1 Most recently, Pocock, J. G. A., The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, NJ, 1975)Google Scholar.

2 Current surveys include Bäumer, Remigius, Nachwirkungen des konziliaren Gedankens in der Theologie und Kanonistik desfrühen 16. Jahrhunderts, Reformationsgeschicht- HcheStudienundTexte, 100(Münster, 1971)Google Scholar; Alberigo, Giuseppe, Chiesaconciliare. Identità c signiftcato del conciliarismo, Istituto per le Scienze Religiose di Bologna, Testi e Ricerche di Scienze Religiose, 19 (Brescia, 1981)Google Scholar; and Horst, Ulrich, Zwischen Konziliarismus und Reformation: Studien zur Ekklesiologie itn Dominikanerorden, Institutum Historicum FF. Praedicatorum Romae ad S. Sabinae, Dissertationes Historicae, 22 (Rome, 1985 Google Scholar).

3 The classic treatment is by John N. Figgis, Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius, 1414-1625 (Cambridge, 1907; rpt. New York, 1960). Current revisions of this approach are by Francis Oakley, “On the Road from Constance to 1688: The Political Thought of Major, John and Buchanan, George, “Journal of British Studies, 2(1962), 1-31; “Figgis, Constance, and the Divines of Paris,” American Historical Review, 75 (1969)Google Scholar, 368-86; and Tierney, Brian, Religion, Law and the Growth of Constitutional Thought, 1150-1650 (Cambridge, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Black's, Antony Council and Commune: The Conciliar Movement and the Fifteenth Century Heritage (London, 1979)Google Scholar represents a recent step toward rectifying this situation. Black's focus is primarily on Basel, however, and on the thinkers John of Segovia and Heimrich van de Velde. More characteristic of contemporary scholarship is Skinner, Quentin, Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1978)Google Scholar. The author approaches humanist republican theories and the conciliar movement separately, treating the former in I: The Renaissance, and the latter in II: The Age of Reformation. Subsequently, Skinner has acknowledged the possibility of parallels between humanist and scholastic political thought, but insists on their essential divergence after the mid-fourteenth century. See Skinner, , “Political Philosophy, “ in The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, ed. Schmitt, Charles B. and Skinner, (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 389–452 Google Scholar, esp. p. 408.

5 Baron, Hans, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny (Princeton, 1955)Google Scholar, esp. pp. 3-78.

6 This, of course, is intimately related to the question of their novelty. Jerrold Seigel's challenge to Baron is now famous: “ ‘Civic Humanism’ or Ciceronian Rhetoric? The Culture of Petrarch, and Bruni, , “Past and Present, 34 (1966), 3–48 Google Scholar. So is Baron's, response: “Leonardo Bruni: ‘Professional Rhetorician’ or ‘Civic Humanist'?” Past and Present, 36 (1967), 21–37 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In pursuing this line of debate, Pocock has remained more nearly in the Baron tradition (Machiavellian Moment, pp. 52-66), while Skinner has stressed the continuities between humanist thought and that of earlier scholastic writers and the Italian dictatores (Foundations, I, pp. 69-84).

7 For current bibliography, see Brucker, Gene, Renaissance Florence (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 281–311 Google Scholar, and for a wide ranging and critical survey of the work on Florentine politics since the Baron thesis, Bertelli, Sergio, “Ceti dirigenti e dinamica del potere nel dibattito contemporaneo,” ceti dirigenti nella Toscana del Quattrocento, AA. VV., Comitato di Studi sulla Storia dei Ceti Dirigenti in Toscana, Atti del V e VI Convegno: Firenze, 10- 11 Dicembre 1982; 2-3 Dicembre 1983 (Florence, 1987), pp. 1–47 Google Scholar.

8 See, for example, Brucker's, lament that “Florentine history is characteristically parochial and non comparative,” The Civic World of Early Renaissance Florence (Princeton, 1977), P- 4 Google Scholar.

9 An excellent survey of this is Hendrix, Scott, “In Quest of the Vera Ecclesia: The Crisis of Late Medieval Ecclesiology,” Viator, 7 (1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 347-78.

10 For the impact of language and sources on the “rapporto umanesimo-diritto,” see the comments of Ascheri, Mario, “Giuristi, umanisti e istituzioni del Tre-Quattrocento: qualcheproblema,” Annalidell'Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico in Trento, 3 (1977), 43–74 Google Scholar, particularly 53-55 on Florence, and 64-68.

11 Burckhardt, Jacob, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. S. G. C. Middlemore (New York, 1958)Google Scholar, I, p. 143.

12 Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, trans. Frederick I. Antrobius, 6th ed., 40 vols. (London, 1923-53). See, e.g., I, pp. 49-50 on Giovanni Dominici and Coluccio Salutati.

13 Emblematic of this shift are the essays by Becker, Marvin, Trexler, Richard C., and Weinstein, Donald in The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, ed. Charles Trinkaus and Heiko A. Obermann (Leiden, 1974), pp. 177–269 Google Scholar. Still relevant is Trinkaus's review article, “Humanism, Religion, Society: Concepts and Motivations of Some Recent Studies,” Renaissance Quarterly, 29 (1976), 676-713, esp. 698-710.

14 For reviews of this literature, see Giuseppe Alberigo, “Il movimento conciliare (xiv-xv sec.) nellaricerchastoricarecente,” Studi Medievali, 3dser., 19(1978), 913-50; and Francis Oakley, “Natural Law, the Corpus Mystkum and Consent in Conciliar Thought from John of Paris to Ugonius, Matthias,” Speculum, 56 (1981), 786–810 Google Scholar, esp. 787-90. Hay, Denys, The Church in Italy in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar has been an important stimulus to looking beyond the papacy to local ecclesiastical history in Italy. His bibliography can be supplemented with the survey articles in Strutture ecclesiastiche in Italia e Germania prima della Riforma, ed. Paolo Prodi and Peter Johaneck, Annali dell'Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico, Quaderno 16 (Bologna, 1984). Giorgio Chittolini, in turn, has demonstrated how ecclesiastical institutions can be examined beyond the civic framework in the regional states of fifteenth-century Italy. See Chittolini, , “Stati regionali e istituzioni ecclesiastiche nell'Italia centrosettentrionale del Quattrocento, ” in La Chiesa e ilpoterepolitico dal Medioevo all'età contemporanea, ed. Chittolini and Giovanni Miccoli, Storia d'ltalia, Annali, 9 (Turin, 1986)Google Scholar, pp. 149-93.

15 Holmes, George, The Florentine Enlightenment, 1400-1450 (New York, 1969), esp. pp. 68–106 Google Scholar. Also Esch, Arnold, “Florentiner in Rom um 1400: Namensverzeichnis der ersten Quattrocento-Generation,” Qiiellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, 52 (1972)Google Scholar, 476-525; Partner, Peter, “Florence and the Papacy in the Earlier Fifteenth Century,” Florentine Studies: Politics and Society in Renaissance Florence, ed. Nicolai Rubinstein (London, 1968), pp. 381–402 Google Scholar; Julius Kirshner, “Papa Eugenio IV e il Monte Comune. Documenti su investimento e speculazione nel debito pubblico di Firenze,” Archivio Storico Italiano, 126(1969), 339-82; Trexler, “Florence by the Grace of the Lord Pope … , “ Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 9(1972), 117-215. The point is central to Bizzocchi, Roberto, Chiesa epotere nella Toscana del Quattrocento, Annali dell'Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico, Monografia 6 (Bologna, 1987)Google Scholar.

16 M. Dykmans, “Du conclave d'Urban VI au Grand Schisme. Sur Pierre Corsini et Fesulano, Bindo, écrivains fiotentms,“ArchivumHistoriaePontificiae, 13 (1975)Google Scholar, 207-30; Brucker, Civic World, p. 298; and Alberigo, p. 29. On the council itself, see now Landi, Aldo, Il papa deposto (Pisa, 1409): L'idea conciliare nel Grande Scisma (Turin, 1985)Google Scholar.

17 da Bisticci, Vespasiano, Le vite, ed. Aulo Greco (Florence, 1970)Google Scholar, I, p. 469.

18 Technically he was Cardinal Deacon of Saints Cosimo and Damian, known “vulgariter“ as the “Cardinal of Florence.” Eubel, Conrad, Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi (Munich, 1898), I, p. 33 Google Scholar.

19 Salutati, Coluccio, Epistolario, ed. Francesco Novati (Rome, 1816), III, p. 422 Google Scholar. Salutati's correspondence with Zabarella was fairly extensive, and they shared an important mutual friend in Pier Paolo Vergerio. See Witt, Ronald G., Hercules at the Crossroads: The Life and Thought of Coluccio Salutati (Durham, N.C., 1983), p. 293 Google Scholar.

20 Bracciolini, Poggio, Opera Omnia (Basel, 1538; rpt. Turin, 1964)Google Scholar, I, pp. 252-61.

21 Tierney, Brian, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory: The Contribution of the Medieval Canonists from Gratian to the Great Schism (Cambridge, 1955)Google Scholar.

22 Najemy, John M., Corporatism and Consensus in Florentine Electoral Politics, 1280- 1400 (Chapel Hill, 1982)Google Scholar.

23 Trexler treats the confiscations of 1376 in The Spiritual Power: Republican Florence under the Interdict (Leiden, 1974), pp. 109-17. Restitution began in 1380, but in fact most of the clergy were indemnified with shares in Florence's funded public debt, the Monte, leaving them tied to communal finances. I analyze this process and its consequences in my Ph.D. diss. “Archbishop Antoninus: Florence and the Church in the Earlier Fifteenth Century” (Cornell University, 1985), pp. 219-75.

24 These included measures on foreign ecclesiastics, absenteeism, and multiple benefice holding: Archivio di Stato, Florence (hereafter ASF), Provvisioni Registri (hereafter PR) 63, fols. 69-72, esp. fol. 70V (7 July 1375); PR 74, fols. 244-245 (22 January 1386); PR 83, fols. 212V-214 (10 December 1394); PR 93, fols. 71V-72V (18 July 1404); PR 95, fols. 57V-58 (8June 1406) and fol. 63 (15 June 1406); PR 101, fols. 5-6V (26 March 14l2)andfol. 67r-v (28 April 1412); and Pi? 105, fols. 232V-233V (10 December 1415).

25 Slatuta Populi et Communis Florentine … Anno Salmis MCCCCXV, 3 vols. (Freiburg, 1778-83), e. g. I, 2, 18-25, PP- 123-29; I, 3, 42-46, pp. 260-62; I, 3, 82, pp. 295-98; and III, 3, 48-49, pp. 345-47.

26 Gregory conceded the tax of 30,000 florins with the proviso that the commune immediately advance 10,000 florins to his condottiere, Paolo Orsini; Rome, Archivio Segreto Vaticano (hereafter ASV), Registra Vaticana (hereafter RV) 336, fols. 82V-84 (8 August 1407). The Florentines set forth measures to collect the tax of 100,000 florins in PR 98, fols. 92-93 (16 November 1409). John XXIII directed his commissioners to turn over the 80,000 florins they collected to Florence's war commission, the Died di balia. See RV 345, fols. 247-248 (25 July 1413) and .RK346, fols. 53V-54V (24 September 1413). On his efforts to bring the Florentines into war with Ladislaus of Naples, see Brucker, Civic World, pp. 373-76. In addition, the clergy had been subjected to a series of lesser impositions in 1397, 1398, and 1401, and to a tax of five percent on beneficial income and ten percent on patrimonial income that the Florentines levied in three successive years beginning in 1413. See PR 95, fols. 8ov-8iv (21 June 1406) andPR 101 , fols. 407-408 (23 March 1413).

27 See PR 106, fols. 285-287 (4 January 1417), fols. 290V-291 (8 January 1417), and fols. 295V-296V (11 January 1417), on the Florentine effort to collect the remainder of the tax of 80,000 florins, and i?K348, fols. 89-90V (25 November 1418), instructions from Martin V to his apostolic collector in Tuscany, Dino Pecori. Martin indeed called for a new subsidy from the clergy and was so relentless in collecting debts that the Florentine government appealed to him to relent. See the letters of Martin V and his treasurer, Lodovico Scarampi, to Corsini, Pecori, and Benozzo Federighi, bishop of Fiesole, In RV353, fols. 290-291 (10 December 1421) and fols. 301v-302(13january 1422); ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano (hereafter NA), I. 11 (1422-56) (Ser Jacopo di Ser Antonio di Jacopo di Piero da Romena), fols. 45r-v (14 November 1422); and ASV, Armadio 29 (Diversa Cameralia), 7, fols. 96-97 (1422). Florentine protests are in ASF, Signori, Carteggi, Missive, Legazioni e Commissarie6, fol. 129V (25 September 1421), and passim; and ASF, Missive, I Cancelleria 31, fols. 17V-18 (8 June 1423), and passim.

28 ASV, Registra Supplicationum (hereafter Reg. Supp.) 120, fols. 68V-69V (^January 1419).

29 They asserted that religious and other exempt clergy “solid fuerunt esse unum corpus,“ though the sense of the passage is that they united in transferring tax burdens to the secular clergy, not that they formed a single large corporation. Ibid., fol. 69.

30 Myriad examples can be found in the Registra Vaticana and Florence's Provvisioni. Hospitals, in particular, were increasingly claiming the exemptions and privileges accorded to monasteries. See, for example, John XXIH's grants to the hospital of San Matteo in Florence, to the Camaldolese house of Santa Maria degli Angeli, and to the Vallombrosan house of San Salvi fuori le Mura; R K345, fol. 243 (4 May 1413) and fol. 228rv (8 September 1413); and RV346, fols. 9SV-96 (3 November 1413). For Florence, see the privileges accorded to the hospitals of Santa Maria Nuova and Santa Maria della Scala, to the monasteries of newly-acquired Pisa, to the monastery of Sant’ Antonio in Florence and to the fraternity of Santa Maria in Arezzo. See PR 96, fols. 182-183 («7 December 1407); PR 101, fols. 158-159 (25 August 1412); PR 102, fols. 13-14 (26 April 1413); and PR 105, fol. I33r-v (26 September 1415).

31 Upon elevating the see to an archbishopric in 1420 and citing the pressure of taxes on the Florentine clergy, Martin responded to a petition from Corsini and lowered the valuation of the episcopal mensa from 3,000 to 1,600 florins. AS V, Registra Lateranensia 208, fol. 39 (19january 1420).

32 I survey taxation of the Florentine clergy from Martin V to Pius II in sec. 2 of “Archbishop Antoninus.“

33 The manuscript is in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale, Classe 32, cod. 31, pub. in Trexler, Synodal Law in Florence and Fiesoie, 1306-1518, Studie Testi, 268 (Vatican City, 1971), pp. 349-71. In what follows I cite his transcription, hereafter CF, noting slight variations in my reading of the MS in parentheses. Trexler's analysis of the document's contents is pp. 78-86. He correctly suggested that it must have been composed between 1415 and 1420. One of the clergy's goals was the repeal of Florence's anti-ecclesiastical legislation; CF7, p. 3 54. Much of this had been reissued in the compilation of its statutes that the commune began in 1408 and completed in 1415. Seeabove, n. 25. In 1420 Martin V elevated the Florentine diocese to the status of an archbishopric, but the constitutiones refer to Amerigo Corsini (1411-1435) only as bishop. The date can reasonably be set forward to before January 1419 when, independently of Bishop Corsini, the aforementioned supplication was sent to Martin V on behalf of the “clericorum et cleri florentini“; Reg. Supp. 120, fol. 68v. It must also have been composed after the election of Martin V at Constance on 11 November 1417, for in the last sentence of the constitution the authors took note of Bishop Corsini's problems with the curia romana, pledging to defend him “ab omni noxia, novitate impedimento et turbatione si qua vel si quod, quod non credimus et dominus avertat, per aliquam personam, collegium, universitatem, dominationem vel dominium in curia romana.” On 10 November 1418, Corsini made Marino Guadagni his procurator to appear before Martin V “et coram quocumque seu quibuscumque aliis officiis et officialibus romane curie… . Ad excusandum et defendendum ipsum … ab omni et quacumque accusatione inquisitione et denuntia“; NA M. 346 (1391-1425), Ser Filippo di Bernardo Mazzei da Castelfranco, fols. 3or-v (10 November 1418).

34 For Trexler's description of the MS, see Synodal Law, p. 177. It is in a good fifteenth- century hand, admittedly a bit hurried on fol. 3. Its didactic marginalia and lack of colored rubrication make it unlikely to have been one of the clerical corporation's two official copies (CF7, p. 356,11. 5-15), but each rubric is neatly titled and free of scribal interpolations, suggesting that the text was produced as a fair copy from an original draft. With some hesitation, I suggest that the MS may be incomplete. Four sheets of vellum are bound together to make a gathering of eight folios. The text begins at the top of fol. 1, with title and preamble, and concludes at the angle formed by the bottom and right margin rules of fol. 8v. While the concluding sentence makes reasonable sense on its own, in a Latin not below the level of the text as a whole, it seems to want another verb(CF3i, p. 371,11. 3-20, partially quoted above inn. 33). If part of the MS is missing, it is another quire, not a sheet of vellum. A second set of punctures indicates that its present ligature is not the original, but were fol. 9 missing, fol. 1 would be as well. Again, the constitution refers several times to a “seven of balìa” who, though “noviter creatorum“ or “noviter electorum” are never explained (CF7, p. 353,1. 2; ibid., 8, p. 358,1. 27; ibid., 21, p. 367,1. 20; ibid., 31, p. 371,1. 13). Nor does the notary identify himself or date the manuscript at its conclusion, as was customary. He may have been either Ser Jacopo di Ser Antonio di Jacopo di Piero da Romena, Ser Francesco di Ser Francesco di Giannino da Castelfranco, or Ser Antonio di Coluccio Salutati, each of whom redacted documents for the clerical corporation.

35 On the constituencies of the procuratores, CF 1, p. 349; on the counselors, ibid., 2, p. 350; on the council, ibid., 10, p. 361, 11. 7-15.

36 Ibid., io, p. 360,1. 30, p. 361,11. 1-4, 18-23: “quo mediante tota universitas clericalis dicte civitatis et diocesis gubernetur in posterum atque ducatur[. Q] uique in omnibus et per omnia representent universum clerum prefatumf. E]t qui possint et valeant id totum et quicquid posset et potest universitas sive sinodus generalis iam dicte civitatis et diocesis… . Cassantes et annullantes omnem auctoritatem et baliam quam sibi vendicassent aliqui, quocunque nomine censeantur, in gubernerio et regimine nostri cleri prefati, nisi quatenus presentium constitutionum vigore eis competat et atributum sit [. C]um intendamus prefatum consilium del 66, et non alium vel alios quovis nomine nuncumpentur, preesse gubernerio nostri cleri cum omnimoda potestate qua supra.“

37 Alberigo, Giuseppe, et al., eds., Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, Centro di Documentazione, Istituto per le Scienze Religiose di Bologna, 3d. ed. (Bologna, 1973 Google Scholar), (hereafter COD), p. 409,11. 22-25: “legitime congregata, generale concilium faciens, et ecclesiam catholicam militantem repraesentans … cui quilibet cuiuscumque status vel dignitatis, etiam si papalis exsistat, obedire tenetur.“

38 Categorizations proliferate. The tripartite scheme is Oakley's, “Natural Law,“ 741. In Chiesa conciliare, Giuseppe Alberigo proceeds by generations, while Bäumer, Nachwirkungen, moves between thinkers over time according to specific topics. For an older view, which emphasizes the commonality of conciliar views, see Gierke, Otto, Political Theories of the Middle Ages, trans. Frederick William Maitland (Cambridge, 1900; rpt. Boston, 1958), pp. 49–57 Google Scholar.

39 Tierney, Foundations, pt. 2.

40 Morrissey, Thomas, “The Decree Haec Sancta and Cardinal Zabarella,” Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum, 10 (1978)Google Scholar, 145-76.

41 Barducci, Manuella asserts that Zabarella accompanied Bishop Acciaiuoli on his visitations beginning in 1383; “La diocesi di Fiesole attraverso una visita pastorale del Quattrocento,” in Tra spiilualismo e riforma, ed. Domenico Maselli (Florence, 1979), pp.61–100 Google Scholar, here, p. 63. Notices of his activity as vicar general, which included handling cases for the restitution of appropriated Church property, are in ASF, NA F. 324 (1376- 1414) (Ser Filippo di Ser Lorenzo da Lutiano), fol. 43 (28July 1385), fols. 46-47 (10 November 1385), and fol. 57(1 May 1384). He enjoyed a handsome income as the plebanus of one of the diocese's wealthiest rural parishes, Santa Maria Impruneta; ibid., fol. 144 (7 September 1391).

42 The fullest treatment of Zabarella's life is August Kneer, Zabarella, Kardinal. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des grossen abendlandischen SMsmus (Munster, 1891)Google Scholar. Ullmann, Walter provides the biographical context of Zabarella's contribution to the conciliar movement in The Origins of the Great Schism (London, 1948)Google Scholar, pp. 191-94. Ourliac, Paul and Henri Gilles have summarized the bibliography in La période post-classique (1378- 1500, I, La problématique de I'époque, les sources, Histoire du Droit et des Institutions de l'Église en Occident, dir. Gabriel Le Bras, 13 (Paris, 1971)Google Scholar, p. 88.

43 Super primo [-quinto] Decretalium subtilissima Commentaria, 5 vols, in 3 (Venice, 1602), I, fols. 107-11 ov. The first two portions of the Tractatus were published in Consilia Eminentissimi… B. Francisci Zabarellae (Venice, 1581), fols. 153V-156V. The full and most commonly cited text is in Schardius, Simon, De Iurisdictione, Auctoritate et PraeeminentiaImperialiacPotestateEcclesiastica (Bisel, 1566), pp. 688–711 Google Scholar, hereafter Tractatus. I have noted in brackets several significant variations found in Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Lat. 2254, fols. 212-219V. Stephan Kuttner examines the difficulties posed by the manuscripts, Zabarella and editions in ‘ ‘Francesco Zabarella's Commentary on the Decretals: A Note on the Editions and the Vatican Manuscripts,“ Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law, 16 (1986), 97–101 Google Scholar. Ullmann, Origins, offers a broad description and discussion of the Tractatus's contents, pp. 196-227, as does Merzbacher, Friedrich, “Die ekklesiologische Konzeption des Kardinals Francesco Zabarella (1360- 1417),” Festschrift Karl Pivec, ed. Anton Haidacher and Hans Eberhard Mayer, Innsbrucker BeitrSge zur Kulturwissenschaft, 12 (Innsbruck, 1966)Google Scholar, pp. 279-87. For what follows I am more beholden to Tierney's analysis in Foundations, pp. 220-37, which focuses on the manner in which Zabarella employed elements of corporation law to expound his views on Church government.

44 Tractatus, p. 688: “Quis sit iudex? Respondeo quod Consilium … quod ille erit papa, quern iudicium et universalis [universitatis, fol. 212va.] consensus elegerit. Nam nomine universitatis debet intelligi universitas totius christianitatis.“

45 Ibid.: “Nam in tanto [toto, fol. 212va] negotio synodalis arbitrii est sequenda praescriptio [praescribere, ibid.].“

46 Schmale, F. J., “Synodus, Synodale, Concilium,” Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum,, 8 (1976), 80–102 Google Scholar. Notably, discussions of the general council as an agency for reform in this period were accompanied by appeals to renew the practice of convoking annual provincial synods. Leinweber, Josef, “Provinzialsynode und Kirchenreform im Spätmittelalter,“ in Reformatio Ecclesiae. Beiträge zu kirchlichen Reformbemuhüngen von der Alien Kirche bis zur Neuzeit. Festgabe für Erwin Iserloh, ed. Remigius Baumer (Paderborn, 1980)Google Scholar, pp. 113-27.

47 Tractatus, p. 694: “Undeetiam apostoli dicuntur fecisseconcilia, in quibus canones instituerunt [constituerunt, fol. 2i4va] … . Nam si radicem omnium inconvenientium, et malorum … consideremus, tota surrexit ab obmissione conciliorum.“

48 lbid., p. 702: “ubicunque [in concilio, fol. 217ra] tractantur cause quae eos [the faithful] tangunt, quod debeant interesse, quia quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari debet.“

49 Ibid., p. 703: “id quod dicitur, quod papa habet plenitudinem potestatis, debet intelligi non solus, sed tanquam apud universitatem [capud universitatis, fol. 2i7rb], ita quod ipsa potestas est in ipsa universitate tanquam in fundamento, et in papa tanquam in principali ministro, per quern haec potestas explicatur.“

50 Ibid.: “potestatis plenitudo est in papa, ita tamen quod non errat, sed cum errat, habet corrigere concilium.“

51 CF 10, p. 360,11. 28-29: “quodpromelioriet salubrioriregimineclerinostri, deinceps in clero et universitate cleri prefati sit et esse debeat in perpetuum unum consilium.“

52 Ibid., 1, p. 349, 11. 12-13: “prout iam diu extitit usitatum.“

53 Ibid., 2, p. 350, 1. 7: “Sintque dicti consiliarii numero XI presentialiter.“

54 IV Lat. 6 in COD, pp. 236-37 (X. 5. 1. 25).

55 Record of the earliest convocation is that of Bishop Ranieri in 1073. Lami, Giovanni, Sanctae Eccksiae Florentinae Monumenta, 3 vols. (Florence, 1758)Google Scholar, II, pp. 1011-12. The constitutions of Bishops Lottieri della Tosa (1305), Antonio d'Orso (1310), Angelo Ricasoli (1372), and Onofrio Visdomini (1393) are published in Trexler, Synodal Law, pp. 6-8, 227-89, 297-305, and 307-45. Those of Bishops Francesco da Cingoli (1327) and Angelo Acciaiuoli (1346) are, apart from name changes, virtually identical. The former was published by Ildefonso da Luigi, San, ed., Etruriae Sacrae Diocesis Florentina (Florence, 1782), pp. 1–35 Google Scholar, the latter by Mansi, Johannes Dominicus, ed., Sacrorum Conciliorum … Collectio (Paris, 1933; rpt. Graz, 1961)Google Scholar, XXVI, cols. 25-70. Guasti, Cesare and Gherardi, Alessandro published Bishop Cingoli's constitution, with notes to Acciaiuoli's modifications, in / capitoli del comune di Firenze (Florence, 1893)Google Scholar, H. PP- 4_S6. Bishop d'Orso distilled the Decretals into a Florentine constitution, providing the essential framework for those of Cingoli and Acciaiuoli. For a fulsome statement of episcopal dominium, see d'Orso's rubrics “De rebus ecclesie non alienandis” and “De emptione et venditione,” in Trexler, Synodal Law, pp. 252-53. On jurisdiction, see “De constitutionibus“ and “De iudiciis,” ibid., pp. 228, 240-41. Bishop Ricasoli's constitution is concerned essentially with the regulation of benefices and patronage rights, Visdomini's with procedures at the episcopal curia. Trexler surveys Florentine synodal legislation on pp. 1-170, and I have offered a fuller statement of my views in “Archbishop Antoninus,“ pp. 422-34.

56 Paul Hinschius provided the classic definition of synods as disciplinary and consultative bodies, deriving their legislative authority from the presence of the bishop, not from any representative character: “Sie haben nicht … di Bedeutung einer Repräsentation von Körpern, kirchlichen, sind vielmehr… aus der Presbyterium des Bishopf herausgewachsen“; Systemdes katholischen Kirchenrechtsmit besondererRücksiehtaufDcutschland (Berlin, 1883)Google Scholar, III, p. 328 and pp. 325-32, 582-603. This view has been confirmed for England by Cheney, C. R., English Synodalia ojthe Thirteenth Century (Oxford, 1941), pp. 3–4 Google Scholar, and for France by Pontal, Odette, Les statuts synodaux, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Age Occidental, dir. L. Genicot, 11 (Louvain, 1973)Google Scholar, pp. 19, 27. For a broad discussion and bibliography of synodal legislation in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, see Gaudemet, Jean, Le gouvernement de I'Église a I'époque classique, II, Le gouvernement local, Histoire du Droit et des Institutions de I'Église en Occident, dir. Gabriel Le Bras and Jean Guademet, 8 (Paris, 1979)Google Scholar, pp. 173-80.

57 All fourteenth-century bishops acknowledged consulting with their canons in preparing their constitutions. But the phrases used, de consilio or de assensu, did not by themselves necessarily mean consent. See Tierney, Foundations, pp. 108-10. Bishop d'Orso also concluded his constitution with the bald declaration that it had been “publicate et approbate MCCCX” (Trexler, Synodal Law, p. 289,1. 32), while Bishop Cingoli stated that his “publicate fuerunt in synodo coram capitolo consentiente et clero florentino approbante“ (Ildefonso da San Luigi, Etruriae Sacrae, p. 35; Guasti and Gherardi, Capitoli, p. 47). Bishop Acciaiuoli appears to have dropped the clause (Mansi, Collectio, col. 70), but Bishop Ricasoli published his “in presentia et conspectu multorum hominum clericorum et laicorum civitatis florentine” (Trexler, Synodal Law, p. 304, 11. 13-14).

58 While I was revising this article, Professor Trexler kindly sent me a draft of his article on “Diocesan Synods in Late Medieval Italy.” I am indebted to him for several bibliographic leads and for an opportunity to rethink the relation of synods to other forms of clerical assembly. I remain convinced that, rather than expanding the definition of synods, it is more useful, and correct, to retain the traditional view, thereby distinguishing synods from other types of assembly and illuminating the political significance of the points at which these different forms intersected.

59 IV Lat. 46, COD, p. 255,1. 8 (X. 3. 49. 7): “episcopus simul cum clericis.” Similarly, IIILat. 19, COD, p. 221,1. 20 (X. 3. 49. 4): “episcopus etclerus.” These councils also set limits to the taxative powers of bishops over clergy; e.g., IV Lat. 34, COD, p. 251 (X. 3. 49. 8); III Lat. 4, 7, COD, pp. 213, 215 (X. 3. 39. 6, 7).

60 Because prior approval was required from the pope, discussion turned to what constituted reasonable circumstances for a request; e.g. Zabarella, Commentaria, III, fols. 267ra-268rb, 268vb-269ra, following Hostiensis on X. 3. 49. 4 and 7. Nevertheless, Lunt, William has demonstrated that in practice the English lower clergy were citing these articles by the mid-thirteenth century to claim the right of consent even to levies that had been approved by the papacy; “The Consent of the English Lower Clergy to Taxation During the Reign of Henry III,” Persecution and Liberty. Essays in Honor of George Lincoln Burr (New York, 1931)Google Scholar, pp. 117-69.

61 In 1233 a dispute between the cathedral chapter and unidentified elements of the secular clergy was taken to the pope by “procuratoribus utriusque partis.” Lami, Monumenta, I, p. 116.

62 M the end of a twelve-year vacancy in 1286, two hundred twenty representatives of religious establishments, thirty-four designated “ut procurator, “met in the cathedral to select “procuratores ad quamplurima peragenda, scilicet ad imponendum collectas, exigendum eas, etc.“; ibid., II, pp. 1134-39.

63 In 1305, for example, clerical procurators and cathedral canons brought a petition to Bishop Lottieri della Tosa regarding the cost of episcopal consecration ceremonies. But Bishop della Tosa replied with the counsel only of his “brothers” the canons and addressed the procurators as his “sons” and “subjects,” sharply forbidding any discussion of his decision “in or out of synod” (“in synodo vel extra“). See Trexler, Synodal Law, p. 7.

64 Ibid., p. 294,1. 29: “ut semper pro bono et statu cleri fiat congregatio clericorum.“ The pledge to support the procurators is on 1. 39, and he promised further that the procurators “possunt… cum aliquibus eorum adiunctis convenire cum expedit pro utilitatibus dicti cleri” (ibid., p. 295, 11. 7-9). The reference to concinabula is ibid., p. 294, I. 32. His complaints against clerical excesses and the usurpation of episcopal authority are p. 295, 11. 16-23, and p- 296. 11. 6-7; and the rubric “De excessibus prelatorum et subditorum” of his 1310 constitution p. 285.

65 Datable to c. 1130, the congregatio presbiterorum received a considerable boost from Bishop d'Orso in 1311 when he approved the building of a hospital for the clergy, the domus dei, that became the centerpiece of the confraternity's charitable activities. See Richa, Giuseppe, Notizie istoriche dclle chicsefiorentine (Florence, 1767)Google Scholar, V, pp. 286-301, esp. p. 293; Davidsohn, Robert, Storia di Firenze, trans. Giovanni Battista Klein, 8 vols. (Florence, 1972)Google Scholar, VII, pp. 103-4; and Addario, Arnaldod',“Ilproblema de vita et moribus clericorum nella diocesi di Firenze. Legislazione canonica e civile, e iniziative spontanee fra XIV e XVI secolo,” Chiesa esocicta dalsecolo IVai nostrigiomi. Studistorici in onoredei P. Ilarioda Milano, ed. A. Erba and A. Paravicini Bagliani, Italia Sacra 31 (Rome, 1979)Google Scholar, II, pp. 383-414, esp. pp. 408-11. Nevertheless, the 1437 constitution ofthe confraternity demonstrates clearly that the congregatio presbiterorum was an exclusive body and thus distinguishable from the universitas cleri ftorentini, to which no one would be admitted “si suspectum esset essere de aliqua alia congregatione sive fraternitate aut societate presbiterorum seu clericorum in civitate Florentie.” See ASF, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse, Capitoli 346, fol. 2. The authors likely had in mind new bodies such as the “fraternitas presbiterorum conceptionis Beate Virginis Marie,” whose constitutions were approved by Archbishop Corsini in 1422. NA F. 506 (1412-23), Ser Francaesco di Ser Francesco di Giannino da Castelfranco, fol. 227 (14 May 1422).The congregatio was headed by a prior (rather than procurators) assisted by counselors, visitors, and operaii chosen by electoral sortition, but it did not have a council. Luigi Passerini, who saw an edition ofthe confraternity's revised statutes of 1333, found little difference between these and the constitution of 143 7. See Passerini, , Storia degli stabilimertti di beneficenza… di Firenze (Florence, 1853)Google Scholar, pp. 519-29, esp. pp. 524-25. The confraternity's fourteenth- century Ricordi confirm this: ASF, Compagnie Religiose Soppresse 827, buste 27-31. Its meetings in the fifteenth century can be followed in the notarial registers of Ser Filippo di Ser Lorenzo da Lutiano (NA F. 324-26), Ser Jacopo di Ser Filippo da Lutiano (NA I. 33-35), and Ser Jacopo di Ser Antonio di Jacopo di Piero da Romena (NA I. 7-11). Its membership did not exceed sixty priests, although it included such leading figures as the apostolic collector Dino Pecori and Archbishop Corsini himself.

66 The foundation for the study of local clerical associations is Meersseman, Giles-Gerard, “Die Klerikervereine von Karl dem Grosen bis Innocenz III,” Zeitschrift fur schiveizcrischeKirchengeschichte, 46 (1952), 1–42 Google Scholar, 81-112, esp. 95-98 for Italy. Meersseman approached these essentially in terms of their devotional and charitable activities. More recent studies have indicated that they often advanced to a role in diocesan administration, particularly in assessing and collecting clerical tithes. Some, like those in Padua and Rome, achieved a considerable degree of independence and authority in the thirteenth century, but by the fifteenth century most, like those in Venice, were firmly under episcopal control. The composition and corporative elements of these associations and confraternities varied, but none that has come to light included a council representing the diocesan clergy along functional lines. For Padua and the Veneto, see Antonio Rigon, “Le congregazioni del clero urbano in area veneta (XII-XV sec.),” in Le mouvementconfraternelau Moyen Age. France, Italie, Suisse, Collection del'Ecole Francaise de Rome, 97 (1987), 343-60; and idem, “L'associazionismo del clero in una citta medioevale. Origini e primi sviluppi della ‘fratalea cappellanorum’ di Padova (XII-XHI sec ) ,“ in Pievi, parrocchie e clero net veneto dal X al XVsecolo (Venice, 1987), pp. 95-180. For Venice, see Betto, Bianca, Le nove congregazioni del clero di Venezia (sec. Xl-XV). Ricerche storiche, matricole e documenti vari (Padua, 1984)Google Scholar, with bibliography on pp. 6-9. On Rome, see Ferri, G., “La romana fraternitas,” Archivio della R. Societa di Storia Patria, 26 (1903)Google Scholar, 453-66. Samaritani, Antonio provides a useful series of contrasts in “II conventus e le congregazioni chiericali di Ferrara tra analoghe istituzioni ecclesiastiche nei secoli X-XV,“ Ravennatensia, 7 (1979), 159–202 Google Scholar, and Fonseca, Cosimo Damiano was among the first to call attention to the administrative role of clerical associations in “Congregationes clericorum et sacerdotum a Napoli nei secoli XI e XII,” in La vita comune del clero nei secoli XI eXII, AA.VV., Pubblicazionidell'UniversitaCattolicadelS. Cuore, Ser. 3,3,2 (Milan, 1962)Google Scholar, pp. 265-81.

67 Trexler, Synodal Law, p. 294,11. 39-40. In his 1310 constitution, d'Orso proposed that procurators “ex debito officii eorum” work with him to regularize church services in Florence, but added that he would choose the commission himself. Ibid., p. 265, 1. 37-p- 266, 1. 4.

68 Ildefonso da San Luigi, Etruriae Sacrae, I, 2, p. 2a; Guasti and Gherardi, Capitoli, pp. 5-6.

69 Mansi, Collectio, cols. 24-25; Guasti and Gherardi, Capitoli, pp. 5-6.

70 TrexIer, Synodal Law, p. 299, 11. 16-17: “ad bonum statum et gubernationem et regimen salutare totius cleri.” Bishop Acciaiuoli's tampering with Bishop Cingoli's constitution had led “nonnulli scholastici” (ibid., p. 299,1. 28) to question their validity, but Bishop Ricasoli affirmed that they were “veras constitutiones sinodales et episcopalis curie florentine” (ibid., p. 300, 11. 19-20). See also above, n. 55.

71 It must be distinguished, however, from various references to clerical procurators, and even to the dents florentimis. In 1384, for example, the apostolic legate in Florence, Domino Ubaldino, selected (“elegit nominavit et deputavit“) ten clerics to review the accounts of his treasurer. NA F. 324 (1376-1414), fols. 91-93 (2 October 1384). Five, all from the urban clergy, were designated as accountants (“in ragionerios,” fol. 9iv), but of the five designated “in officio procuratprum et defensorum civitatis Florentie,“ four were from rural parishes. In 1386 six “officiales cleri florentini,” again without reference to a corporation, represented the clergy in a tax dispute with a Carthusian monastery. NA F. 325 (1385-1421), fols. 14-16V (26 October 1386). Bishop Uliari acted as arbiter “vigore balie potestatis auctoritatis et arbitrii nobis predictas partes in dicto compromisso concessis” (ibid., fol. 14V).

72 NA F. 324 (1376-1414), fols. 28-31 (30 December 1386); N.B. fol. 28: “cleri florentini non exempti, videlicet civitatis Florentie et plebatus Sanctijohannis Florentie.“ The notary listed four procurators, but left space for the names of four more. The full assembly consisted of Bishop Uliari and seven cathedral canons, listed separately, and thirty-one other canons, priors, rectors, and chaplains, all but four from within the city zndplebatus of San Giovanni. The body declared itself to represent two thirds of the “totum universitatis cleri et clericorum et totum clerum florentinum non exemptum“ (ibid., fol. 29V). They had been summoned “ad sonum canpane dicti cleri,” and met in the great hall of the episcopal palace, “ubi soliti sunt… congregari“(ibid., fol. 28). The election of the syndics was carried out “secundum formam constitutionem (sic) … cleri” (ibid., fol. 29V).

73 Bishop Uliari in turn conceded an episcopal license (“concessit licentiam“) to Mariano di Giovanni to lend the clergy 1,500 florins (ibid., fol. 33). In 1387, nine of the clergy's “procuratores et defensores” (an absent tenth is identified), this time acting independently of the bishop, convoked a meeting of fifty-eight other clerics in the cathedral sacristy “in qua dictus clerus et clerici soliti sunt congregari“; NA F. 324 (1376-1414), fols. 172-173V, 23 (October 1387). In this instance they did not identify themselves as a corporation. The members included eight cathedral canons and thirteen clerics from outside the plebatus of San Giovanni. They proposed drafting a constitution for reducing the cost of episcopal consecration ceremonies but intended also to submit it to the bishop for approval.

74 Trexler, Synodal Law, p. 339,11. 1 o-11: “clero et clericis universitatis cleri florentini de plebatu Sancti Johannis“; and ibid., 1. 17: “intimavit, notificavit, et publicavit.“

75 NA, F. 324 (1398-1419), fols. 155-158V (11 October 1407). The meeting was attended by five “procuratores et defensores cleri florentini” (two cathedral canons, an urban rector, and two rural plebani), three more cathedral canons and twenty-nine other clerics, predominantly from the urban clergy. No specific reference is made to a clerical corporation. Bishop Palladini convoked the meeting “secundum ipsius cleri [florentini non exempti] observantias consuetudines statuta et constitutiones,” and those assembled declared themselves to be two thirds of “omnium habendum vocem in clero,” and therefore capable of acting for the “totus dictus clerus“; ibid., fol. 155. After deliberating among themselves, “cum…auctoritatedictidominiepiscopi“(fol. 155 V), they elected a syndic with coercive power to act in the name of bishop and clergy in supervising the tax.

76 RV 333, fols. 234V-236 (23 April 1405).

77 di Pagolo Morelli, Giovanni, Ricordi, ed. Branca, Vittore (Florence, 1956)Google Scholar, pp. 526- 27. The pressure exerted by priors, Florence's is emphasized by the “Anonimo Fiorentino“: Cronica volgare di anonimofiorentino dall'anno 1385-1409gia attribuita a Piero di Giovanni Minerbetti, ed. Elina Bellondi, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 27 (Bologna, 1918)Google Scholar, II, pp. 377-78. I am indebted to Professor Trexler for this citation.

78 NA F. 326 (1386-1462), fols. 1-4 (6 October 1412); N.B. fol. 1: “clero et clericis fiorentini de plebatu Sancti Johannis et totum clerum florentinum.” Those assembled identified themselves as representing the “universitatem dicti cleri” on fol. 4. They included four cathedral canons and fifty-two other clerics, principally from the city. ASF, Diplomatico, Riformagioni, 6 October 1412.

79 NA, F. 326(1386-1462), fol. 4:“Nonobstantibusquibuscumqueconstitutionibus seu ordinamentis dieti cleri in contrarium quomodolibet disponetibus. Quibus omnibus intelligatur et sit totaliter derogatum.“

80 CF, preamble, p. 349, 11. 5-6: “iuxta legittimas et canonicas sanctiones.” The phrase is used again at the beginnings of rubrics 1, 2, 3, 6, 10, and 22.

81 CF I , p . 349, 11. 7-8.

82 On the metaphor of “head and members” see Chroust, Anton-Hermann, “The Corporate Idea and the Body Politic in the Middle Ages,” Review of Politics, 9 (1947)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 423-52; in canonistic theories, Tierney, Foundations, p. 103.

83 Cf. Bishop d'Orso’ s use of the metaphor in the rubric “De celebratione missarum“ of his 1310 constitution. Trexler, Synodal Law, p. 165, 11. 31-35.

84 Tractatus, p. 692: “Nam permittere plures in papatu est offendere ilium fidei articulum Unam Sanctam Catholicam etc.“

85 CF 1, p. 349, 1. 13: “Qui sint capita cleri nostri.“

86 Ibid., 14, p. 364.

87 Ibid., 4, p. 350, 1. 23, and p. 7, 1. 24.

88 Ibid., 4, p. 350, 1. 24. On the dual role of a prelate sitting in an assembly of canons ut prelatus or ut canonicus, see Tierney, Foundations, pp. 112-17.

89 CF II, p. 362.il. 115-18; ibid., 6, p. 351, 11. 4-9.

90 Ibid., 13, pp. 363-64.

91 Ibid., 7, p. 354, 11. 11-15, 23-28.

92 Ibid., 10, p. 361,11. 16-17: “nil possitvel valeat disponi, ordinari, induci vel cassari vel quomodolibet alterari.” The procurators’ duties are set forth in rubrics 7, 18, and 27, pp. 352-58. 365, 369.

93 E.g. D.24c.6;C.ioq.2c.i;C.i2q.2c.5i;C.i5q.7c.6;X.3 .10.4, and the citations above, n. 59.

94 On the development of these institutions, see Le Bras, Gabriel, Institutions écclesiastiques de la Chrtftientt médiévale (Paris, 1964)Google Scholar, II, pp. 376-90, and Gaudemet, ch. 8. On the theories of the decretalists, notably Innocent IV and Hostiensis, see Tierney, Foundations, pp. 106-31.

95 Barker, Ernest, The Dominican Order and Convocation (Oxford, 1913)Google Scholar; Georgina R. Galbraith, The Constitution ofthe Dominican Order, 1216-1360 (Manchester, 1925); Cam, Helen M., “Recent Work and Present Views on the Origins and Development of Representative Assemblies,” Relazioni del X Congresso internazionale di scienze storiche (Florence, 1955)Google Scholar, I, pp. 3-55. Cf. Post, Gaines, Studies in Medieval Legal Thought: Public Law and the State, 1100-1322 (Princeton, NJ, 1964), pp. 62 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 88-90.

96 In his survey of Medieval corporate life, Michaud-Quantin, Pierre found few formally constituted clerical associations, “lorsquela collectivité qu'ils forment n'est pas un élément de la structure même de l'Église“; Universitas: Expressions du mouvement communautaire dans le moyen-âge latin, L'Eglise et l'État au Moyen Age, ed. Gabriel Le Bras, 13 (Paris, 1970)Google Scholar, p. 94.

97 An analogous line of development is discernible in England at the level of pro vincial councils. There, William Lunt has demonstrated that throughout the fourteenth century there were “two distinct bodies with different functions, “taxative assemblies which featured consent by the lower clergy, and judicial convocations in which the authority of the archbishops predominated. At the end ofthe century, however, the assemblies be came fused, and the clergy extended their right of consent to taxation to embrace legislation as well. See Lunt, , Counsel and Consent. Aspects of the Government of the Church as Exemplified in the History of the English Provincial Synods (London, 1961)Google Scholar, p. 105 and pp. 87-113.

98 Tierney, Foundations, pp. 68-84; Alberigo, Giuseppe, Cardinalato e collegialita. Studi suil'ecclesiologia tra l'XIe il XIVsecolo, Istituto per le Scienze Religiosedi Bologna, Testi e Ricerche di Scienze Religiose, 5 (Florence, 1969)Google Scholar, pp. 168-85; Baumer, pp. 47-50.

99 Tractatus, p. 701: “ecclesia romana … non censetur esse solus papa, sed ipse papa cum Cardinalibus, qui sunt partes corporis papae, seu Ecclesie que constituitur ex papa tamquam ex capite, et ex cardinalibus tamquam membris.“

100 OOIbid., p. 698: “in his quae concernunt electionem pape, collegium cardinalium representat universalem Ecclesiam et eius vice fungitur.“

101 Ibid., p. 702: “si inter papam et cardinales surgit discordia, sicut nuncevenit,… oportet congregare Ecclesiam, id est totam congregationem Catholicorum.“

102 Ibid., p. 704: “cum papa dissidet a cardinalibus recurritur ad concilium.“

103 Tierney, Foundations, pp. 233-36.

104 For a summary of the literature, see Paul de Vooght, “Les controverses sur les pouvoirs du concile et l'autorité du pape au Concile de Constance,” Revue théologique de Louvain, 1 (1970), 45-75. Alberigo provides an up-to-date narrative of the debates in Chiesa conciliare, pp. 165-227. Tierney, discussed the issue of sovereignty at their core in “Divided Sovereignty at Constance: A Problem of Medieval and Early Modern Political Theory,” Anmtarium Historiae Conciliorum, 7 (1975)Google Scholar, 238-56. On the sequel, see Baumer, pp. 204-30, and Black, Antony, Monarchy and Community. Political Ideas in the Later Conciliar Controversy, 1430-1450 (Cambridge, 1970)Google Scholar.

105 COD, p. 442, 11. 15-18.

106 On the treasurer, CF 8, pp. 358-59; on lawyers and notaries, ibid., 17-18, pp. 369-70. On the supervision of clerical finances, seeibid.,7,p. 352,1. 18-p. 354,1. 3, and p. 355, 11. 25-P.356, 1. 4. On clerical resistance, ibid., 7, p. 353, 11. 24-p. 354, 11. 10.

107 Ibid., 18, p. 365,11. 11-16, 20: “Nepotentiore virihumilioresiniuriisafficiantf,] … statuimus quod procuratores… teneantur et debeant opressos indebite per quemcunque cuiusvis status et preheminentie existat, etiam si opressionem fieri contingat per dominum nostrum dominum episcopum fiorentinum presentem vel futurum, … defendere et surigare expensis tamen opressi si potens esset, si autem impotens sumptibus cleri nostri.“

108 Ibid., 11. 16-20: “quod de domino Amerigho de Corsinis, ad presens episcopo nostro dignissimo et specialissimo et precipuo patre nostro nullatenus credere possumus eventurum[. S]ed potius ab eo spectamus [speramus] solamen et pacem in posterum, ut in preteritum piisimus fuit nobis.” In the last rubric of the constitution (partially quoted above in n. 33), they declared their willingness to defend Corsini from calumniators in Rome.

109 Ibid., 18, p. 365,1. 26: “gravis et lungo tenpore duratura.“

110 lbid., 11. 29-32: “gravem autem opressionem intelligimus quando ex forma iuris vel constitutionum episcopalium pena privationis beneficii ex causa per episcopalem curiam vel aliam allegata quomodolibet sequeretur.“

111 Ibid., 7, p. 354, 1. 31: “ubi dignetur adesse paternitas sua vel eius vicarius.“

112 Ibid., 11. 32-33: “ubi alium locum ydoniorem ad hoc dicti procuratores duxerint deputandum.“

113 Ibid., 30, pp. 370-71.

114 Cited in Tierney, Foundations, p. 112, n. I.

115 Tractatus, pp. 688-89, here Vat. Lat. 2254, fol. 212va: “Sicetiam dicunt philosophy quod regimen civitatis consistit penes congregationem civium.” This is the point of departure for Gregorio Piaia's exploration of the interaction between the canonistic and philosophical strains of Zabarella's thought and a restatement of the question of Marsilius's influence upon it; “La fondazione filosofica della teoria conciliare in Zabarella, Francesco,” Scienza efilosofia all'Universita di Padova net Quattrocento, ed. Antonino Poppi (Padua, 1983)Google Scholar, pp. 431-61.

116 D.24 c.6: “Episcopus sine concilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet, ita ut civium conniventium et testimonium querat.“

117 CF7, p. 352,11. 12-15: “Cum procuratoribus cleri nostri deiurecomuni multum potestatis et balie competere dignoscatur ad instar dominorum priorum artium huius urbis, nos eorum potestatem nullatenus cohartantes sed potius ampliantes, statuimus.“ By itself this was not a novelty. Ronald F. E. Weissman has found three Florentine confraternities predating the clerical constitutiones sinodales that were headed by priors or counselors, and he observes that; “Changes in the administration of the commune were reflected in the administration of confraternities.” See Weissman, , Ritual Brotherhood in Renaissance Florence (New York, 1982), p. 62 Google Scholar. His conclusion comprehends the broad period of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Nowhere does he find evidence that these confraternities had representative councils. See above, n. 65, on the congregatiopresbiterorum.

118 Najemy, John M. has synthesized these developments in “Guild Republicanism in Trecento Florence: The Success and Ultimate Failure of Corporate Politics,” American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 53–71 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and analyzes the priorate and the Ordinamenti more fully in Corporatism, pp. 17-78. For an older, narrative account of surrounding events, see Davidsohn, Storia, III, ch. 10.

119 Ordinamenti, in Salvemini, Gaetano, Magnati e popolani in Firenze dal 1280 al 1295 (Florence, 1899), pp. 384–492 Google Scholar, preface, p. 385; trans, in Najemy, “Guild Republicanism, ” p . 59: “Quonaim illud perfectissimum approbatur quod consistit ex omnibus suis partibus et omnium iuditio comprobatur.“

120 Ordinamenti, 3, pp. 389-91.

121 Najemy, Corporatism, pp. 45-46.

122 The most concise introduction to Florentine political institutions is Brucker, Gene, Florentine Politics and Society: 1343-1378 (Princeton, 1962), pp. 58–62 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Fuller treatments are available in Marzi, Demetrio, La cancelleria delta repubblicafiorentina (Rocca San Casciano, 1910)Google Scholar, and for the period c. 1400, Guidi, Guidobaldo, II governo delta citta-repubblica di Firenze nelprimo Quattrocento, 3 vols., Deputazione Toscana di Storia Patria, Biblioteca Storica Toscana, 20 (Florence, 1981)Google Scholar, especially II.

123 Cf. the divieti on multiple office holding: CF21, p. 366,1. 24-p. 367,1. 4; Caggese, Romolo, ed., Statuti delta repubblicafiorentina, I, Statuto del Capitano del Popolo degli anni 1322-25 (Florence, 1910)Google Scholar, 5, 51, p. 255; and Statuta, II, Statutorum Populi… Libri, V, 276, p. 783. On age and fiscal requirements, CF17, p. 365; ibid., 15, p. 364. Cf. Caggese, , II, Statuto del Podestà dell'anno 1325 (Florence, 1921)Google Scholar, 1,8, p. 32, and Statuta, I, 1, 19, pp. 33∼34- In their council, the clergy followed the commune in requiring a two thirds, rather than simple, majority, and cast secret ballots with black and white beans; CF 12, p. 363. On voting in the Florentine councils, see Rubinstein, Nicolai, The Government of Florence under the Medici (1434-1494) (Oxford, 1966)Google Scholar, ch. 5.

124 See below, n. 147.

125 This was the adequatio membrorum; Najemy, Corporatism, pp. 240-41.

126 Leonardo Bruni, Laudatio Florentinae Urbis, in Baron, Hans, From Petrarch to Leonardo Bruni. Studies in Humanistic Political Literature (Chicago, 1968)Google Scholar, pp. 258-63.

127 Ibid., p. 259, 11. 23-26.

128 Ibid., 11. 39-41.

129 Ibid., p. 260, 11. 5-11.

130 The authors prefaced their discussion of the procurators’ salaries by observing: “Et quoniam non est obturandum os bovis triturantis, ut inquit apostolus, sed debeant pro republica laborantes premia reportare“; CF 7, p. 357, 11. 22-23. Cf. IV Lat. 32, COD, p. 250,11. 4-6: “Cum igitur os bovis alligari non debeat triturantis, sed qui altari servit vivere debeat de altari.” See also I Cor. 9, 13.

131 Laudatio, p. 259,11. 23-24: “Principio enim supremus magistratus, qui quandam vim regie potestatis habere videbatur.“

132 Ibid.

133 Najemy, Corporatism, ch. 7.

134 Ibid., ch. 8 and epilogue. Gene Brucker makes a similar point but identifies this as the “aristocratic spirit“; Civic World, pp. 30-39. In a broader context, Black, Antony contrasts the humanist ideal of “civil society” with the corporate tradition of the guilds in Guilds and Civil Society in European Political Thought from the Twelfth Century to the Present (London, 1984)Google Scholar, esp. ch. 8.

135 Martines, Lauro developed this thesis in The Social World of the Florentine Humanists (Princeton, NJ, 1963), pp. 18–84 Google Scholar, 263-86, and applied it to the guilds in Lawyers and Statecraft in Renaissance Florence (Princeton, NJ, 1968), pp. 49-50, 54-55. Statistical analyses have been offered by Molho, Anthony, “Politics and the Ruling Class in Early Renaissance Florence,” Nuova Rivista Storica, 52 (1968)Google Scholar, 401-20, and Ronald Witt, “Florentine Politics and the Ruling Class, 1382-1407,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 6 (1976), 243-67. See also Rubinstein, “Florentine Constitutionalism and Medici Ascendancy in the Fifteenth Century,” Florentine Studies (cited above, n. 15), and Kent, Dale, The Rise of the Medici: Faction in Florence 1426-1434 (Oxford, 1978), pp. 13–22 Google Scholar, 37-135- Bertelli, Sergio relates the oligarchic development of Florence to that of other Italian communes in II potere oligarchico nello stato-citti medievale (Florence, 1978 Google Scholar).

136 Laudatio, p. 260,1. 7, and Najemy, “Guild Republicanism,” p. 69, n. 52.

137 Notably, the Ordinamenti were reissued in the 1415 compilation of Florentine laws; Statuta, I, pp. 407-516. According to Rubinstein, though often ignored in detail, they “continued to be regarded as a kind of Magna Carta of'popular’ government” (“Florentine Constitutionalism,” pp. 443-44). Guild representation continued to be an important feature in the selection of members of special commissions to handle taxes, diplomacy, and special legislation; e.g., PR 96, fols. 37V-38V (17 May 1407); PR 102, fol. 34r-v (12 June 1413); and PR 103, fol. 5or-v (25 August 1414).

138 CF 19, p. 366,1. 1: “Inherentesmoribuslaicorum.” On the scrutiny committees, ibid., 7, p. 357,11.16-21. Cf. Najemy, Corporatism, passim, andGuidi, I, pts. iv, v. One may get a sense of the complexity of the legislation touching Florentine elections by turning to the Statuta, II, Statutorum Populi… Libri V, 4-7, 169-77, PP- 481-94, 650- 55.

139 CF9, p. 360, 11. 1-2: “Ne ex permixtione scruptinatorum possit ambiguitas vel scandalum exoriri.“

140 Ibid., 11. 14-15: “taliter quod quilibet clericorum gradus habeat sortem suam.“

141 For Salutato, see Witt, Hercules, p. 296. Richard Trexler was the first to find evidence of the activity of the corporation in the notarial registers of Ser Francesco di Ser Francesco di Giannino da Castelfranco, NA F. 507-9. NA F. 507 (1423-27), fols. 49-52V (10 May 1425), contains a transcription by Francesco, authenticated by Salutati (fols. 5OV-52V), of Salutati's record of a meeting of the great council held on 15 November 1424. Unfortunately, Salutati's own registers, NA S. 37 and S. 38, contain no further documents concerning the corporation. But those of Ser Jacopo di Ser Antonio di Jacopo di Piero da Romena contain a “quaternus” in which he recorded the deliberations of the procurators and the council of sixty-six in August and September 1423. NA I. 7 (1417- 27), fols. 323-338v.

142 Salutati kept a particularly accurate record of the meeting of 15 November 1424, noting by rank not just those who attended, but absences and substitutions. Thirty-six clergymen from the countryside were eligible to attend, and thirty-two did. In contrast, only twenty-one of the quota of thirty clerics from the city attended. Further, of the total of fifty-three attending, thirteen, or one quarter, were rectors from the countryside, five over the allotted twelve places having been gained by substitution. In contrast, half of the six eligible cathedral canons and only one urban prior attended, and several of these did not arrange proxies. I plan to publish a transcription and analysis of this document.

143 NA I. 7 (1417-27), fol. 325V (27 August 1423). The procurators held their deliberations in the quarters of the confraternity of the Misericordia, next to the cathedral, and convoked meetings of the council of sixty-six in the great hall of the episcopal palace.

144 Ibid., fol. 333 (16 September 1423).

145 For a more detailed account of the corporation's history in the 1420s, see my “Florence's universitas cleri in the Early Fifteenth Century,” Renaissance Studies, 2 (1988), 185-96.

146 Ibid., 192-93. Though declaring themselves corporations, both urban and rural clergy convened in mass assemblies rather than representative councils. At one point in 1427, members of the rural clergy spoke specifically of the “discordia inter clericos et plebatos exteriores et interiores, id est plebatuum Sancti Johannis predicta ex una parte et alios prelatos et clericos extra dictum plebatum ex alia,” and located the source of the conflict in tax apportionments carried out in 1414. NA F. 507 (1423-27), fol. 263 (4January 1427).

147 He was himself under pressure from Martin V for back taxes. See the letters cited above in n. 27.

148 HighlightsareiniVv4 F. 507(1418-24), fols. 284-285 (13 September 1427) andF. 507 (1423-27), fols. 343-344V (22 October 1427).

149 NA F. 507 (1423-27), fols. 369-372V (30 December 1427), pub. in Ristori, Renzo, “L'Arcivescovo Amerigo Corsini e la sua controversia con il clero fiorentino (1427- 29),” Interpres, 1 (1978)Google Scholar, 273-84. Unfortunately, the document does not include a list of those who attended the synod.

150 Ibid., fol. 37ir-v.

152 Ibid., fol. 371V.

152 Ibid., fol. 37or-v: “Et dixit dominus dominus Archiepiscopus quod predicta si bene considerentur tendunt ad non modicum ipsius archiepiscopatus et ecclesie et totius cleri florentini preiudicium et iacturam et ad impediendum ipsius ordinarii iurisdictionem.“

153 RV 351,fol. 62(1 July 1428).

154 NA M. 345 (1420-34) (Ser Filippo di Bernardo Mazzei da Castelfranco), fol. 107V (5 August 1428).

155 These events are summarized in NA F. 507 (1427-30), fols. 112-117V (14 April 1429). The synod was attended by only nine of the fourteen cathedral canons (compared to all fourteen at the assembly gathered by Mercatello), and among those gathered, only forty-one of the city's eighty-four urban parishes were represented, and forty-eight of the sixty rural parishes.

156 The Florentines had proposed levying a tax of 120,000 florins on the clergy, but Vitelleschi drove them down to 25,000 florins. ASF, Consulte e Pratiche 46, fol. 121 v (22 February 1426), and PR 117, fol. 3o8r-v (18 August 1427). The repeal of anti-ecclesiastical legislation is in PR 117, fols. 35-36 (19 May 1427).

157 E . g . NA M. 347 (1426-50), fol. 55 (21 January 1429).

158 E.g. NA I. 8 (1436-37). fols. 155-156V (13 July 1436).

159 The statute is published in Trexler, Synodal Law, p. 279.

160 Peterson, “Archbishop Antoninus,” sec. 2.