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Daʿwa in the Neighborhood: Female-Authored Muslim Students Association Publications, 1963–1980
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 January 2020
Abstract
Founded in 1963 at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, the Muslim Students Association of the United States and Canada (MSA) expanded to 116 local chapters by 1968, with members representing more than forty countries. During the Cold War, the MSA embraced the project of daʿwa, or renewing and correcting other Muslims’ devotional practice, and improving the public image of Islam. Extant scholarship on the MSA portrays the organization as ambivalent, if not antagonistic, toward U.S. society during the Cold War because it was deeply enmeshed in the political and religious ideologies associated with the global Islamic Revival. This article offers a different view by examining female-authored writings published under the auspices of the MSA Women's Committee between 1963 and 1980. Aspirational in scope and pedagogical in approach, MSA women's literature shifts conceptions of the MSA's political and religious priorities during this period, from one of detachment to one of selective engagement with American culture. This article makes three main interventions. First, it demonstrates that a focus on the publications of MSA female members yields a more robust understanding of how this important group of American Muslims envisioned daʿwa as a local and global project of religious revival during the Cold War. Second, it shows that, to achieve their revivalist aims, female MSA members identified points of affinity with certain religious non-Muslim Americans, namely, upwardly mobile Christians and Jews. For these authors, the ground on which they found affinity with families of other faiths was not theology or Abrahamic lineage but, rather, a shared gendered and classed vision of raising devout children to meet the unique threats posed by modernity. Finally, this article examines how female MSA authors conceived of the patriarchally organized yet maternally driven nuclear family as essential for reinvigorating Muslim practice.
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- Research Article
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- Copyright © 2020 by The Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture
Footnotes
Research for this article was made possible through fellowship support from the Baker-Nord Center for the Humanities of Case Western Reserve University and a research grant from the American Academy of Religion. I am grateful to the many colleagues who commented on drafts, provided additional sources, and shared their insights. In particular, I thank Brandon Bayne, Amanda Baugh, Erin Benay, Cara Burnidge, Brian Clites, Katherine Dugan, Rachel Gross, Elizabeth Jemison, Catherine Osborne, Maggie Popkin, Michal Raucher, and Daniel Vaca. I also wish to thank the journal editors and anonymous reviewers for their constructive and helpful feedback.
References
Notes
1 Muslim Students Association of the United States and Canada, Women's Committee, Parents’ Manual: A Guide for Muslim Parents Living in North America (Takoma Park, MD: Crescent Publications, 1972), 151–52Google Scholar.
2 In 1972, the MSA proclaimed as its primary objective to call others to Islam (Editorial, al-Ittihad 9, no. 2 [Fall 1972]: 1).
3 Daʿwa means “call” or “invitation” and generally refers to efforts to bring others to correct Islamic practice through activities such as proselytizing, preaching, and education. I use Zareena Grewal's definition of daʿwa here, which rightly reflects that converting non-Muslim Americans was not a priority for MSA members. I also emphasize that “revivalism” in the American context was largely a diffuse and informal approach to Muslim renewal, as opposed to pursuing direct political action or more elite intellectual projects (Grewal, Zareena, Islam Is a Foreign Country: American Muslims and the Global Crisis of Authority [New York: New York University Press, 2014], 48–49Google Scholar). Grewal relies on Saba Mahmood's description of daʿwa as encompassing a variety of activities exhorting other Muslims to piety. Mahmood argues that Egyptian women were encouraged to take up the mantle of daʿwa by preaching and teaching. See Mahmood, Saba, The Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), 57–66Google Scholar. Matthew Kuiper argues that Indian Muslims centered their activities on “bottom-up daʿwa,” which was also focused on educational and social efforts in the “religious marketplace.” He categorizes it as one strain in “global Islamic activism.” See Kuiper, Matthew, Daʿwa and Other Religions: Indian Muslims and the Modern Resurgence of Global Islamic Activism (London: Routledge, 2017)Google Scholar. The Parents’ Manual devoted an entire section to improving the public image of Islam: “Dealing with Incorrect Attitudes and Information about Islam” (99–103).
4 Grewal, Islam Is a Foreign Country, 48–49; Kuiper, Daʿwa and Other Religions, 6–7.
5 See Haddad, Yvonne and Esposito, John, eds., Muslims on the Americanization Path? (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 19–21Google Scholar. For a critique of this approach, particularly its reduction of identity to ideology, see Barzegar, Abbas, “Discourse, Identity, and Community: Problems and Prospects in the Study of Islam in America,” Muslim World 101 (July 2011): 515–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One sensationalist account goes so far as to label the MSA an arm of the Muslim Brotherhood, intent on disseminating its ideas and implementing its political program in the United States. See Vidino, Lorenzo, The New Muslim Brotherhood in the West (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 168–70Google Scholar.
6 Despite the organization's crucial role in shaping generations of Muslim college students across the United States, it has received scant attention in the academic literature on American Islam, on religion on U.S. campuses, and on Muslim students more broadly. The most extended treatments are Schumann, Christoph, “A Muslim ‘Diaspora’ in the United States?” Muslim World 97 (July 2011): 11–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Steve A. Johnson, “The Muslims of Indianapolis” in Muslim Communities in North America, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Jane I. Smith (Albany: State University of New York Press), 259–77; and Larry Poston, Islamic Daʿwah in the West (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 101–37. Two reference articles also provide brief histories: Rabia Kamal, “American Muslim Youth Movements,” in The Oxford Handbook of American Islam, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Jane I. Smith (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 254–67; and Elliott Bazzano, “Muslim Students Association,” Encyclopedia of Muslim-American History, ed. Edward E. Curtis IV (New York: Facts on File, 2010), 410–13. For an ethnographic account of Muslim students conducted in three Washington, D.C.–area chapters, see Mir, Shabana, Muslim Women on Campus (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014)Google Scholar.
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9 Schumann, “A Muslim ‘Diaspora’ in the United States?”18.
10 The national MSA board and organization sought to coordinate the efforts of individual MSA chapters, which, as I discuss later, operated largely independently. MSA-National, as it was later known, has played more or less active roles in the MSA's history. The Cold War was a particularly active period.
11 On the importance of social networks for American Muslim women, and how these networks inflect hierarchies of race, gender, and class, see Karim, Jamillah, American Muslim Women: Negotiating Race, Gender, and Class in the Ummah (New York: New York University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.
12 Grewal, Islam Is a Foreign Country, 133–34.
13 Prema Kurien makes a similar case regarding American Hindu institutions that are focused on familial life and have sought recognition for Hinduism through the rhetoric and practices of multiculturalism. Kurien, Prema, A Place at the Multicultural Table: The Development of an American Hinduism (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.
14 Here, I am drawing on recent work that argues for a relational approach to the study of religious subjectivity, one that more fully considers how intimate relationships and friendships serve as foundations for experiences of the divine. See, for example, Furey, Constance M., “Body, Society, and Subjectivity in Religious Studies,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 80, no. 1 (March 2012): 7–33CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; and Moore, Brenna, “Friendship and the Cultivation of Religious Sensibilities,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 83, no. 2 (June 2015): 437–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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16 Muslim Students Association of the United States and Canada, Women's Committee, Muslim World Cook Book (Indianapolis, IN: American Trust Publications, 1976).
17 The MSA was just one among many organizations catering to Muslim students, who also formed cultural organizations centered on ethnic or national identity, such as Arab student groups, and organizations focused on particular political projects, such as the liberation of Palestine and antiimperialist efforts around the world. See Pennock, Pamela, The Rise of the Arab American Left: Activists, Allies, and Their Fight Against Imperialism and Racism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the diversification of American universities in this period, see Martha Biondi, The Black Revolution on Campus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012); Charles Dorn, For the Common Good: A New History of Higher Education in America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017); Marsden, George, The Soul of the American University: From Protestant Establishment to Established Non-Belief (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; and Yancey, George, Neither Jew Nor Gentile: Exploring Issues of Racial Diversity on Protestant College Campuses (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.
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19 GhaneaBassiri, A History of Islam in America, 270. Beginning in the 1970s, the MSA also employed a small staff to assist with administrative tasks.
20 In addition to its largely Arab and South Asian membership, the MSA also included many white converts. On early MSA membership, see GhaneaBassiri, A History of Islam in America, 265. The largest umbrella organization of this period was the Federation of Islamic Associations of the United States and Canada, which was founded in 1952 by second-generation immigrant Muslims from the Levant. Despite its aspirations to represent a wide swath of American Muslims, GhaneaBassiri argues its main purpose was to bring together local communities at its annual national convention (A History of Islam in America, 238–41).
21 Curtis, Edward E. IV, “Islamism and Its African American Muslim Critics: Black Muslims in the Era of the Arab Cold War,” American Quarterly 59, no. 3 (September 2007): 683–709CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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23 On the religious zeal of university campuses in the 1950s and 1960s, see Turner, John G., Bill Bright and Campus Crusade for Christ: The Renewal of Evangelicalism in Postwar America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 45–46Google Scholar.
24 The activities of MSA members on individual campuses, including their relationships with other campus student groups, is an essential topic but, ultimately, outside the scope of this essay.
25 Bazzano, “Muslim Students Association,” 411.
26 Turner, Bill Bright and Campus Crusade for Christ, 55–56.
27 Schumann, “A Muslim ‘Diaspora’ in the United States?” 16.
28 McLarney, Ellen Anne, Soft Force: Women in Egypt's Islamic Awakening (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015), 4–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
29 al-Ittihad, July 1976; Parents’ Manual, vi. Here, I focus on the vision for a Muslim way of life in Cold War America set out in these collectively authored publications. The processes through which these publications were produced, and the role of individual members, is another important dimension that I intentionally do not engage here.
30 Parents’ Manual, v–vii.
31 Parents’ Manual, v.
32 On jāhiliyya, see Toth, James, Sayyid Qutb: The Life and Legacy of A Radical Islamic Intellectual (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 122–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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37 Calvert, Sayyid Qutb and the Origins of Radical Islamism, 152–53.
38 Parents’ Manual, 75.
39 Parents’ Manual, 76.
40 Jameelah, Maryam, “The Feminist Movement versus the Muslim Woman,” al-Ittihad 11, no. 1 (Fall 1973): 13–16Google Scholar.
41 Esposito, John L. and Voll, John O., Makers of Contemporary Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 54–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Baker, Deborah, The Convert: A Tale of Exile and Extremism (Minneapolis, MN: Graywolf Press, 2011)Google Scholar.
42 Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 56.
43 Esposito and Voll, Makers of Contemporary Islam, 54–55.
44 al-Ittihad published other articles by Jameelah in Winter 1972, Fall 1972, and Winter 1975.
45 Jameelah, Maryam, Islam and Modernism (Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan, 1978)Google Scholar; Jameelah, Maryam, Islam and Western Society (Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan, 1982)Google Scholar.
46 Jameelah, “The Feminist Movement versus the Muslim Woman,” 13.
47 Jameelah, “The Feminist Movement versus the Muslim Woman,” 13.
48 Jameelah, Maryam, Islam and the Muslim Woman Today (Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan, 1976), 9Google Scholar. In a letter to Mawdudi dated March 8, 1961, Jameelah lamented that “Western fashions for women are designed exclusively for commercialized sex.” Correspondence between Abi-l-A'la al-Maudoodi and Maryam Jameelah (Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: Presidency of Islamik Research, Iftah, and Propagation, 1982, 17).
49 Jameelah, “The Feminist Movement versus the Muslim Woman,” 15.
50 Badran, Margot, Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious Convergences (London: Oneworld, 2009)Google Scholar. Like feminism in the United States, colonial and postcolonial feminisms in Muslim-majority contexts are diverse and contested. The terms “Muslim feminism” or “Islamic feminism” are not universally accepted among activists, for example. Moreover, the particular projects that feminists pursued varied depending on particular political, social, and religious conditions and did not necessarily conform to liberal conceptions of agency, autonomy, and freedom. See Seedat, Fatima, “Islam, Feminism, and Islamic Feminism,” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 29, no. 2 (Fall 2013): 24–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
51 Jameelah, “The Feminist Movement Versus the Muslim Woman,” 13–16; Siddiqui, Zeba, “The Role of Muslim Women in Society,” al-Ittihad 10, no. 2 (Summer 1973): 18–19Google Scholar.
52 Gilmore, Stephanie, ed., Feminist Coalitions: Historical Perspectives on Second-Wave Feminism in the United States (Urbana: University of Illinois, 2008)Google Scholar. The inability of white, middle-class feminists to bridge racial and socioeconomic divides continues to be a focal point for historians and feminist activists. For a recent analysis of these fractures and an attempt to overcome them, see bell hooks, Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics (New York: Routledge, 2015).
53 Evans, Sara, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (New York: Vintage Books, 1979)Google Scholar; Beins, Agatha, Liberation in Print: Feminist Periodicals and Social Movement Identity (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2017)Google Scholar; Enke, Anne, Finding the Movement: Sexuality, Contested Space, and Feminist Activism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
54 The many parallels between evangelical Christian, Catholic, and Muslim rhetoric concerning family life during this period is an important area of inquiry that is largely beyond the scope of this essay. On Catholic and evangelical women's efforts to oppose feminism, see Critchlow, Donald, Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; and Johnson, Emily Suzanne, This is Our Message: Women's Leadership in the New Christian Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019)Google Scholar.
55 al-Khateeb, Sharifa, “Elements for a Happy Life in America,” al-Ittihad 9, no. 1 (January 1972): 10–11Google Scholar. Al-Khateeb argues that women should be educated and learn professional skills, which they can put to use in an “emergency” or after children leave the home.
56 Parents’ Manual, 47.
57 Other religious communities also responded to feminist activism by doubling down on complementary gender roles. For a discussion of spiritual fulfillment within a patriarchal framework, see R. Marie Griffith, God's Daughters: Evangelical Women and the Power of Submission (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
58 Parents’ Manual, 74.
59 McLarney, Soft Force, 30.
60 McLarney, Soft Force, 30; Mahmood, Politics of Piety, 2–13.
61 Parents’ Manual, 74–75.
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63 Hulbert, Raising America, 280–81.
64 Parents’ Manual, 15–16.
65 Lofton, “Religion and the Authority in American Parenting,” 822–23.
66 Lofton, “Religion and the Authority in American Parenting,” 809, 815.
67 It is worth noting that the Parents’ Manual did not mention the ideal size for American Muslim families. This kind of emotional investment in individual children and the absence of broader kin networks suggests a smaller nuclear family size was the implicit ideal.
68 There is an extensive literature on the democratization of Islamic authority in the wake of colonialism. Among the most useful accounts are Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Eickelman, Dale and Piscatori, James, Muslim Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Zeghal, Malika, Gardiens de l'Islam: Les oulémas d'Al Azhar dans l'Egypt Contemporaine (Paris: Presses de la Fondation national de sciences politiques, 1996)Google Scholar.
69 Parents’ Manual, 11 (quote), 147.
70 Rauf, Muhammad Abdul, Marriage in Islam: A Manual (New York: Exposition Press, 1972)Google Scholar.
71 Hamed, Nassera, “The Muslim Woman: Her Role and Responsibility,” al-Ittihad 11, no. 3 (Spring 1974): 14Google Scholar.
72 Parents’ Manual, 69, 76, 69.
73 Parents’ Manual, 78, 70–72.
74 Parents’ Manual, 71.
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76 Parents’ Manual, 77 (quote), 121.
77 Parents’ Manual, 78, 77.
78 Parents’ Manual, 121 (emphasis original).
79 Leigh Eric Schmidt, Consumer Rites: The Buying and Selling of American Holidays (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 50–56.
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81 On suburbanization and religious pluralism, see Schultz, Kevin, Tri-Faith America: How Catholics and Jews Held Postwar America to Its Protestant Promise (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.
82 Parents’ Manual, 121–22.
83 Schmidt documents how the appearance of commercially made valentines in the 1850s actually prompted many Americans to make their own cards and love notes, even as the commercial versions came to dominate the practice of exchanging valentines in the twentieth century (Schmidt, Consumer Rites, 50–56).
84 Parents’ Manual, 124.
85 Parents’ Manual, 124.
86 Abdul Rauf cites Mawdudi as an influence. See Rauf, Muhammad Abdul, A Muslim's Reflections on Democratic Capitalism (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1984)Google Scholar, Preface.
87 Abdul Rauf, A Muslim's Reflections on Democratic Capitalism, 60–61.
88 Parents’ Manual, 42.
89 See Curtis, Edward E. IV, Islam in Black America: Identity, Liberation, and Difference in African-American Islamic Thought (Albany: State University of New York, 2002)Google Scholar; Curtis, Edward E., Black Muslim Religion in the Nation of Islam, 1960–1975 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Chan-Malik, Sylvia, Being Muslim: A Cultural History of Women of Color in American Islam (New York: New York University Press, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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91 These complicated racial and gendered dynamics deserve further exploration, especially as they were negotiated differently in particular university and neighborhood settings. I will address these issues at greater length in the book project of which this article is one piece, Muslim Students and the Making of American Islam, which examines how the MSA engaged in religious and political activism from 1963 through the present. For an instance of how the MSA authors lauded the Nation of Islam for building a unified community, see Ilyas Ba-Yunus, “Muslims in North America: Problems and Prospects,” al-Ittihad (Summer 1974): 5. Ba-Yunus lamented the MSA's ongoing challenges to build a substantial financial base from its members. By contrast, he uplifted Black Muslim, Chinese, and Jewish communities as examples of communities that resist assimilation, promote education, and take care of their elderly.
92 On the myth of return, see Schumann, “A Muslim ‘Diaspora’ in the United States?” 14.
93 Parents’ Manual, 21.
94 See Schultz, Tri-Faith America. Schultz, focusing on Catholics, Jews, and Protestants, argues that practices and ideals of religious pluralism were negotiated and worked out in suburban neighborhoods. Although this postwar tri-faith ideal did not include Muslims or other religious minorities, the MSA literature from the 1960s and 1970s attests to the importance of local neighborhood interactions in the context of new immigration law.
95 Parents’ Manual, 147–50.
96 Parents’ Manual, 99–103.
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100 McLarney, Soft Force, 1–4.
101 al-Khateeb, “Elements for a Happy Muslim Life in America,” 10–12.
102 Kuiper, Daʿwa and Other Religions, 2–8; McLarney, Soft Force, 5–6.
103 McLarney, Soft Force, 10. See also Taylor, The Promise of Patriarchy. On the importance of the family as a site for consumer practice, see Lofton, Kathryn, Consuming Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017), 164–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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