalienatus a fratrum amore, atque ab uxore pellectus, iam turn consulere inciperat: destinabatque, ex animi sui magnitudine, dimissa negotiatione, alterum Purpurae, alterum Castrorum dominationi,” Cugnoni, p. 50. He did not live long enough to make good these aspirations.

138 See Cugnoni, p. 19, quoting one of Fabio Chigi's most euphonic lines: “ociosos omnes oderat omnino atque inter vitia ludum quam maxime damnabat.” Cugnoni, p. 65, compares Egidio Gallo's preface to De Viridario: “Tu mi Augustine qui ociosos homines despicis, foves negociosos.“

139 ASR, Ospedaledi S. Rocco, Busta 120, c. 86^v:

The poem appears alongside a pasquinade which can be securely attributed to the early years of Leo X's reign; cf. a somewhat different version in Romano, Pietro, Pasquino nel Cinquecento (il Pontificato di Leone X) (Rome, 1936), p. 12 Google Scholar.

140 See, e.g., Geanokoplos, Deno, Creek Scholars in Venice (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), pp. 213-14Google Scholar; Norton, F. J., Italian Printers 1501-1520 (London, 1958), pp. 96–97 Google Scholar; Gigante, Marcello, “Cornelio Benigno,” in DBI, VIII (Rome, 1966)Google Scholar, cols. 513-14; Irigoin, Jean, Histoire du texte de Pindare (Paris, 1952), pp. 408-20Google Scholar. I am grateful to Douglas Bauer for further information on the 1515 Pindar, private communication, 1980.

141 So Norton, Italian Printers, p. 96.

142 “Para tois oikois tou megaloprepois [sic] Augoustinou tou Kisiou.“

143 Norton, , Italian Printers, p. 97 Google Scholar, assumes a single address for the Kalliergês press in Rome. There is nothing to indicate any change of location, but the printer's association with Benigno does not extend beyond the publication of the Theocritus; see Ruysschaert, José, “Trois récherches sur le XVIe siècle romain,” Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 94 (1971), 11–29, at pp. 21-23Google Scholar. The expense of printer's equipment would militate against frequent changes of address.

144 The Aldine Pindar was published in 1513, the Theocritus in 1495-1496. Giunta produced a Theocritus in 1515. See Gigante, “Cornelio Benigno.“

145 The relationship between Virgil and Theocritus is discussed by Putnam, , Virgil's Pastoral Art, pp. 3–19 Google Scholar. The arguments for coupling Pindar and Horace in the Parnassus are summarized in Dussler, Luitpold, Raphael: A Critical Catalogue of his Pictures, Wall-Paintings, and Tapestries (London and New York, 1971), pp. 74–76 Google Scholar. The usual identification of the two right foreground figures as Pindar and Horace was first put forward by Bellori, Giovanni Pietro, Descrizione delle immagini da Raffaello d’ Urbino nelle camere del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano (Rome, 1695), pp. 43ffGoogle Scholar. I am grateful to Jeanette Sargent for pointing out the literary connection between Horace and Pindar as givers of “advice to tyrants.“

146 See Irigoin, , Histoire, p. 420 Google Scholar: “Pendant près de trois siècles, l'édition romaine, avec ses qualites et ses défauts, serà la vulgate du texte et des scholies de Pindare.” Benigno, in fact, circumvented the overlap with Aldus by including the Pindaric scholia for the first time in his edition.

147 See Ruysschaert, “Trois récherches,” p. 22.

148 Ruysschaert, “Trois récherches,” p. 21. To Ruysschaert's citation of Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, cod. Vittorio Emanuele 309, fols. 18, 49, may be added that of B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.e, III, fol. 653^r-v, probably drawing from the same source.

149 Suetonius, Life of Augustus, 89.

150 Pastor, VIII, 76, questions whether Leo actually said this or not; in any case the remark is now taken as proverbial.

151 Pastor, VIII, 71-90.

152 As an indicative example, Leo's elaborate ceremonies involving the elephant sent him by King Manuel of Portugal in 1514 were undertaken in order to encourage that monarch in his wars on the infidel: Pastor, VII, 74-78.

153 King Manuel's elephant was disembarked, for example, in Chigi's private port, as is evident from Agostino's correspondence, B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fols. 59-64^v.

154 Chastel, André, Arte e Utnanesimo a Firenze al tempo di Lorenzo il Magnifico (Turin, 1964), pp. 68–76 Google Scholar; Banti, Luisa, Il mondo degli Etruschi (Rome, 1969), p. 107 Google Scholar.

155 See Cipriani, Giovanni, Il mito etrusco nel Rinascimento fiorentino (Florence, 1980)Google Scholar.

156 See, inter alia, Tigerstedt, E. N., “Ioannes Annius zndgraecia mendax ,” in Classical, Medieval, and Renaissance Studies in honor of Berthold Louis Ullmann (Rome, 1964), pp. 293–310 Google Scholar; Weiss, Roberto, “An Unknown Epigraphic Tract of Annius of Viterbo,” in Italian Studies Presented to E. R. Vincent (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 101-02Google Scholar; Danielsson, O. A., “Annius von Viterbo über die Grundungsgeschichte Roms,” in Corolla archeologicaprincipi hereditaria Regni Sueciae Gustavo Adolpho dedicata (Lund, 1932), pp. 1–16 Google Scholar; Weiss, Roberto, “Traccia per una biografia di Annio da Viterbo,” Italia medioevale e umanistica, 5 (1962), 425-42Google Scholar; Caporali, Gigliola Bonucci, ed., Annio da Viterbo, document e ricerche (Rome, 1981)Google Scholar, with bibliography.

157 ASR, Ospedale di S. Rocco, Busta 109, Document # 3 .

158 O'Malley, , Giles of Viterbo, pp. 30–32 Google Scholar, 123-25. Egidio had in fact intended to write a “De Disciplinis Etruscis“; O'Malley, “Fulfillment of the Christian Golden Age,” p. 272, citing cod. Angelica Lat. 502, fol. 23. These theories also appear in two long manuscript works, the Historia XXsaeculorum, cod. Angelica 351, and the Sententiae ad mentem Platonis, B.A. V., cod. Vat. Lat. 6325. See also O'Malley, “Man's Dignity, God's Love, and the Destiny of Rome: A Text of Giles of Viterbo,” Viator, 3 (1972), 389-96. Certainly Egidio's Etruscan lore had penetrated to Tizio's Siena; see Danielsson, O. A., Etruskische Inschriften in Handschriftlicher Überlieferung (Uppsala and Leipzig, 1928)Google Scholar, which treats Tizio's etruscological knowledge, esp. at pp. 34-51.

159 O'Malley, , Giles of Viterbo, 110-13Google Scholar.

160 Tigerstedt, “Ioannes Annius,” discusses the matter of Annio's misohellenism.

161 Weiss, “An Unknown Epigraphic Tract.” It should be remembered that Carolingian letter forms were taken as ancient by the humanists.

162 Weiss, “Traccia,” p. 434; Mattiangeli, Paola, “Annio da Viterbo Ispiratore di cicli pittorici,” in Bonucci Caporali, Annio da Viterbo, pp. 257–303 Google Scholar; Danielsson, , Etruskische Inschrifien, pp. 8–15 Google Scholar.

163 The English title Antiquities is adopted because Annio's work is published under different titles in its first three editions, all well within Agostino Chigi's lifespan: a 1498 editio princeps, Commentria fiatrus Ioannis Annii Viterbiensis super opera diversorum auctorum de antiquitatibus loquentium (Rome: Eucharius Silber, 1498), and two editions by Jean Petit in Paris, Anni Viterbiensis antiquitatum variarum libri XVII (1512 and 1515).

164 But see Weiss, “Traccia,” p. 431, for the possibility that at least one of Annio's more doubtful texts, that of “Berosus the Chaldaean,” may in fact be a result of his having seen a copy of the Ps.-Berosus in Genoa in 1474. On the whole, the intelligence and solid scholarly foundation of Annio have been underestimated in the present century.

165 Luther used Annio's “findings” to defend his own positions: Tigerstedt, “Ioannes Annius,” p. 310.

166 References to Annio will be made using the copy of his Antiquities now in the Fondo Chigi of the B.A. V., a 1515 Petit, B. A. V. [Stampato] Chigi III.285. This copy is underlined in a sixteenth-century hand in places which have much to do with the analysis whose results are reported in the present paper, although the reason for the underlining is not clear, and the hands annotating the volume are several. In the eighteenth century the Biblioteca Chigi also possessed a 1498 Silber editio princeps of this work. Also notable is the 1498 edition owned by Egidio Antonini da Viterbo, copiously annotated in his hand: B.A.V., Incunabulum II. 274. For the importance of the Tiber as a boundary, see Annio, p. 153; cf a more elaborate discussion at p. 42. A modern treatment of the significance of the Tiber crossing is found in Holland, Louise Adams, Janus and the Bridge, Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome, 21 (Rome, 1961)Google Scholar.

167 Annio, p. 13^v: “Caeterum in Thuscis Ianus fundavit primam omnium urbem tetrapolim Etruriam;” cf. pp. 29, 41^v: “Is Ianus sub initium aurei saeculi laevum latus Thyberis Etruria tenuit“; cf. pp. 109^v-110, 116^v, 123, etc.

168 Annio, pp. 41-52; cf. pp. 58, 105.

169 For the origin of Viterbo, see Annio, p. 14: “Quod nunc Viterbum dicitur: olim regia tetrapolis Etruria dicbatur.” The etymology of “Viterbo” is given at pp. 24-25. The fact that there is a palpable shift in the location of Janus's kingdom has escaped modern commentators for the most part. The Vatican-based Janus legend is found at p. 13: “Cato item in fragmento ii Ex Scythia Ianum rate in Vaticanum“; cf. p. 42: “quamvis tunc finientis aurei saeculi: intra fines suos: sese quisque continuit: Ianus in Etruria et Saturnus in Latio; thyberimque fines imperii esse instituit. Intra enim suam cuique patriam tunc de more regnum finiebatur. Limes igitur erat inter eos thyberis: areae vero limitum erant Ianiculum et Saturnia Capitolina. Etruriam a Ianiculo Ianus: Latium a Saturno Saturnus cognominavit. Ad radices enim Capitolii Saturnus condiderat: uti Ianus Ianiculum“; and p. 140: “Pars Ianicula circa Thyberim primum dicta est italia ut Servius scribit super primum aeneidos.“

170 This tradition derives from the first book of Ovid's Fasti, lines 229-38; cf. Servius on Aeneid VIII. 319; Annio, p. 42. See also Franz Bömer's discussion of the Ovidian passage in P. Ovidius Naso: Die Fasten (Heidelberg, 1957), ad loc. 1.229-38. Annio is at pains to remind his readers that: “[Saturnus] fuit… subregulus Iani in Latio; a quo Saturnia Capitolina et Saturnia Latium.” The true ruler is, of course, Tuscan Janus.

171 See, e.g., for the themes introduced in the discourse for Julius delivered in 1507, O'Malley, “Fulfillment of the Christian Golden Age“; cf. the endlessly redoubled references to Leo X as a new Janus in the Historia XX saeculomm.

172 See Stinger, , Renaissance in Rome, pp. 296–314 Google Scholar.

173 “Salve O Iani sedes, nunc vere Ianiculum!” O'Malley, “Man's Dignity,” p. 413.

174 B.A.V., cod. Barb. Lat. 1903, fol. 100^r:

175 The line echoed by Borgia is “Tuscus ego: tuscis orior,” Propertius IV. 2, line 3. This poem refers to Vertumnus, a god who by careful manipulation of his text Annio is able to assimilate both to Janus and to Noah, pp. 30-32^v. Annio's text is collated by himself, and is done with a high degree of classical learning. It is also deftly doctored at three crucial points to further Annio's arguments; it is important to realize that in this particular case the Viterbese forger is able to construct an entire theory from the alteration of a mere five words in a classical text.

176 See n.61 above. For Girolamo Borgia's life, see Ballistreri, Gianni, “Borgia, Girolamo,” in DBI, XII (Rome, 1970), cols. 721-24Google Scholar; cod. Barb. Lat. 1903 is discussed at cols. 722-23. A letter from Borgia to Egidio Antonini is contained in cod. Angelica 1001, fol. 219.

177 Chariteo's poem is published by Croce, Benedetto, Poeti e scrittori del pieno e del tardo Rinascimento, I (Bari, 1945), pp. 39–40 Google Scholar: “Et tu di Ghisi etruschi eterno onore/Vivrai tra regi… . “ Chariteo's letter to Egidio da Viterbo is recorded in cod. Angelica 1001, fol. 172^v.

178 B.A.V., cod. Vat. Lat. 3351, fol. 123:

Here, obviously, Janus appears in his four-headed version, as on the Janus statue built into one of the bridges leading to the Tiber Island.

179 Biblioteca Angelica, cod. Lat. 351, fol. 3^v: “pontificiam tuam sedem in Ethruria Vaticanoque divino nuto constitutam.“

180 Pastor, VII, 79-82.

181 Janitschek, Hubert, “Das capitolinische Theater vomjahre 1513,” Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft, 5 (1882), 259-70Google Scholar; Cruciani, Fabrizio, Il Teatro del Campidoglio e le feste romane del 1513 (Milan, 1969)Google Scholar.

182 Because of this, Annio's version of Etruscology was not adopted, as there was already a strong indigenous Florentine tradition of Etruscan studies; see Cipriani, Mito etrusco.

183 Cruciani, , Il teatro, pp. I^v, 53 Google Scholar, 88. The coins are discussed in Hill, G. F., A Corpus of Italian Medals of the Renaissance Before Cellini (London, 1930), pp. 229-30Google Scholar and Plate 141, Figs. 885, 886, 888.

184 Cicero, Ad Familiares, X.3. Hill, Corpus, p. 300, Plate 192, Fig. 1159 refer to the Chigi medallion. While stating that “The design of the reverse shows some trace of Florentine influence in the way that the arabesque ornament is arranged under the figure,” Hill makes no connection with the Leonine coins as a more overt possible example of Florentine influence. See also Liberati, Alfredo, Medaglie senesi (Sec. XlV-Sec. XIX): note storiche (Siena, 1903), p. 20 Google Scholar. Frittelli, Ugo, Albero genealogico delta nobil famiglia Chigi patrizia senese (Siena, 1922), p. 28 Google Scholar, says that the medallion is posthumous, citing Liberati, who in fact says nothing of the kind.

185 See Doren, A., “Fortuna im Mittelalter und in der Renaissance,” Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg, 2.1 (1922-1923), 71–144 Google Scholar; Santoro, Mario, Fortuna, ragione, eprudenza nella civiltà letteraria del Cinquecento (Naples, 1967)Google Scholar.

186 Thus he urges prudence on his brother Gismondo, B.A.V., cod. Chigi R.V.c, fol. 36, though to judge from the tone of their correspondence he never found much of that virtue in his poor sibling.

187 Annio, p. 31: “Hoc loco natura Iani dicitur: eius ingenium: et prudentia qua enituit: et de qua Macrobius in primo Saturnalium refert: qui et praeterita noverit et futura perspexerit. Teste autem Aristotele in aethicis: prudentia omnes virtutes metitur: quia ipsa est recta ratio agibilium … Et ideo forma et institutio vivendi dicitur Iani figura pulchra: quia natura iustissimi Iani fuit prudentia: quae se convertit in omnem formam etfiguram recte vivendi.” Cf. Annio, p. 123^v.

188 About the loggia, see Förster, Richard, Famesina-Studien (Rostock, 1880), pp. 60–64 Google Scholar; Shearman, John, “Die Loggia der Psyche in der Villa Farnesina und die Probleme der letzten Phase von Raffaels graphischem Stil,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, N. S. 60 (1964), 59–100 Google Scholar. it is quite likely that this choice of subjects has some basis in Neoplatonic concepts of the soul's ascent, which may be put into context when taken in tandem with the two Chigi chapels; however, these lofty concerns are also tempered by more ribald enjoyment of the ceiling's many nudes; see Schwarzenberg, Erkinger, “Raphael und die Psyche-Statue Agostino Chigis,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, 73 (1977), 107-36Google Scholar, esp. p. 109, a reference to the obscene gourd painted by Giovanni da Udine in the Active bower of the loggia.

189 Herculean imagery is used by Agostino Chigi on a number of occasions; the Hercules who strangles the Nemean Lion on the Peruzzi ceiling of the Sala di Galatea looks as if it may be a portrait. Small of stature but mighty, Hercules was a figure as Tuscan as that of David.

190 Annio, pp. 138—139^v; cf. p. 22^v. Hercules traveled from Libya to Sardinia, and eventually settled in the Tuscan town of Vetulonia, where he was succeeded as king by his son Tuscus. Cicero, De Natura Deorum III. 42, already suspected that the number of exploits attributed to Hercules was greater than even the greatest of heroes could have done alone: hence he postulated a plurality of heroes by this name: cf. Servius on Aeneid VIII. 54; cf. Pease, Arthur Stanley, M. Tulli Ciceronis De Natura Deorum (Cambridge, Mass., 1955)Google Scholar, II, 1053. Hercules’ plurality is taken up by Salutati, Coluccio, De Laboribus Herculis, III. 1, ed. B. L. Ullmann (Zurich, 1951), pp. 164-68Google Scholar, and it is accepted by Annio.

191 Annio, p. 22^v; cf. pp. 138-139^v.

192 Cugnoni, pp. 39-41, with copious notes.

193 Seen. 138 above.

194 See, for example, the Girolamo Borgia poems cited above. A descent of Venus culminates the plot of the epyllion De Viridario.

195 “Nullum numen abest,” is Egidio's reading, Siena, Biblioteca Comunale degli Intronati, cod. G.X.26, fol. 130. Modern editions read “Nullum numen habes,” which completely alters the sense of the poem; see Courtney, E., A Commentary on the Satires of Juvenal (London, 1980), p. 63 Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Courtney for a private communication, 1984, confirming that Egidio's reading was a common one, not only in the manuscript tradition but also in early printed editions of Juvenal.

196 The facade of the villa depicted “Loves of the Gods,” while collections of gods are found in the Loggia di Galatea, Loggia di Amore e Pische, Sala delle Colonne, and, selectively, in the Sala del Fregio. Chigi's gardens, filled with antique statues, would have provided even more images of gods descended: Cugnoni, p. 33.

197 My thanks to Bernard Frischer for making this observation.

198 It is worth remarking in this context that Chigi's preserved correspondence deals almost exclusively with matters of business rather than patronage.

199 See n. 89 above for Egidio's constant activity; cf. O'Malley, , Giles of Viterbo, pp. 4–6, 149-50Google Scholar.

200 Cugnoni, p. 31: “Sacerdotem praeterea secum detinuit eruditumque virum larga donatum mercede, quocum consilia communicaret sua, quern assignandis digerendisque picturis, ac statuis, nummisque comparandis internoscendisque praeposuit.” These two men remain unnamed, whereas two likely candidates for the latter position, Cornelio Benigno himself or the notary Cristofano Pagni, are explicitly named shortly after this passage.

201 See Ackerman, James S., The Architecture of Michelangelo (Harmondsworth, 1971), pp. 175-98Google Scholar; d'Onofrio, Cesare, Il Tevere e Roma (Rome, 1968), pp. 177-79Google Scholar; Salerno, Luigi, “Palazzo Farnese,” in Luigi Salerno, Luigi Spezzaferro, and Manfredo Tafuri, Via Giulia: una Utopia urbanistica del 500 (Rome, 1973), pp. 472-88Google Scholar.

202 Frommel, , Die Farnesina, pp. 16–18 Google Scholar.

203 See Dempsey, Charles, “ ‘Et Nos Cedamus Amori': Observations on the Farnese Cillery ,” Art Bulletin, 50 (1968), 363-74Google Scholar, esp. pp. 366-67.

204 For Sodoma and Sebastiano del Piombo, see Vasari, Giorgio, Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori, ed architettori (Florence, 1568)Google Scholar, in his Opere, ed. Gaetano Milanesi (Florence, 1906) [Milanesi], VI, 379ff.; V, 565ff. Andrée Hayum, Giovanni Bazzi, p. 17, confirms: “It is probable that Agostino Chigi gave the artist [sc. Sodoma] entrée to the Pope.” Michael Hirst presents an incisive discussion of Chigi's patronage of Sebastiano in his Sebastiano del Piombo (Oxford, 1981), pp. 32-37, 88n.66 (on Sienese patriotism), including analysis of the ways in which Chigi may have miscalculated.

205 For which reason Hirst's comments (see n.204) are of particular interest.

206 Thus Vasari's famous story that Agostino abducted the Fornarina until Raphael agreed to continue painting at the Viridario (Life of Raphael, Milanesi, IV, 366-67), displays Chigi's sense of humor as well as his sense of business.

207 Fabio Chigi believed that Agostino avoided Michelangelo “quod partes Raphaelis omnino defenderet,” Cugnoni, p. 25. Presumably Michelangelo's personality may not have been to Chigi's taste either.

208 See Pietro Aretino, Lettere, clxii, dcxxvi, dcxix, for nostalgic reminiscences of his life in Chigi's household.