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The Governors’ Minutes of the Conservatory S. Maria Di Loreto, Naples
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2020
Extract
Most musicians are aware that Naples was an extremely important musical centre in the eighteenth century. The reasons for Naples’ importance were twofold: it was, firstly, a major centre for the performance of music, especially of vocal music and opera; it was also an educational training ground for a large group of composers who, together with their pupils and others influenced by them, constituted what has been called the eighteenth-century “Neapolitan school” of composers. We are not concerned here with definitions of the term “school” and whether the Neapolitan one was, as some would say, a group united by the style and type of music it wrote, or was as others have claimed, a group whose members were all connected with Naples being taught by Neapolitans. It is a fact that large numbers of composers attached to the “school”, whichever definition one chooses, were trained at one or other of the four music conservatories in Naples. And this study, a case study of just one of these conservatories, may, amongst other things, contribute to a larger examination of the part played by Naples in nurturing or supporting this “school”.
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- Copyright © Royal Musical Association, 1972
References
1 For some recent opinions on the aptness of the term “Neapolitan school”, see two articles on “The Neapolitan tradition in opera” by H. Hucke and E. O. D. Downes in the 8th Congress Report, IMS, New York-Kassel, 1961.Google Scholar
1 For information on the demise of the four institutions, see S. di Giacomo, I quattro antichi conservatorii musicali di Napoli, Milan, 1924–8, i. 120ff. & 291–2, ii. 122–3 & 215–6.Google Scholar
2 Contained in Festschrift Helmuth Osthoff zum 65 Geburtstage, Tutzing, 1961.Google Scholar
3 See I quattro conservatorii, ii, 200–3, 205, 208–14, 241–3.Google Scholar
1 Napoli Sacra, Naples, 1624, p. 648.Google Scholar
1 Ibid, pp. 648 & 651.Google Scholar
2 Published by Salvatore Palermo, Naples.Google Scholar
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4 Sometimes also known as the Tribunale di S. Chiara.Google Scholar
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6 See Sigismondo, G., Descrizione della città di Napoli e suoi borghi, fratelli Terres, Naples, 1(1788), 150.Google Scholar
1 i.e. Sacro Regio Consiglio. From here on the abbreviated form “S.R. C.”, a common one in eighteenth-century Neapolitan sources, will be used.Google Scholar
2 Celano, 4th edn. iv. 315–6.Google Scholar
3 Minutes for 10 July 1777, vol. 167, f. 32v. Folios have been numbered in ink throughout volume 167. In volume 168 they are numbered up to folio 169, i.e. the minutes for 3 February 1753, only. The foliation in the other volumes is irregular or non-existent.Google Scholar
1 The full title reads in the original Italian “Illmo Sigre Rege Presidente del S.R. C.” The word “Signore” is always omitted from translations of titles in this study.Google Scholar
1 The day of the month is not filled in.Google Scholar
2 This and other sentences announcing the election results of 1697 are in a different handwriting to the texts of the supplications.Google Scholar
1 The name of the appointee was not filled in.Google Scholar
2 Different minutes call him Puoto and Puoti.Google Scholar
3 The 1704 elections are recorded in vol. 168, ff. 82–5.Google Scholar
4 Vol. 168, f. 95r.Google Scholar
5 Vol. 168, ff. 96v-7r.Google Scholar
1 Vol. 168, f. 100r.Google Scholar
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3 The Loreto came under the War Secretariat in late viceregal times. At some point during Charles III's reign jurisdiction passed to the Secretariat for Ecclesiastical Affairs.Google Scholar
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3 The word banca clearly means in this case a table at which the governors sat during their meetings. In other instances it seems to be used as a collective noun for the governors acting in their official capacity, and some such word as “board” is the nearest English translation.Google Scholar
1 It is clear from the account books that Arrendamenti included income the Conservatory derived from customs duties exacted at various ports within the State, or Kingdom, of Naples. Individual amounts paid in were not large, and appear to have been obtained by virtue of longstanding regulations going back to the sixteenth century.Google Scholar
1 J. Addison comments on the number of lawsuits in Naples at the beginning of the eighteenth century in the following manner:Google Scholar
“It is incredible how great a Multitude of Retainers to the Law there are at Naples …. There are very few Persons of Consideration who have not a cause depending; for when a Neapolitan Cavalier has nothing else to do he gravely shuts himself up in his closet, and falls a tumbling over his Papers to see if he can start a Law suit, and plague any of his Neighbours.” (Remarks on several parts of Italy &c. in the years 1701, 1702, 1703. London 1705, pp. 207–8).Google Scholar
1 & 2 The spelling here follows that in the minutes for 7 January 1706, vol.168, f. 89v.Google Scholar
3 The minutes are far from consistent in their use of the terms “mastro” and maestro”, though “maestro” is the commoner title for musicians.Google Scholar
1 Another term for these was mastricelli.Google Scholar
1 This information on salaries comes from the minutes for 16 December 1760, vol. 168.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for 16 December 1760, vol. 168.Google Scholar
1 The Libro maggiore, or large account book, for the years 1757–64 is still missing from the collection of Loreto account books now housed in the Conservatory S. Pietro a Maiella. There exists however, a smaller Giornale del Esito del 1758, with entries up to 1764, which may have been among the books Nicola Barba was using.Google Scholar
2 i.e. 1377 ducats, 1 carlino, 5 grana. At the time in question 10 grana equalled 1 carlino, and 10 carlini one ducat. It is to be noted that an uneven number of carlini was often expressed in the minutes as an even number plus ten grana. So, for example, 5. 2. 10 meant 5 ducats, 3 carlini.Google Scholar
3 By a legacy of Antonio Battimello the Loreto received in the mid 1690's assets including property at the Piazza del Mercato, Naples. The benefactor's conditions were that with the money derived from these assetsGoogle Scholar
1 ) four masses were to be said weekly for the salvation of his soul and those of his ancestors;Google Scholar
2 ) a number of scholarships were to be provided for poor boys wishing to enter the Loreto. These boys were to take the name of BattimelloGoogle Scholar
3 ) four marriage dowries of 50 ducats each were to be awarded annually by the governors to suitable, poor virgins of the city.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 28 September 1767, vol. 167, f. 8r.Google Scholar
2 The minutes nowhere state what all these jux were. What is certain is that the two chief jux granted to the Loreto, namely, the jux della branca and jux della statela, were not normally controlled directly by the mastro di casa. For more information on the jux della branca and statela, see the section below on the mastro mercato.Google Scholar
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2 Minutes for 17 March 1669, vol. 166: 15 March 1758, vol. 168; This could have been the same house known to be owned by the Loreto (by now joined with the S. Onofrio) in 1805 and then called casa alli Cassari al Pendino. See the legal documents dated 2 January 1806, in which the then head of the Conservatory, the Marchese D. Pietro Cuffari, contracts a loan for the Conservatory for 3000 ducats from D. Giusto Aulisio (MS S. Pietro a Maiella, S. Maria di Loreto, cartelle varie, anno 1805, f. 355r).Google Scholar
3 Minutes for 12 March 1665, vol. 166: 12 July 1682, vol. 168, f. 36r; 8 July 1716, vol. 168, ff. 126v-7r; 4 April 1771, vol. 167, f. 17v; etc. The property was still owned by the Loreto in 1805, see the MS in footnote 2 above.Google Scholar
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5 Minutes for 2 June 1697, vol. 168, f. 62v.Google Scholar
6 Minutes for 8 July 1716, vol. 168, ff. 126v-7r. This property was still owned by the Loreto in 1805, see the MS referred to in footnote 2 above.Google Scholar
7 Minutes for 23 August 1774, vol. 167, f. 31v.Google Scholar
8 Minutes for 7 January 1706, vol. 168, f. 89v.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 26 May 1667, vol. 166.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for 28 November 1667, vol. 166.Google Scholar
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4 Minutes for 6 September 1728, vol. 169.Google Scholar
5 Minutes for 30 December 1739, vol. 169.Google Scholar
1 i.e. the President, the Marchese D. Baldassare Cito.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for the 16 December 1767, vol. 167, f. 11r.Google Scholar
3 For details of that security as it stood in 1742, see minutes for 16 November 1742 vol. 169.Google Scholar
4 This stipend of 2¾% seems lower than what Baldi had been getting; see the information in the Appendix. 5Vol. 167 f. 44r.Google Scholar
1 See minutes for 1 June 1787, vol. 167, ff. 77r & 78r.Google Scholar
2 Found at the S. Pietro a Maiella among a group of MSS, Rari MSS Lettere 27.Google Scholar
3 The crucial statement about the city's intentions seems to be: “…dichiaramo, che la nostra intenzione è stato, & è, che conforme la robba soggetto a misura, che si porta in detto Mercato grande, é soggetta a detta ricognizione della Branca al Mastro Mercato, così anco tutta la roba ch'è soggetta à peso, e si porta per venders à peso, e non ad occhio, o misura deve star soggetto di detta cortesia, o diritto contenuto in detta conclusione”.Google Scholar
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2 Minutes for 16 June 1669, vol. 168, ff. 21v–2r.Google Scholar
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2 Vol. 167, f. 16v.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 167, f. 17v.Google Scholar
4 Vol. 167, f. 25v.Google Scholar
5 Vol. 167, ff. 66v-7r.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 1 June 1787, vol. 167, ff. 77r-v.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 167, ff. 77v-8r.Google Scholar
3 The rectors mentioned by name are D. Vincenzo Viti (minutes for 8 June 1665, vol. 168, f. 4v), D. Giovanni Dominquez (minutes for 1 June 1701, vol.169.), D. Mattia Aurillone (minutes for 11 June 1707, vol. 168, f. 101v), and “the late priest Palmario” (minutes for 21 October 1668, vol. 168, f. 16r).Google Scholar
4 The text of the order of expulsion, in Spanish, was written into vol. 168, f. 104v.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 3 July 1701, vol. 168. ff. 76v-7r.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for 21 July 1701, vol. 169, and 13 May 1703, vol. 169.Google Scholar
3 Minutes for 22 July 1691, vol. 166.Google Scholar
4 Minutes for 20 May 1703, vol. 169.Google Scholar
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1 Vol. 168.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 167, ff. 40r-v.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 167, f. 64r.Google Scholar
4 This word is always found abbreviated in the minutes to “Credlo”.Google Scholar
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6 Witness the minutes for 26 August 1706, vol. 168, f. 97v, when the governors discussed how to cope with students who were disobeying the fratello commesso [sic].Google Scholar
7 The jux della branca and della statela do not seem to have been Sarrubbo's direct concern, except in 1691 when he went to collect the mastro mercato's licence, see above, p. 25.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 20 June 1730, vol. 169.Google Scholar
1 For details of work on the church front, see the minutes for 29 April 1743, vol. 169.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for 30 April 1744, vol. 168, ff. 159r-v.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 168.Google Scholar
4 Vol. 168, f. 18r.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 8 May 1747, vol. 169.Google Scholar
1 Vol. 168, pp. 97v-9r.Google Scholar
2 For details of the governors of 1706–7, see above, pp. 9–10.Google Scholar
1 The final payment to him is recorded under entry no. 
His regular salary was 12 ducats monthly. See the minutes for 27 June 1667 (vol. 166), and entries in the Giornale.Google Scholar
2 under entry no.
. The assumption that Cavallo moved up on 1 December 1675, is based not on the wording of the entry but on his sudden increase in salary (from 4 to 10 ducats monthly) as from that date.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 168, ff. 150v-lr.Google Scholar
4 I quattro conservatorii, ii. 222.Google Scholar
1 S. Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore 1715–48, pp. 399–400.Google Scholar
1 Pietro Antonio Gallo and Gennaro Manna.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 18 January 1756, vol. 168.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 168.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 168.Google Scholar
4 The term “maestro di cappella” is occasionally used in the minutes as a generic one meaning, simply, “music master”. We here use this term in the narrower and equally accepted sense of “head musician” or “head music teacher”.Google Scholar
5 Vol. 166. Gaetano Veneziano was another student mentioned in the same list.Google Scholar
6 Vol. 166. The wording of this minute for 15 May 1672 is ambiguous. It declares that the governors “hanno appuntato che si facci instom con D. Giose Cavallo per che habbia servire il nro Conrio per anni et che se habbia da dare duc. sei il mese et magniare et cama con peso pero che habbia da celebrare messe per l'oblighi di nra chiesa, e durante il tempo che ha da pigliare la messa se l'habbia dare duc. 2. 2. 10 il mese”. It disagrees with a later minute for 9 April 1673, vol. 166, which says Cavallo's salary was increased from 25 to 40 carlini monthly, the rise to backdate to 1 December 1672.Google Scholar
1 Vol. 166.Google Scholar
2 Ibid.Google Scholar
3 Under entry no. 
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4 See the list of maestri di cappella in the Appendix.Google Scholar
5 Minutes for 15 May 1761, vol. 168.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
1 Minutes for 2 September 1685, vol. 168, f. 45v.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for 14 September 1687, vol. 168, f. 49v.Google Scholar
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4 Vol. 166.Google Scholar
5 He was elected to this post in 1704 after Alessandro Scarlatti, the former court maestro di cappella, left Naples. For details of Veneziano's election, see U. Prota-Giurleo, Breve storia del teatro di corte e della musica a Napoli nei secoli xvii-xviii, Naples, 1952, pp. 70–1. After the arrival of the Austrians in 1707, Veneziano was demoted to vicemaestro of the viceregal court.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 25 January 1758(9?), vol. 168. These minutes occur in between minutes for 4 January 1759, and 30 April 1759, and the date 1758 could be a mistake.Google Scholar
2 The Giornale di esito dal 1758 proves that Porpora was paid between 10 April 1760, and 30 April 1761, at the rate of 10 ducats monthly. Entries for 10 June 1760 show that the same day Porpora began teaching (i. e. 10 April), Gallo and Manna received cuts in their salaries from 8 to 6 ducats monthly. Another entry for 3 June 1761, proves that Manna left on 8 May, 8 days after Porpora.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 13 February 1689, vol. 168, ff. 51r-v.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 168, ff. 53r-v.Google Scholar
3 Minutes for 29 July 1716, vol. 168, f. 127r.Google Scholar
1 The minutes are here referring to all the other maestri di cappella who are paid, i.e. Gallo and Manna, and perhaps also the instrumental teachers.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 168. f. 17r.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 166.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 11 May 1720, vol. 168, f. 129v.Google Scholar
2 The minutes for 11 June 1739, record Porpora's election as maestro di cappella. The conditions of his appointment, recorded there, are far from precise about what he should compose. Any specific stipulations about compositions must, therefore, have been laid down in the other “clause to be written separately” (see above) never included in the minutes for 11 June.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 30 June 1722, vol. 168, f. 132v. These minutes state that Barbella was violin master of the S. Onofrio at the time of his election to the Loreto.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for 3 September 1727, vol. 168, f. 136r.Google Scholar
3 Minutes for 20 November 1733, vol. 168, f. 148r.Google Scholar
4 Minutes for 12 March 1779, vol. 167, ff. 44r-v.Google Scholar
5 Minutes for 26 February 1787, vol. 167, f. 74r.Google Scholar
6 Vol. 166.Google Scholar
7 Minutes for 11 March 1668, vol. 166.Google Scholar
8 Minutes for 31 December 1762, vol. 168.Google Scholar
9 Minutes for 30 August 1763, vol. 168.Google Scholar
10 Minutes for 12 October 1762, vol. 168.Google Scholar
11 Di Giacomo, ii. 226, says Corena was succeeded in 1762 by two maestri, one teaching cornet and trumpet, the other oboe. He gives the name of the trumpet teacher (Francesco Napolitano) but not that of the oboist. Existing account books of the Loreto now housed in the Conservatory S. Pietro a Maiello show that Corena continued to receive full pay of 4 ducats monthly till the end of March 1764. Neither Napolitano nor Prota, who stayed on in the Loreto and became its official oboe teacher, received a salary before that date.Google Scholar
1 Acquaviva's real name was apparently Carlo de Vincentis; see di Giacomo ii, 224.Google Scholar
2 Minutes for 9 December 1668, vol. 168, f. 19v.Google Scholar
3 Minutes for 22 May 1743, vol. 168, f. 158v.Google Scholar
1 Minutes for 3 September 1727, vol. 168, f. 136r.Google Scholar
2 The elections of cello teachers in the 1770's-80's are recorded in the minutes but not, for some reason, those of violin teachers. Di Giacomo ii, 225, declares that the violin teacher Saverio Carcais, taught in the Loreto till 1771, being replaced that year by Nicola Coccia, who stayed till 1807.Google Scholar
3 Minutes for 30 December 1748, vol. 168, folio between pp. 163–4.Google Scholar
4 Minutes for 7 October 1750, vol. 169.Google Scholar
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2 The minutes for 31 December 1762, are in volume 168; those for 20 November 1760 and 9 October 1761, in volume 169.Google Scholar
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1 See Minutes for 10 July 1667, vol. 168, f. 10v; 10 August 1667, vol. 166; 12 January 1668, vol. 166; and 23 August 1699, vol. 169.Google Scholar
2 vol. 168, f. 20v.Google Scholar
1 Vol. 168, f. 134v.Google Scholar
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3 Vol. 169.Google Scholar
4 No catalogue number has yet been assigned to the document.Google Scholar
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4 Minutes for 9 December 1668, vol. 168, f. 19r.Google Scholar
5 Vol. 168, f. 24v.Google Scholar
6 Vol. 166.Google Scholar
1 The Libro Maggiore of the Loreto for 1715–48 contains useful lists of educandi and their payments. In 1723, for example, there were 24 educandi altogether, of whom four were Battimello scholars (see note 3 on p. 20 above) each paying 40 ducats annually, one other was paying 30 ducats, seven others 25 ducats, and twelve others less than 25. In 1726 there were 26 educandi. Four were Battimello scholars paying 40 ducats each, nine others were paying 25, and thirteen less than 25. On the assumption there were well over 100 orphans in the Conservatory at that time, this would mean educandi formed but a small proportion of the student total.Google Scholar
2 See above, p.4.Google Scholar
3 The present state of music in France and Italy, 1st edn., 1771, p. 307.Google Scholar
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5 Ibid. This Nicolino was probably the castrato Nicola Paris, known as Nicolino. He is referred to again in the minutes for 15 November 1693 (vol. 166), when the governors cancelled special rations for the music students save for five of them, by name Coluccio, Nicolino, Abbatecola, Consorte, and Amatarazzo.Google Scholar
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3 See above, p.45.Google Scholar
1 iv. 321.Google Scholar
2 Hucke has observed the use of these same terms in documents relating to the Conservatory Poveri di Gesù Cristo. He considers that a paranza, a word normally denoting a special type of sailing craft, here means a detachment or group of music students. (Verfassung und Entwicklung, pp. 150–1.)Google Scholar
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1 S. Eliggio Maggiore, S. Catarina al Mercato, S. Angelo all'Arena, S. Angelo agl’ Armieri, and S. Giovanni in Corte.Google Scholar
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1 Presumably the same as Provenzale's La Fenice d'Avila Teresa di Gesù, performed at the Loreto in November and at the Royal Palace in December of 1672.Google Scholar
2 “Giornali di Napoli dal mdclxxix al mdcic”, published in Cronache e documenti per la storia dell'Italia meridionale dei secoli xvi e xvii, Naples, 1930, i, 60. The quotation is part of the diarist's entry for 26 January 1681.Google Scholar
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1 Three sets of rules are known to have been printed for the Turchini. Copies of all three will be found in the library of the S. Pietro a Maiella, Naples. The titles are:Google Scholar
1 ) Ordini, et istruzzioni quali si dovranno osservare nella Casa Santa, & Regal Conservatorio della Pietà de'Torchini da’ RR.PP.Rettore, Vicerettore, Sagrestano, & altri come segue.Google Scholar
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2 ) Istruzioni, ordini e regole, da osservarsi puntualmente da’ figliuoli di questo Real Conservatorio della Pietà dei Turchini dentro, e fuori di esso.Google Scholar
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3 ) Regole da osservarsi nel Real Conservatorio della Pietà de’ Torchini.Google Scholar
Mazzola-Vocola, Naples, 1769 Di Giacomo gave a resumé of some of the instructions of the 1759 set in his I quattro antichi conservatorii, i, 218 ff.Google Scholar
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2 Tanucci was the most powerful member of the Council of Regents elected in 1759 during the king's minority. In January 1768 he was officially made first secretary of state.Google Scholar
3 See a letter dated 25 September 1763, sent by the Delegate and governors of the Turchini to Tanucci, in which they put the case for not receiving a second of his candidates. They accepted one boy on his recommendation that August. MS S. Pietro a Maiella, Lettere 27, f. 29.Google Scholar
1 Tanucci was dismissed from his executive posts on 26 October 1776. See Acton, H., The Bourbons of Naples (1734–1825), London, 1956, p. 175.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 167, ff. 48v-49r.Google Scholar
1 This is the figure “at present, in 1760”.given in Celano, 4th edn., iv. 317.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 167, f. 8r.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 167, f. lOv.Google Scholar
1 Vol. 167, f. 15v.Google Scholar
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4 The present state, p. 300.Google Scholar
5 Publ. Paris, i. 162.Google Scholar
6 Reminiscences of Michael Kelly of the King's Theatre, and Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, London, 1826, i. 43.Google Scholar
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1 Vol. 167, f. 16v.Google Scholar
2 Principato di ultra formed part of what is now the province of Campania.Google Scholar
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1 i.e. the interim head, D. Giacinto Roselli.Google Scholar
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3 Vol. 167, f. 35v.Google Scholar
4 Vol. 167, ff. 47v-48r.Google Scholar
1 Vol. 167, f. 50r.Google Scholar
2 Vol. 167, ff. 52v-53r.Google Scholar
3 Vol. 167, ff. 54v-55v.Google Scholar
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5 Vol. 167, ff. 60v-61r.Google Scholar
1 No specific day of the month is mentioned for this meeting. Vol. 167, f. 73r.Google Scholar
2 No catalogue number has yet been assigned to the document, which bears the signature of the last rector of the S. Onofrio-S. Maria di Loreto, Antonio Castellano.Google Scholar
1 This is the only reference to Cimarosa and Giordani. There is a second one to Zingarelli in vol. 167, f. 27v. On this page is recorded a governors decision of 22 July 1772, to grant him his request to leave two months before his contract expired, so that he would not “lose his chance for the place in Torre dell'Annunziata”. For the two months Zingarelli promised to be on call to the Loreto for musical performances.Google Scholar
1 The present state, pp. 307–8.Google Scholar
2 Ibid, pp. 325–6.Google Scholar
3 Reminiscences of Michael Kelly, i. 43.Google Scholar
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1 See the resume on the minutes for 20 June 1782, on p. 80 above.Google Scholar
2 The separation of music school from orphanage had to follow sometime. Action on these lines came after Joseph Bonaparte occupied Naples in 1806. On 1 January 1807, the Turchini was given a new constitution, changed into a state-owned Conservatory for music students only, and renamed the Collegio Reale di Musica.Google Scholar
1 He is to be given this title and full responsibilities pertaining to it when the governors’ secretary has defined the duties.Google Scholar
2 The Libro Maggiore of the Loreto for 1715–48, pp.168 and 552, shows that Ianuzzi was elected vicerector on 1 June 1737, with a salary of 12 ducats annually.Google Scholar
1 A footnote (signed by D. Leone Orlando) declares that Lupo commenced his post as vicerector on 22 March 1750. There is occasionally a discrepancy between the official date of entry into a post (which if mentioned will come in the main text of the minute) and the actual one (which may be mentioned in a footnote). Any footnoted date will be put as a footnote in this appendix.Google Scholar
2 These minutes make it plain that all Lanziani had been getting monthly till then was 10 carlini, the salary previously awarded him when he was made prefect.Google Scholar
1 The records ate contradictory over this election. In those of 21 November 1692 (vol. 166), it is stated that Casanova has been asked to leave, and his position as school-master is to be taken over by D. Matteo de Scola, his duties as sacrist and mastro di casa by Franco de Pisano. But those of 31 December of that year (vol. 168) suggest that Casanova was still there until that date, and that his job of mastro di casa was now given to Giannelli. Clearly Giannelli actually got the position, see the further entry about Gianelli on 31 January 1694.Google Scholar
1 He is to be given his title and responsibilities once these have been exactly determined by the governors’ secretary.Google Scholar
1 According to the Giornale di esito dal 1758 of the Loreto, Porpora was paid from 10 April 1760 to 30 April 1761, at the rate of 10 ducats monthly. The salaries of Gallo and Manna were cut from 8 to 6 ducats monthly on 10 April 1760.Google Scholar
1 Both di Giacomo (I quattro conservatorii, ii. 224) and U. Prota-Giurleo (Breve storia del teatro di corte, Naples, 1952, p. 70) are of the opinion that Gio: Carlo Chilo's name was Gian: Carlo Cailò. The governors’ minutes and the account books of the Loreto consistently call him Chilo or Chilò.Google Scholar
2 A footnote to the minute declares that Barbella commenced on 1 July 1722.Google Scholar
3 A footnote to the minute declares that Fiorenza commenced on 27 May 1743.Google Scholar
1 A footnote to the minutes declares Pierro commenced on 1 September 1727.Google Scholar
2 A footnote to the minute (signed by Corena) declares that he commenced on 4 January 1749.Google Scholar
3 Corena nevertheless continued to receive full salary of 4 ducats monthly till the end of March 1764, see the Giornale di esito dal 1758 of the Loreto.Google Scholar