1. Phillips, Clifton Jackson, Protestant America and the Pagan World: The First Half Century of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 1810-1860 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969), chap. 1.Google Scholar

2. On the influence of the New Divinity generally and Samuel Hopkins in particular on the American foreign missionary movement, see Elsbree, Oliver W., The Rise of the Missionary Spirit in America, 1790-1815 (Williamsport, Penn.: Williamsport Printing Co., 1928)Google Scholar; Sweet, William Warren, Religion in the Development of American Culture, 1765-1840 (New York: Scribner, 1952), 231 Google Scholar; Beaver, R. Pierce, “Missionary Motivation Through Three Centimes,” in Reinterpretation in American Church History, ed. Brauer, Jerald (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 121-26Google Scholar; Phillips, Protestant America and the Pagan World, chap. 1; Charles L. Chaney, “God's Glorious Work: The Theological Foundations of the Early Missionary Societies in America, 1787-1817” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1973); Conforti, Joseph, Samuel Hopkins and the New Divinity Movement: Calvinism, the Congregational Ministry, and Reform in New England between the Great Awakenings (Grand Rapids: Christian University Press, 1981), 157-58Google Scholar; and McCoy, Genevieve, “The Women of the ABCFM Oregon Mission and the Conflicted Language of Calvinism,” Church History 64 (March 1995): 62–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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Arthur Latham Perry was a strident dissenter of the view that linked the New Divinity with missions at Williams College. In his intriguing but at times bombastic Williamstown and Williams College (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1899), he called Park's quote “untrue” (222). Perry's animosity toward the perceived intolerance and fruitless metaphysical speculations of the New Divinity prejudiced a fair evaluation of its impact upon Williams.

5. This older view was given classic formulation in Haroutunian, Joseph's Piety Versus Moralism: The Passing of the New England Theology (New York: Henry Holt, 1932)Google Scholar and advanced by Morgan, Edmund S., “The American Revolution as an Intellectual Movement,” in Paths of American Thought, ed. Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr., and White, Morton (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1963), 11–33 Google Scholar, and Berk, Stephen E., Calvinism versus Democracy: Timothy Dwight and the Origins of American Evangelical Orthodoxy (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1974).Google Scholar For representative samples of recent revisionist scholarship, see Breitenbach, William, “Piety and Moralism: Edwards and the New Divinity,” in Jonathan Edwards and the American Experience, ed. Hatch, Nathan O. and Stout, Harry S. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 177–204 Google Scholar; Conforti, Samuel Hopkins and the New Divinity Movement; Guelzo, Allen C., Edwards on the Will: A Century of American Theological Debate (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Kling, David W., A Field of Divine Wonders: The New Divinity and Village Revivals in Northwestern Connecticut, 1792-1822 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; and Valeri, Mark, Law and Providence in Joseph Bellamy's New England: The Origins of the New Divinity in Revolutionary America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994).Google Scholar

6. May, Henry F., The Enlightenment in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), 59.Google Scholar

7. See Richardson, Leon Burr, History of Dartmouth College, 2 vols. (Hanover, N.H.: Dartmouth College Publications, 1932), 1:239-40Google Scholar; Fuess, Claude M., Amherst: The Story ofa New England College (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1935), 30 Google Scholar; and Conforti, Joseph, “Mary Lyon, the Founding of Mount Holyoke College, and the Cultural Revival of Jonathan Edwards,” Religion and American Culture 3 (Winter 1993): 69–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. For contemporary references to the New Divinity in the greater Boston area, see Bentley, William, The Diary of William Bentley, D.D., Pastor of the East Church, Salem, Massachusetts, 4 vols. (1905-1914; repr., Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1963), 3:334, 364-65, 402-3, 445, 447, 462, 496, 527, 549Google Scholar; 4:159; and Lee, Eliza Buckminster, Memoirs of Rev. Joseph Buckminster, D.D., and his son, Rev. Joseph Stevens Buckminster (Boston: Wm. Crosby and H. R Nichols, 1849), 330.Google Scholar For other major New Divinity outposts, including Hartford, see Guelzo, , Edwards on the Will, 92–93 Google Scholar (including maps); and below, n. 9.

9. On New Divinity strength in Berkshire County, see Birdsall, Richard D., Berkshire County: A Cultural History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959), 33–74 Google Scholar; Conforti, Joseph, “The Rise of the New Divinity in Western New England, 1740-1800,” Historical Journal of Western Massachusetts 8 (January 1980): 37–47 Google Scholar; and Kling, David W., “ ‘By the Light of His Example’: New Divinity Schools of the Prophets, 1750-1825,” in Theological Education in the Evangelical Tradition, ed. Mohler, R. Albert and Hart, D. G. (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, forthcoming).Google Scholar On New Divinity revivals, see Kling, Field of Divine Wonders.

10. Rudolph, Frederick, Mark Hopkins and the Log: Williams College, 1836-1872 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1956), 91.Google Scholar

11. Fitch, Ebenezer, “Historical Sketch of the Life and Character of Colonel Ephraim Williams, and of Williams College, Founded in 1793…,” in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. 9, no. 8 (1802): 47–53.Google Scholar

12. My discussion of the Williams family and their conflict with Edwards is indebted to Kevin M. Sweeney, “Rivers Gods and Related Minor Deities: The Williams Family and the Connecticut River Valley, 1637-1790,” 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1986), 2:413-95. See also Tracy, Patricia, Jonathan Edwards, Pastor: Religion and Society in Eighteenth-Century Northampton (New York: Hill & Wang, 1979), 171-94.Google Scholar

13. For a discussion of this dispute, see Hall, David D., ed., The Works of Jonathan Edwards: Ecclesiastical Writings (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 68–77.Google Scholar

14. Quoted in Sweeney, “River Gods and Related Minor Deities,” 2:469-70.

15. Ibid., 2:488.

16. On the origins of Williams College, see Perry, , Williamstown and Williams College, 151–226.Google Scholar

17. See Robson, David W., Educating Republicans: The College in the Era of the American Revolution, 1750-1800 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), 188.Google Scholar

18. Quoted in Sweeney, “River Gods and Related Minor Deities,” 2:663.

19. See Woods, Leonard, History of Andover Theological Seminary (Boston: J. R. Osgood, 1885)Google Scholar; and Conforti, Joseph A., Jonathan Edwards, Religious Tradition, and American Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), chap. 5.Google Scholar

20. Conforti, “Mary Lyon, the Founding of Mount Holyoke College, and the Cultural Revival of Jonathan Edwards.”

21. Birdsall, , Berkshire County, 50.Google Scholar

22. See ibid., 41-49; Conforti, Samuel Hopkins and the New Divinity Movement, chap. 2; and Kling, Field of Divine Wonders, chap. 1.

23. Stiles, Ezra, The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, 3 vols., ed. Dexter, Franklin B. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1901), 3:374.Google Scholar

24. See Robson, Educating Republicans, chap. 6.

25. The 1793 board had six clergy and eleven civilians; subsequently, during President Griffin's tenure, the board reached a more balanced composition of eight clergy and nine civilians.

26. Biographical data on vice presidents and the board of trustees are found in Durfee, Calvin, Williams Biographical Annals (Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1871), 36–97.Google Scholar

27. See Edward D. Griffin, “A Sermon preached September 2, 1828, at the Dedication of the New Chapel connected with Williams College, Massachusetts” (Williamstown, Mass.: Ridley Bannister, 1828), 20.

28. See Kling, “By the Light of His Example.”

29. See Fuess, , Amherst, 82–97 Google Scholar; [Zephaniah Moore Humphrey], Memorial Sketches: Heman Humphrey, Sophia Porter Humphrey (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1869).

30. Perry, , Williamstown and Williams College, 199.Google Scholar

31. Ibid., 287. West did not join the board until the College was established.

32. Ephraim Judson, “On Preaching the Word. A sermon delivered in Williamstown, June 17, 1795, at the ordination of the Reverend Ebenezer Fitch, president of Williams College …” (Stockbridge, Mass.: Loring Andrews, 1796), 25.

33. Ebenezer Fitch, “Useful knowledge and religion, recommended to the pursuit and improvement of the young; in a discourse addressed to the candidates for the baccalaureate in Williams College. September 1, 1799 …” (Pittsneid, Mass.: Chester Smith, 1799), 31.

34. See Perry, , Williamstown and Williams College, 221-22.Google Scholar

35. Quoted in Durfee, Calvin, Sketch of the Late Rev. Ebenezer Fitch, D.D., First President of Williams College (Boston: Massachusetts Sabbath School Society, 1865), 45–46.Google Scholar

36. See Catalogue ofBooks, in the Library of Williams College (Bennington, Vt.: Anthony Haswell, 1794); Catalogue ofBooks, in the Library of Williams College (Stockbridge, Mass.: Heman Willard, 1802); Catalogue of Books, in the Library of Williams College (Stockbridge, Mass.: H. Willard, 1812); Catalogue of Books, in the Library of Williams College (Albany, N.Y.: Websters and Skinners, 1821); and Catalogue of Books, in the Library of Williams College (Williamstown, Mass.: Ridley Bannister, 1828).

37. Catalogue of Books, in the Library of Williams College (1821).

38. Griffin, “Sermon preached at the Dedication of the New Chapel,” 18, 20.

39. See ibid., 23, 25, 26.

40. On the dynamic shift in Student social backgrounds from the colonial to early national periods, see Allmendinger, David F. Jr., Paupers and Scholars: The Transformation of Student Life in Nineteenth-Century New England (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1975), chap. 1.Google Scholar

41. For Williams's tuition, see “Minutes of the Meetings of Trustees of Williams College,” April 24, 1785-March 27, 1868, 2 vols. (Williamsiana Collections, Williams College Archives [hereafter cited as WC], microfilm). For Yale's tuition, see Story, Ronald, The Forging of an Aristocracy: Harvard and the Boston Upper Class, 1800-1870 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1980), 98–100.Google Scholar

42. See Richards, Thomas C., Samuel J. Mills: Missionary Pathfinder, Pioneer and Promoter (Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1906), 24.Google Scholar The New Divinity feeder network operated simultaneously on personal and institutional levels. For example, Moses Hallock was an Edwardsean pastor in Plainfield who supplemented his salary by preparing boys for College. Through his personal influence, many young men entered Williams, including missionaries James Richards, William Richards, Levi Parsons, Jonas King, and Homan Hallock. See Yale, Cyrus, The Godly Pastor. Life of the Rev. Jeremiah Hallock, of Canton, Conn. to which is added a sketch of the Life of Moses Hallock, of Plainfield, Mass. (New York: American Tract Society, [1854]), 326.Google Scholar

43. See Membership List, “Theological Society Proceedings, 1809-1829,” box 1, folder 1, WC. By way of comparison, the questions discussed and books read by the members of the Theological Society at Princeton Seminary reflected more traditional (Old School) Calvinist concerns. At the same time, the group occasionally wrestled with the same issues that preoccupied their counterparts at Williams and, as late as 1831, debated Edwards's theory of the will. See “Princeton Theological Seminary, Theological Society,” box 1, nos. 1, 5, Speer Library, Archives and Special Collections, Princeton Theological Seminary.

44. “Theological Society Proceedings, 1809-1829,” box 1, folder 1, WC.

45. Quoted in Kling, , Field of Divine Wonders, 75.Google Scholar

46. I am not suggesting that New Divinity men associated with Williams stood aloof from these controversies. Alvan Hyde and Edward Dorr Griff in, for example, vehemently opposed Nathaniel W. Taylor's “improvements” of Edwards, and Griffin wrote a treatise defending the exercise scheme. However, there is no evidence to suggest that such controversies raged at Williams. For extended discussions of New Divinity theology, see Breitenbach, William, “Unregenerate Doings: Selflessness and Selfishness in New Divinity Theology,” American Quarterly 34 (Winter 1982): 479–502 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Breitenbach, William, “The Consistent Calvinism of the New Divinity Movement,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 41 (April 1984): 241-64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Conforti, Samuel Hopkins; Kuklick, Bruce, Churchmen and Philosophers: From Jonathan Edwards to John Dewey (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985)Google Scholar, chap. 4; Guelzo, Edwards on the Will, chaps. 3, 4; and Kling, Field of Divine Wonders, chap. 3.

47. Hallock, William A., “Light and Love.” A Sketch of the Life and Labors of the Rev. Justin Edwards, D.D.… (New York: American Tract Society, 1855), 11–12.Google Scholar

48. For an extensive analysis of this phenomenon, see Conforti, Joseph, “The Invention of the Great Awakening, 1795-1842,” Early American Literature 26 (1991): 99–118.Google Scholar

49. See Hallock, , “Light and Love.” Sketch of Edwards, 16, 18–19.Google Scholar

50. See Novak, Steven J., The Rights of Youth: American Colleges and Student Revolt, 1798-1815 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Allmendinger, , Paupers and Scholars, 108-10.Google Scholar

51. On French infidelity, see Jedidiah Bushnell (graduated 1797) to Albert Hopkins, November 15, 1840, Williams College Autographs, vol. 2, no. 5, WC. On disorderly students, see “Records of the Faculty of Williams College, 1821-1871,” WC; and “Minutes of the Meetings of Trustees of Williams College,” WC.

52. “Records of the Faculty of Williams College, 1821-1829,” WC.

53. See Allmendinger, , Paupers and Scholars, 119.Google Scholar

54. Hopkins, Albert, “Revivals of Religion at Williams College,” American Quarterly Register 13 (February 1841): 348.Google Scholar

55. Griffin, “Sermon preached at the Dedication of the New Chapel,” 25.

56. Hopkins, “Revivals of Religion,” 351.

57. See Durfee, , Williams Biographical Annals, 139-42.Google Scholar

58. See Sewall, Albert C., Life ofProf Albert Hopkins (New York: Anson D. F. Randolph & Co., 1879), 21, 23–24 Google Scholar; and Rudolph, , Mark Hopkins and the Log, 96–97.Google Scholar

59. For a biographical profile of Moore, see Sprague, William B., Annals of the American Pulpit…, 9 vols. (New York: R. Carter & Bros., 1857-1869), 2:392-97.Google Scholar

60. See Zephaniah Swift Moore, “Articles of faith, and form of covenant, adopted by the Congregational Church in Leicester, Mass., October 3, 1805, while under the pastoral care of Rev. Zephaniah Swift Moore …” (Concord, N.H.: J. B. Moore, 1823), 6-7.

61. See Humphrey, Heman, Memoir of Rev. Nathan W. Fiske, professor of intellectual and moral philosophy in Amherst College … (Amherst, Mass.: J. S. & C. Adams, 1850), 16–17.Google Scholar

62. Zephaniah Swift Moore, mss. sermons, Small Collections, box 4, vol. 8, p. 35, WC.

63. Ibid., sermon nos. 3, 4, 6. Among Moore's published sermons, New Divinity themes are most explicit in “The ministers of Christ dependent on divine influences for success in preaching the gospel. A sermon preached at the ordination of the Rev. Simeon Colton, to the pastoral care of the church in Palmer, Mass., June 19, 1811 …” (Brookfield, Mass.: E. Merriam & Co., 1811).

64. See Articles 2 and 3, “Society of Inquiry, Records, 1820-1834,” box 1, folder 5, WC.

65. On the Unitarian threat, see Cooke, Parsons, Recollections of Rev. E. D. Griffin, or, Incidents Illustrating his Character (Boston: Sabbath School Society, 1855), 34.Google Scholar

66. For a biographical profile of Griffin, see Kling, , Field of Divine Wonders, 126-30Google Scholar, including m. 78, for bibliographical references.

67. Griffin, “Sermon preached at the Dedication of the New Chapel,” 21.

68. Edward Dorr Griffin, “Inaugural Address,” November 4, 1821, misc. mss., vol. 8, p. 35, WC.

69. See Catalogue of the Officers and Students of Williams College, March, 1822. “On the Will” did not appear in subsequent catalogues and was replaced by Leslie's “Letters on Deism.” See also Perry, , Williamstown and Williams College, 426.Google Scholar

70. Quoted in Durfee, Calvin, A History of Williams College (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1860), 238.Google Scholar On the New Divinity understanding of religious experience, see Rabinowitz, Richard, The Spiritual Self in Everyday Life: The Transformation of Personal Religious Experience in Nineteenth-Century New England (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1989)Google Scholar, chaps. 1-5; and Kling, Field of Divine Wonders, chap. 7.

71. Calculations are based on data gathered from Durfee, Williams Biographical Annals.

72. “Theological Society Proceedings, 1829-1842” (July 12, 1835), box 1.3, folder 51, WC.

73. On Richards' theological views, see Sprague, , Annals of the American Pulpit, 4:99–112 Google Scholar; Adams, John Quincy, A History ofAuburn Theological Seminary, 1818-1918 (Auburn, N.Y.: Auburn Seminary Press, 1918), 73 Google Scholar; Gridley, Samuel, “Biographical Sketch,” in Richards, James, Lectures on Mental Philosophy and Theology (New York: M. W. Dodd, 1846), 86–87 Google Scholar; Richards, , Lectures, 97–153, 476-501Google Scholar; and Marsden, George M., The Evangelical Mind and the New School Presbyterian Experience: A Case Study of Thought and Theology in Nineteenth-Century America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), 44–45.Google Scholar

74. Edward Dorr Griffin to James Richards, December 18, 1828, new misc. mss., box 1.3, folder 51, WC.

75. General Bibliographical Catalogue of Auburn Theological Seminary, 1818-1918 (Auburn, N.Y.: Auburn Seminary Press, 1918), 22-77.

76. Birdsall, , Berkshire County, 69.Google Scholar

77. See Rudolph, , Mark Hopkins and the Log, 118-32.Google Scholar The difference between Griffin and Hopkins is a good example of what Richard Rabinowitz in The Spiritual Self in Everyday Life designates as the movement from “a doctrinalist economy of experience” to “moralism” (see introduction, chap. 6).

78. Rudolph, , Mark Hopkins and the Log, 71–72, 213.Google Scholar

79. Perry, , Williamstown and Williams College, 419.Google Scholar

80. Rudolph, Mark Hopkins and the Log. Rudolph employed such terms as “conservative,” “orthodox,” and “evangelical.” In an earlier piece, written during his Student days at Williams, Rudolph credited Griffin with saving the College from extinction but then concluded that, because Griffin's contributions were primarily religious, they “have not been lasting” in their impact. See Rudolph, Frederick, “Edward Dorr Griffin: An Historical Sketch,” Sketch (November 1940): 44.Google Scholar

81. On Brown, see Durfee, , Williams Biographical Annals, 434-35Google Scholar; and [Brown, Elizabeth W.], The Whole World Kim A Pioneer Experience among remote tribes, and other Labors of Nathan Brown (Philadelphia: Hubbard Bros., 1890).Google Scholar

82. Hawthorne, Nathaniel, The American Notebooks, ed. Stewart, Randall (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1932), 50.Google Scholar

83. Edward D. Griffin, “A Sermon, preached September 2, 1827, before the candidates for the Bachelor's Degree in Williams College” (Williamstown, Mass.: Ridley Bannister, 1827), 21-22.

84. I am indebted to John M. Hyde, professor of history at Williams, for sharing his unpublished paper, “The Education of Nathan Brown: A paper presented at a meeting of the Assam Association of North America in Williamstown, Massachusetts, on September 28, 1985, to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the death of Nathan Brown.”