1 Quoted in McGee, Gary B., “Minnie F. Abrams: Another Context, Another Founder,” in Portraits of a Generation: Early Pentecostal Leaders, ed. Goff, James R. Jr., and Wacker, Grant, (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2002), 94 Google Scholar.

2 Abrams, Minnie, The Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire (Kedgaon, India: Mukti Mission Press, 1906), 3–12, 42, 64, 69–70, 72, 77, 88;Google Scholar McGee, Gary B., “‘Latter Rain’ Falling in the East: Early-Twentieth- Century Pentecostalism in India and the Debate over Speaking in Tongues,” Church History 68 (September 1999): 648–65Google Scholar; Kosambi, Meera, At the Intersection of Gender Reform and Religious Belief: Pandita Ramabai's Contribution and the Age of Consent Controversy (Bombay: Research Centre for Women's Studies, 1993), 76–77 Google Scholar.

3 The book may be the most important document in the birth of global Pentecostalism. Scholars of Pentecostalism have called the work the first major work of Pentecostal theology of mission. Abrams, The Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire; Gary B. McGee, “‘Baptism of the Holy Ghost & Fire!’ The Mission Legacy of Minnie F. Abrams,” Missiology (October 1999): 515–22; McGee, “Minnie F. Abrams,” 86–104; Robert, Dana L., American Women in Mission: A Social History of Their Thought and Practice (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1996), 244–54Google Scholar.

4 Anderson, Robert Mapes, Vision of the Disinherited: The Making of American Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 45 Google Scholar; Creech, Joe, “Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal History,” Church History 65 (September 1996): 405–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Barrett, David B., Kurian, George T., and Johnson, Todd M., eds., World Christian Encyclopedia: A Comparative Survey of Churches and Religions in the Modern World, 2d ed., vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 4 Google Scholar.

6 The holiness and Pentecostal movements rarely attracted the attention of scholars during the twentieth century because these religious bodies moved along the peripheries of the Protestant establishment, both globally and in the United States. Only in recent years, as scholars have begun to pay more attention to these movements, have the categorization issues emerged. Allan Anderson provides both a helpful discussion of these categorization problems, as well as a fine survey of the development of world Pentecostalism in Anderson, Allan, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), esp. 42–45, 144–48, and 200–204Google Scholar.

7 Scholars have noted the relative ease with which local or indigenous leaders have been able to reach positions of authority within Pentecostalism. See Martin, David, Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990), 5, 180, 231.Google Scholar See also, Cox, Harvey, Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-First Century (Reading, Mass.: Addison Wesley, 1995)Google Scholar; Jenkins, Philip, The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002 CrossRefGoogle Scholar); and Burdick, John, Looking for God in Brazil: The Progressive Catholic Church in Brazil's Urban Arena (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

8 Recent studies of Pentecostalism outside the United States have expanded our understanding of its sociological impact and its theological characteristics, but most of these studies still see Pentecostalism as a western or American religion at its inception. When academic scholars began to explain the origins of Pentecostalism, they followed the lead of American Pentecostals from the mid-twentieth century who, when they wrote the histories of their own movement, placed the Azusa Street revival in Los Angeles at the epicenter of the movement. In this narrative, Pentecostalism moved from its base in Los Angeles across the United States before blazing a West to East missionary path around the world. Joe Creech, however, has demonstrated that this historiography obscured the reality that Pentecostalism actually emerged in numerous places within the United States. When one gives further consideration to the radial holiness revivals around the world during the same time period, the birth of Pentecostalism takes on a decidedly international character. It also became more international as time went on. Americans may have made up a majority of Pentecostals in its first decades, but they were in the minority as early as 1950. See Creech, “Visions of Glory”; McGee, “‘Latter Rain’ Falling in the East”; Wilson, Everett A., “They Crossed the Red Sea, Didn't They? Critical History and Pentecostal Beginnings,” in The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, ed. Dempster, Murray W., Klaus, Byron D., and Douglas Petersen, , (Oxford, U.K.: Regnum Books, 1999), 85–115 Google Scholar; and Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism.

9 “Modernity,” of course, is a slippery and contested term with complexities and contradictions that cannot be explored or resolved in this paper. Nevertheless, radical holiness is described here in relationship to many of the features that are commonly used to characterize modernity, including individualism, secularism, nationalism, historicism, pragmatism, bureaucratic systemization, and the movement from local to mass culture. See, for example, Nicos Mouzelis, “Modernity: A Non-European Conceptualization,” British Journal of Sociology (March 1999): 141–61; Cheah, Phen and Robbins, Bruce, eds., Cosmopolitics: Thinking and Feeling beyond the Nation (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998 Google Scholar); and Dunch, Ryan, “Beyond Cultural Imperialism: Cultural Theory, Christian Missions, and Global Modernity,” History and Theory (October 2002): 201–25Google Scholar.

10 In his studies of American Pentecostalism, Grant Wacker has identified a deep tension between pragmatic and primitivist impulses, a tension that is closely related to the conflict between modern and traditional cultures. This may explain why Pentecostalism has been alternatively cast as a disinherited “old-time religion” swimming against the tide of modernity as well as a “thoroughly modern” movement fully in step with the times. This tension within American Pentecostalism is found within world Pentecostalism as well. Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited; Walker, Andrew, “Thoroughly Modern: Sociological Reflections on the Charismatic Movement from the End of the Twentieth Century,” in Charismatic Christianity: Sociological Perspectives, ed. Hunt, Stephen, Hamilton, Malcolm, and Walter, Tony, (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshires: St. Martin's Press, 1997), 17–42 Google Scholar; Wacker, Grant, Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Wacker, Grant, “Playing for Keeps: The Primitivist Impulse in Early Pentecostalism,” in The American Quest for the Primitive Church, ed. Hughes, Richard T. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 196–219 Google Scholar.

11 Most of the scholarship of the missionary enterprise from late twentieth century is embedded in these assumptions. One school of thought asserts that missionaries intended to impose Western culture or Western civilization on others. This would seem especially true of missionaries in the imperialist era. William Hutchison, who gives a much more sophisticated reading of the cultural issues involved in missionary work in the past two centuries, has still written that, during the imperialist era, American Protestant missionary leaders spoke “with remarkable unanimity across the theological spectrum” in sharing “a vision of the essential rightness of Western civilization and the near-inevitability of its triumph.” Aslightly different school of thought, best exemplified by Jean and John Comaroff, sees missionaries primarily as emissaries of capitalism who remade the consciousness of non-Western people in the “entrapments of colonizing culture” through their promotion of an empire of inequality, coercion, and dispossession. For a critique of this approach, see Elizabeth Elbourne's response to the Comaroffs. Hutchison, William, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 95 Google Scholar; Comaroff, Jean and Comaroff, John, Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Elizabeth Elbourne, “Word Made Flesh: Christianity, Modernity, and Cultural Colonialism in the Work of Jean and John Comaroff,” American Historical Review (April 2003): 435–59. For representative examples of the westernization thesis, see Patricia Grimshaw, “’ Christian Woman, Pious Wife, Faithful Mother, Devoted Missionary’: Conflicts in Roles of American Missionary Women in Nineteenth-Century Hawaii,” Feminist Studies 9 (Fall 1983): 489–521; Berman, Edward H., African Reactions to Missionary Education (New York: Teachers College Press, 1975), 6 Google Scholar; Tinker, George, Missionary Conquest: The Gospel and Native American Cultural Genocide (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993 Google Scholar); and Jacobs, Sylvia, “The Historical Role of Afro-Americans in American Missionary Efforts in Africa,” in her Black Americans and the Missionary Movement in Africa (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982), 6 Google Scholar.

12 Andrew Walls, in fact, argues that “historic evangelicalism is a religion of protest against a Christian society that is not Christian enough.” In the missionary movement, this ambivalence emerged in attitudes toward “civilization,” a theme that runs through William Hutchison's survey of Protestant thought and foreign missions. Writing about Protestantism in general, Hutchison lodges this ambivalence under the theological tension of Christ and culture. Walls, Andrew, “The Evangelical Revival, Missionary Movement, and Africa,” in Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700–1900, ed. Noll, Mark A., Bebbington, David W., and Rawlyk, George A. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 311 Google Scholar; Hutchison, , Errand to the World, 9–13 Google Scholar.

13 See, for example, Hatch, Nathan, The Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989 Google Scholar Marsden, George M., Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth-Century Evangelicalism: 1870–1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980 Google Scholar); and Carpenter, Joel A., Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997 Google Scholar).

14 See Dayton, Donald W., “From ‘Christian Perfection’ to the ‘Baptism of the Holy Ghost,’” in Perspectives on American Methodism: Interpretive Essays, ed. Richey, Russell E., Rowe, Kenneth E., and Schmidt, Jean Miller (Nashville: Kingswood Books, 1993), 289–97Google Scholar; White, Charles Edward, “The Beauty of Holiness: The Career and Influence of Phoebe Palmer,” Methodist History 25 (January 1987): 67–75 Google Scholar; Synan, Vinson, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971; repr., 1997 Google Scholar); Jones, Charles Edwin, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867–1936 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press 1974 Google Scholar); Dieter, Melvin Easterday, The Holiness Revival of the Nineteenth Century, 2d ed. (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1996)Google Scholar; and Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited.

15 “In many places missionaries have learned the language of the people, have mission houses built assemble,”wrote Knapp on another occasion, “but they themselves lack the Pentecostal baptism which will enable them to precipitate conversionsand sanctification.” Revivalist, January 5, 1899, 9; January 12, 1899, 9; February 9, 1899, 9.

16 Treymayne Copplestone, J., History of Methodist Missions, vol. 4, Twentieth-Century Perspectives: The Methodist Episcopal Church, 1896–1939 (New York: Board of Global Ministries of the United Methodist Church, 1973), 606 Google Scholar.

17 Martin Knapp, a Michigan holiness evangelist who helped found God's Bible School as well as the International Holiness Union and Prayer League, railed against the Methodist denomination that he had left, listing its sins as formality, fashionability, and respectability—all common holiness complaints. Revivalist, August 1897, 1; July 1890; June 1890; December 21, 1899, 9; Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion, 99–105, 115–19.

18 For premillennial eschatology and its relationship to civilization, see Boyer, Paul, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in Modern American Culture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 90–200 Google Scholar; Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture.

19 Many evangelical Protestants in the United States had begun to move away from traditional notions of conversion after the theologian Horace Bushnell argued, in 1847, that the child should not “be converted after he comes to a mature age” but nurtured without a “technical experience … seeming to have loved what is good from his earliestyears.” For the liberal Protestant move away from conversion toward developmental understanding of Christianity, see Bushnell, Horace, “Christian Nurture,” in The American Intellectual Tradition: A Sourcebook, vol. 1, 1630–1865, 2d. ed., ed. Hollinger, David A. and Capper, Charles (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 336 Google Scholar; Gordon, George A., “The Gospel for Humanity,” in American Protestant Thought in the Liberal Era, ed. Hutchison, William R. (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1968), 104, 105Google Scholar; and Hutchison, William R., The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

20 According to Gordon, the “gospel to the nations” was grounded in the principle that “Christian history is an evolution of the Holy Spirit through the rational and moral consciousness of Christ's disciples.” Hutchison, , American Protestant Thought, 104, 105Google Scholar; Hutchison, , The Modernist Impulse, 40, 133.Google Scholar

21 Hutchison, , Errand to the World, 91–111 Google Scholar.

22 See Stocking, George W. Jr., Victorian Anthropology (New York: Free Press, 1987), 149–85Google Scholar; Bederman, Gail, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 126–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jacobson, Matthew Frye, Barbarian Virtues: The United States Encounters Foreign Peoples at Home and Abroad, 1876–1917 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000), 49 Google Scholar.

23 Hutchison, , American Protestant Thought, 105 Google Scholar.

24 See Baer, Jonathan R., “Redeemed Bodies: The Functions of Divine Healing in Incipient Pentecostalism,” Church History December 2001): 735–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Compare, for instance, Abrams's supernaturalistic description of missionary activity to the organizational and structural language of missionary work that emerged in the student volunteer movement after World Abrams, War I., Baptism of Holy Ghost and Fire, 5–12, 88Google Scholar; Philips, Clifton J., “Changing Attitudes in the Student Volunteer Movement of Great Britain and North America, 1886–1928,” in Missionary Ideologies in the Imperialist Era: 1880–1920, ed. Christensen, Torben and Hutchison, William R. (Denmark: Aros, 1982), 131–45Google Scholar.

26 Smith, Amanda, An Autobiography: The Story of the Lord's Dealings with Mrs. Amanda Smith, the Colored Evangelist (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 308 Google Scholar.

27 See Stocking, Victorian Anthropology; Jacobson, Barbarian Virtues; Rydell, Robert W., World of Fairs: The Century-of-Progress Expositions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 19–22 Google Scholar; Bederman, Manlinessand Civilization; and Kuper, Adam, Culture: The Anthropologists’ Account (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 23–46 Google Scholar.

28 Handy, Robert T., A Christian America: Protestant Hopes and Historical Realities (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), 126 Google Scholar; see also Bonk, Jonathan J., “Not the Bloom, but the Root …” Conversion and Its Consequences in Nineteenth-Century Protestant Missionary Discourse, Occasional Publication No. 17 (New Haven: Yale Divinity School Library, 2003)Google Scholar.

29 Still another Baptist spokesperson argued that “civilization is a strange tree that brings forth both good and evil fruit; it blows hot and cold; it helps save some and it damns many whom it touches.” Baptist Missionary Magazine, November 1895, 543–44; February 1895, 42.

30 Nor was The Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire some sort of anomaly within her circles. The holiness and Pentecostal literature of the era reveals a similar lack of reflection or conscious engagement with these issues. See Abrams, The Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire. For examples of holiness and Pentecostal literature, see issues of the Apostolic Faith, the Revivalist, Michigan Holiness Record, Word and Work, the Upper Room, Trust, and the Bridegroom's Messenger.

31 See Synan, , The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition, 22–24 Google Scholar; Wiebe, Robert, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967 Google Scholar); and Hughes, Thomas P., American Genesis: A Century of Invention and Technological Enthusiasm, 1870–1970 (New York: Penguin Books, 1989)Google Scholar.

32 Quotes are found in William McGuire King's study on the modernization and rationalization of Methodist denomination, “Denominational Modernization and Religious Identity: The Case of the Methodist Episcopal Church,” Methodist History (January 1982): 343–55.

33 Taylor, William, Story of My Life: An Account of What I Have Thought and Said and Done in My Ministry of More Than Fifty-Three Years in Christian Lands and among the Heathen, ed. Ridpath, John Clark (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1895), 111 Google Scholar.

34 See Taylor, William, Four Years’ Campaign in India (New York: Phillips and Hunt, n.d.), 141, 237–38, 240Google Scholar; Barclay, Wade Crawford, History of Methodist Missions in Six Volumes; The Methodist Episcopal Church, vol. 3, Widening Horizons, 1845–95 (New York: Board of Missions of the Methodist Church, 1957), 517 n Google Scholar.

35 See Taylor, Story of My Life; Taylor, Four Years’ Campaign in India; Taylor, William, Christian Adventures in South Africa (New York: Phillips and Hunt, 1880)Google Scholar; Taylor, William, Ten Years of Self-Supporting Missions in India (New York: Phillips and Hunt, 1882)Google Scholar; Taylor, William, Pauline Methods of Missionary Work (Philadelphia: National Publishing Association for the Promotion of Holiness, 1879)Google Scholar; Taylor, William, Our South American Cousins (New York: Nelson and Phillips, 1879)Google Scholar; and Taylor, William, The Flaming Torch in Darkest Africa (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1889)Google Scholar.

36 For the debate on the nominations, see the following issues of the Christian Advocate (New York): May 15, 1884, 321, 324; May 22, 1884, 335–36; and May 29, 1884, 351. See also, Hildebrand, Reginald F., The Times were Strange and Stirring: Methodist Preachers and the Crisis of Emancipation (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 75–117 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bundy, David, “Bishop William Taylor and Methodist Mission: A Study in Nineteenth-Century Social History,” Methodist History (July 1989): 197–210 Google Scholar and (October 1989): 3–21, 197–210; and Jacobs, Sylvia, “Francis Burns, First Missionary Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, North,” in Black Apostles at Home and Abroad: Afro-Americans and the Christian Mission from the Revolution to Reconstruction, ed. Wills, David W. and Newman, Richard (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1982), 255–64Google Scholar.

37 See Christian Advocate (New York), May 15, 1884, 321, 324; May 22, 1884, 335, 336; and May 29, 1884, 349, 351.

38 Italics in original. Taylor, , Story of My Life, 695 Google Scholar.

39 The holiness and Pentecostal literature of this era is full of these types of stories. See, for example, Baker, Elizabeth V. and Co-Workers, Chronicles of a Faith Life (1900; repr., New York: Garland Publishing, 1984), 106–16Google Scholar; von Barchwitz-Krauser, O., Six Years with William Taylor in South America (Boston: McDonald and Gill, 1885), 11–20 Google Scholar; and Wacker, , Heaven Below, 130–33Google Scholar.

40 “Surely God had this need in view when He sent me to hasten the opening of this Home,” Baker wrote, “knowing that the famine was so soon to follow.” Baker, Chronicles, 106–16.

41 Quoted in Wacker, Heaven Below, 142.

42 See Creech, “Visions of Glory,” 405–24.

43 Pandita Ramabai and Minne Abrams, for instance, drew inspiration from the news of revivals in China, Los Angeles, and Wales. The Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire, in fact, was published in installments by the Methodist periodical in India, The Indian Witness. See the following 1906 issues: Indian Witness, April 26, May 3, May 24, June 14, June 21, June 28, and December 27. See also McGee, “Legacy of Minnie F. Abrams.”

44 With headlines like “Beginning of World Wide Revival,” Azusa Street leaders reported on Pentecostal conversions from Europe, China, Africa, Latin America, and across the United States, promoting the sense that their revival was one of many revivals simultaneously unleashed by the Holy Spirit in specific locations around the world. See each of the issues of the Apostolic Faith from September 1906 to April 1907.

45 Word and Work, January 1908, 22–25.

46 Bridegroom's Messenger, December 1, 1908, 2.

47 In his autobiography of Jonathan Edwards, George Marsden gives a succinct summary of how these changes in the concept of the self functioned during the First Great Awakening. Marsden, George M., Jonathan Edwards: A Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 436–46Google Scholar.

48 Smith, , An Autobiography, 73–91 Google Scholar, 132, 135, 147–59; see also White, “The Beauty of Holiness.”

49 See Stout, Harry S., The Divine Dramatist: George Whitefield and the Rise of Modern Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1991)Google Scholar; Lambert, Frank, ”Pedlar in Divinity”: George Whitefield and the Transatlantic Revivals, 1737–1770 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Mark A. Noll, “Revolution and the Rise of Evangelical Social Influence in North Atlantic Societies,” in Noll, Bebbington, and Rawlyk, Evangelicalism, 113–36; Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity; and Isaac, Rhys, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740–1790 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

50 Among holiness audiences, Amanda Smith achieved acceptance as a preacher, as did scores of other female evangelists, because of her ability to stir listeners and reap conversions. In the process, radical holiness audiences jettisoned their deference to many of the contemporary and traditional markers of ministerial authority. When the General Holiness Association met in Chicago in 1901, they included her, along with several other women, in the official collection of portraits of the leaders of the modern holiness movement. The portion of this picture that includes Smith's portrait can be found between pages 168 and 169 in S. B. Shaw, ed., Echoes of the General Holiness Assembly, Held in Chicago, May 3–13, 1901 (Chicago: S. B. Shaw, n.d.). See also the advertisement, “A Fine Group for Framing,” at the end of the book. Smith, An Autobiography, 184–85; 198–204; 477–78; Lindley, Susan Hill, “You Have Stept Out of Your Place”: A History of Women and Religion in America (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996), 117–22, 328–39.Google Scholar

51 As David Martin argues in his study of Protestantism in Latin America, Pentecostalism came “equipped with local adaptors.” Martin, Tongues of Fire, 5, 180, 231.

52 Bridegroom's Messenger, February 15, 1909, 1.

53 Upper Room, August 1909, 6; October/November 1909, 6; see also Mbiti, John S., African Religions and Philosophy (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1970)Google Scholar.

54 Quoted in McGee, “Minnie F. Abrams,” 94.

55 See Kingsley Larbi, E., Pentecostalism: The Eddies of Ghanaian Christianity (Accra, Ghana: Centre for Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies, 2001)Google Scholar.

56 See Kosambi, Meera, ed., Pandita Rambabi through Her Own Words: Selected Works (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 10–13 Google Scholar; Martin, , Tongues of Fire; Larbi, Pentecostalism, 421 Google Scholar; and Hughes, American Quest for the Primitive Church.

57 See Daniels, Roger, Coming to America: A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American Life (New York: HarperPerennial, 1991), 218 Google Scholar; Gleason, Philip, “American Identity and Americanization,” in Stephan Thernstrom et al., Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), 31–57 Google Scholar; Sanchez, George J., Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993 Google Scholar); Higham, John, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New York: Atheneum, 1963 Google Scholar); and Ninkovich, Frank, The United States and Imperialism (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers, 2001)Google Scholar.

58 See Bridegroom's Messenger, March 1, 1912, 1; May 1, 1914, 3; Upper Room, August 1909, 5; Kunjappan C. Varghese, “Reformation Brings Revival: AHistorical Study of K. E. Abraham and His Contributions in the Founding of the Indian Pentecostal Church of God” (Ph.D. diss., Trinity International University, 1999), 65, 150; and Sundkler, Bengt, Zulu Zion and Some Swazi Zionists (London: Oxford University Press, 1976)Google Scholar.

59 See Apostolic Faith, April 1907, 1; Bridegroom's Messenger, June 15, 1908, 1; and Said, Edward W., Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979)Google Scholar.

60 Revivalist, May 4, 1899, 9.

61 Quoted in Jacobson, Barbarian Virtues, 221.

62 Abrams, , Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire, 69–73 Google Scholar.

63 See Upper Room, August 1909, 5; October/November 1909, 7; April 1910, 5; June 1910, 5; Bridegroom's Messenger, May 15, 1909, 2; September 15, 1909, 1; December 15, 1909; January 1, 1910; Trust, May 1910, 17; March 1911, 11; and Latter Rain Evangel, December 1909, 22–2.

64 See Bridegroom's Messenger, May 1, 1901, 4; October 1, 1910, 2; March 1, 1912, 1; May 1, 1912, 4; October 15, 1912, 3.

65 See, for example, Bridegroom's Messenger, April 1, 1910, 2; August 1, 1910, 3; April 15, 1912, 2; April 1, 1914, 3; February 1, 1914; May 1, 1914, 3; Trust, May 1910, 17; May 1911, 16; Upper Room, October/November 1909, 6; January 1910, 5; May 1910, 6; June 1910, 5–6; July 1910, 5; and Word and Work, October 1914, 316–17.

66 On a trip to the United States in 1887, Ramabai formed the Ramabai Association, a collection of local groups of women in America under an umbrella organization that helped raise money for her work for women in India. The Ramabai Association landed some of the most influential and respected American Protestants on its board, including Phillips Brooks, Frances Willard, George A. Gordon, and Lyman Abbott. See Heathen Woman's Friend, February 1884, 182; Minutes of the Ramabai Association, 1891, Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary archives; Dyer, Helen S., Pandita Ramabai: The Story of Her Life (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1900), 62 Google Scholar.

67 See, for example, Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai through Her Own Words; Kosambi, Meera, Pandita Ramabai's American Encounter: The Peoples of the United States, 1889 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Vishwanathan, Gauri, Outside the Fold: Conversion, Modernity, and Belief (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 118–52Google Scholar; and Chakravarti, Uma, Rewriting History: The Life and Times of Pandita Ramabai (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 2000 Google Scholar).

68 In India, Ramabai opened a school for high-caste widowed girls, which eventually expanded to include elderly women, lower caste famine victims, sexually abused females, and the blind. Pandita Ramabai published a tract of her sanctification experience, parts of which Helen Dyer reprinted in her biography of Ramabai. Dyer, Pandita Ramabai, 86–90.

69 In fact, Ramabai maintained interest and admiration across the spectrum of American Protestantism, from Unitarians to modernists to fundamentalists, many of whom were deeply intrigued by this Christian woman who still exhibited so many of the “exotic” characteristics of Hinduism. See Edith L. Blumhofer, “‘From India's Coral Strand’: Pandita Ramabai and the U.S. Support for Foreign Missions,” in The Foreign Mission Enterprise at Home: Explorations in North American Cultural History, ed. Daniel H. Bays and Grant Wacker (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2003), 152–70.

70 Bridegroom's Messenger, February 15, 1909, 1. See also, August 1, 1908, 4; Upper Room, August 1909, 4; September 1909, 5; Trust, May 1912, 19; Triumphs of Faith, February 1908, 42–44; and Word and Work, March 1909, 74.

71 After the 1905–1906 revival, the more ecstatic features of the Mukti revival faded away, and the mission returned to a more sedate style of worship. Still, Ramabai continued to inspire American Pentecostals. A number of Pentecostal periodicals carried obituaries or memorial accounts of Ramabai upon her death. See, for example, Triumphs of Faith, June 1922, 138–39; Word and Work, May 1922, 12; and Chakravarti, , Rewriting History, 340 Google Scholar.

72 Trust, March 1918, 15–16. For examples of Pentecostal reports and support of Ramabai's work, see Latter Rain Evangel, January 1909, 13–17; April 1910, 12; June 1910, 12; Bridegroom's Messenger, May 1, 1908, 1; June 15, 1908, 1; February 15, 1909, 1; May 1, 1915, 3; April/May 1922, 2; Trust, May 1910, 18; June/July 1911, 24–25; May 1913, 11; February 1915, 17–18; April 1916, 10; January 1917, 9; March 1918, 15–16; January 1922, 9; Upper Room, August 1909, 4; September 1909, 5; July 1910, 7; Word and Work, February 1906, 56; January 1908, 22–23; March 1909, 74; November 1910, 346–47; January 1915, 16–17; May 1922, 12; Triumphs of Faith, February 1908, 42–44; February 1909, 39–40; June 1909, 125–29; March 1919, 64–66; January 1922, 138–39; Apostolic Faith, April 1907, 2; May 1908, 1; and Latter Rain Evangel, November 1908, 7–12; June 1909, 10; July 1909, 6–13.

73 Trust, March 1918, 16; Latter Rain Evangel, July 1909, 6.

74 Upper Room, October/November 1909, 7.

75 See Wacker, , Heaven Below, 44–51 Google Scholar; and McGee, “‘Latter Rain’ Falling in the East,” 650–51.

76 Latter Rain Evangel, March 1910, 18.

77 See Taylor, Ten Years; and Taylor, Story of My Life. Amanda Smith found the Americo-Liberians to be far more responsive to her preaching than the traditional Kuwaa people. Smith, , An Autobiography, 386–89Google Scholar, 442–47.

78 Martin, Tongues of Fire.