1. Adkins, A.W.H., Moral Values and Political Behaviour in Ancient Greece (New York 1972)Google Scholar, chapters 2 and 3, esp. pp.15–34; From the Many to the One (London 1970), 13–48Google ScholarPubMed; Merit and Responsibility (London 1960), 61–85Google ScholarPubMed. Of special interest is Adkin, ’s article ‘Honour and Punishment in the Homeric Poems’, BICS 7(1960), 23–32Google Scholar.

2. Jones, Hugh Lloyd, The Justice of Zeus (London 1971), 1–28Google Scholar; Donlan, Walter, The Aristocratic Ideal in Ancient Greece (Lawrence KS 1980), 1–34Google Scholar.

3. Culley, John H., Cattle, Horses, and Men (Tucson 1984), xivGoogle Scholar; cf. also 225, 230, 244–46.

4. Walcot, P. has written of shame and honour in Greek Peasants, Ancient and Modern (New York 1970), 56–76Google Scholar. It is remarkable, to me at least, that the ideals of levendia, pallikaria, and timē are left entirely out of consideration.

5. For geographical position, antiquities, history, and lore of Agrapha and Tzoumerka, see Hammond, N.G.L., Epirus (Oxford 1967), 9–37, 443–58, 153fGoogle Scholar. (Hammond spells Tsoumerka).

6. For the history and social structure of Mani see Mexis, Dimos N., I Mani kai i Maniates (Athens 1977)Google Scholar. Pages 17–19 refer specifically to questions raised in this study. On honour and blood feud in Mani see Alexakis, Eleuth. P., Ta Yeni kai i Ikoyenia stin Paradosiaki Kinonia tis Manis (Athens 1980), 100–15Google Scholar. The beautifully written Mani: Travels in the Southern Peloponnese (London 1958)Google Scholar by Patrick Leigh Fermor is a sine qua non for the educated reader with an interest in Mani.

7. For some details on this as well as the beginning of a rare folk song referring to athanato nero see my note on Theogony 775–806 in Hesiod, , Theogony, Works and Days, Shield, tr. Athanassakis, Apostolos N. (Baltimore and London 1983), 53Google Scholar. All translations of Hesiod in this article are from this work.

8. The first three lines of this rare folk song are given in my notes on Theogony 507–615 (Athanassakis [n.7 above], 49).

9. Campbell, J.K., Honour, Family and Patronage (Oxford 1964), 268Google Scholar.

10. Ibid. 298.

11. Ibid. 19.

12. Kuhn, Hans, Edda (Heidelberg 1962), 29Google Scholar; Hollander, Lee M. tr., The Poetic Edda (Austin 1962), 25Google Scholar. The word for cattle is fé, cognate of English fee, German vieh, etc. (see below, p. 179).

13. For a simple case of valuation based on heads of cattle in Homer, consider duōdekaboios, ‘worth twelve oxen’, in reference to a golden tripod (Il. 23.703), and tessaraboios, ‘worth four oxen’, in reference to a slave woman (Il. 23.705); cf. also Il. 6.236. For more details see Athanassakis, A., ‘An Inquiry into the Etymology and Meaning of iphthimos in the Early Epic’, Glotta 49 (1971), 1–21Google Scholar.

14. For an illustration of compensation in kúgildi see Foote, P.G. and Wilson, D.M., The Viking Achievement (London 1970), 423fGoogle Scholar. It should be noted that in Iceland payment was frequently made in sheep, especially rams.

15. Ibid. 428, 430,432 correspondingly.

16. Ibid. 425–27. For feud in which honour is at stake see Byock, Jesse, Feud in the Icelandic Saga (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1982), 73, 100, 134Google Scholar, and especially 182–89 on Gunnarr of Hlídarendi, the central hero of the famous Brennu-Njálls Saga. A most useful introduction to the literature that provides us with the Icelandic sources on social values and poetry is Einar Ól. Sveinsson, ’s Islenzkar Bókmeutir i Fornóld (Reykjavik 1962)Google Scholar. An accessible and eloquent account of the Icelandic tradition and the spirit of the land is to be found in Magnusson, Sigurdur A.’s Northern Sphinx (London 1976), 43–100 and 159–76Google Scholar.

17. The information presented here on Sphakia—and by extension on such parts of Crete as the great region dominated by Mt Psiloritis (ancient Mt Ida) I owe to the kind auspices of the Guggenheim Foundation and to such research as I was able to conduct in these areas especially during the academic year 1987–88, when I worked in Crete as a Guggenheim Fellow. Essentially, I owe it all to those Cretans who received me as a guest and chose to speak to me as such. Also, Dr. Robert Petty, my field assistant in several of my travels is hereby thanked for his labours. There are few books that touch on the subject of honour in Crete, let alone in Sphakia in particular. Herzfeld, Michael’s The Poetics of Manhood (Princeton 1985)Google Scholar offers much useful information on a great range of sociological aspects on the village of Zoniania, to which he refers by the fictitious name of Glendi. Regrettably, he writes little on honour (233f.). Perhaps Patrick Leigh Fermor in his rich volume Roumeli: Travels in Northern Greece (London 1966), 125–44Google Scholar, especially 132–34, still is the best introduction to the sort of spirit that produces honour and levendia.

18. Athanassakis (n.7 above), 60.

19. On the obscure epithets mentioned here and Hermes’ precocious feat of cattle theft see Athanassakis, , ‘From the Phallic Cairn to Shepherd God and Divine Herald’, Eranos 87 (1989), 33–49Google Scholar.

20. Donlan, Walter, ‘The Pre-State Community in Greece’, SO 64 (1989), 5–29, esp. 8 and 18CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Finley, M.I., Economy and Society in Ancient Greece (New York 1981), 1–23 and 243fGoogle Scholar.

21. On this famous fraternal feud see Van Groningen, B.A., Hésiode et Persès (Amsterdam 1957), 153–56 and esp. 164–66Google Scholar.

22. Bintcliff, J.L. and Snodgrass, A.M., ‘The Cambridge/Bradford Boeotian Expedition: The First Four Years’, JFA 12 (1985), 123–61Google Scholar; esp. 138 (where the phrase quoted occurs), 143 and 154.

23. Detienne, Marcel, ‘Crise agraire et attitude religieuse chez Hésiode’, Latomus 68 (1963), 15–27Google Scholar.

24. Nagy, Gregory states ‘the persona of Hesiod as reflected by his poetry is purely generic, not historical’: ‘Hesiod’, in Luce, T.J. (ed.), Ancient Greek Authors (New York 1983), 43–53 at 50Google Scholar. In his ‘Authorisation and Authorship in the Hesiodic Theogony’, published in the present volume, he derives Hesiod’s name from hiēmi, ‘emit’, and *odos, a cognate of audē, ‘voice’, thereby maintaining that the poet’s name belongs to meaningful poetic convention (see above, p. 120). Meier-Brügger, Michael, ‘Zu Hesiods Namen’, Glotta 68 (1990), 62–67Google Scholar, through different etymological details comes to the conclusion that Hesiod’s name is folk-etymological and calls it a ‘Berufs- und Kiinstlername’ (67). It seems, in the face of all this, that Hesiod’s pastoral encounter with the Muses may indeed be poetic fiction, another artifice necessary for the authority he needs in his poem.

25. On the view of this cooperative effort, which clearly involved children, see Detienne (n.23 above), 22–24.

26. On slave labour in Hesiod see Finley (n.20 above), 106.

27. Hammond, N.G.L., A History of Greece to 322 BC (Oxford 1959), 12Google Scholar.

28. Ralph M. Rosen has advanced the interesting view that Hesiod’s Nautilia, that portion of the Works and Days that refers to sailing, is to be understood in terms of an extended and elaborate poetic metaphor: ‘Poetry and Sailing in Hesiod’s Works and Days’, ClAnt 9 (1990), 99–113Google Scholar.

29. See Fontenrose, Joseph, ‘Work, Justice, and Hesiod’s Five Ages’, CPh 69 (1974), 1–16, esp. 7 and 11fGoogle Scholar. on hubris in the myth of the five ages. Note that it may be oversimplifying the argument to state with Matthew W. Dickie that in W&D 224–47, ‘What is meant by dikē in this passage is chiefly determined by the sense of the term hubris, to which it is opposed’ (‘Diké as a Moral Term in Homer and Hesiod’, CPh 73 [1978], 91–101 at 99Google Scholar). A broader and more diachronic discussion of hubris in Hesiod is to be found in Knox, Bernard M.W., Essays: Ancient and Modern (Baltimore 1989), 7–22Google Scholar. For hubris in classical times see MacDowell, Douglas M., ‘Hybris in Athens’, G&R 23 (1976), 14ff.Google Scholar; Fisher, N.R.E., ‘Hybris and Dishonour: I’, G&R 23 (1976), 177–91Google Scholar, esp. 176f. These two articles should be read in conjunction.

30. For a very comprehensive account of matters relevant to kakotēs and aretē see Adkins, Moral Values (n.1 above), 22–47. On aretē and timē in Homer see id., ‘Homeric Values and Homeric Society’, JHS 91 (1971), 1–14, esp. 9–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also ‘Truth, kosmos, and aretē in the Homeric Poems’, CQ 22 (1972), 5–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the problem of morality in Homer see Gagarin, Michael, ‘Morality in Homer’, CPh 82 (1987), 285–306Google Scholar.

31. Andersen, Oevind, ‘Some Thoughts on the Shield of Achilleus’, SO 51 (1976), 5–18, at 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Hommel, Hildebrecht, ‘Die Gerichtsszene auf dem Schild des Achilleus’, Palingenesia 11 (1977), 444–58Google Scholar; Becker, Andrew Sprague, ‘The Shield of Achilles’, AJP 111 (1990), 139–53Google Scholar.

32. For dikē see Gagarin, Michael, ‘Dikē in the Works and Days’, CPh 68 (1973), 811–94Google Scholar, and ‘Dikē in Archaic Greek Thought’, CPh 69 (1974), 186–97Google Scholar. A perspective differing from Gagarin’s is to be found in Dickie (n.29 above), 96.

33. The view that Hesiod is primarily a poet who speaks in various personae and who selects and rearranges details from his own life to suit the demands of his Muse is not one for which I can claim any credit. A well-developed argument on this has been presented by Griffith, Mark, ‘Personality in Hesiod’, ClAnt 2 (1983), 37–65Google Scholar. An entirely opposite view had been presented by Walcot, P., Hesiod and the Near East (Cardiff 1966)Google Scholar; note especially his statement, ‘The Works and Days is an intensely personal poem. Acknowledge this and you will be compelled to admit the truth of what Hesiod has to say about himself, his brother, and his father’ (106).

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39. See Campbell (n.9 above).

40. T.S. Eliot, Burnt Norton 1–3.

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