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Technology and Ideology: The Case of the Telegraph

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 July 2009

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Extract

In one of the most famous paragraphs of our most famous autobiography, Henry Adams located the precise moment when “eighteenth century troglodytic Boston” joined industrial America: “the opening of the Boston and Albany Railroad; the appearance of the first Cunard Steamers in the bay; and the telegraphic messages which carried from Baltimore to Washington the news that Henry Clay and James K. Polk were nominated for the presidency. This was May, 1844.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1983

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References

NOTES

1. Adams, Henry, The Education of Henry Adams (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1918; rpt. New York: Modern Library, 1931), p. 5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Thompson, Robert L., Wiring a Continent: The History of the Telegraph Industry in the United States, 1832–1866 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1947).Google Scholar

3. See Chandler, Alfred D. Jr., The Visible Hand; the Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1977), esp. Part II.Google Scholar

4. Among the most readable, accessible sources on the patent struggles is Josephson, Matthew, Edison: A Biography (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1959).Google Scholar

5. Noble, David F., American by Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1977).Google Scholar

6. See Wiener, Norbert, Cybernetics (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1961), pp. 3844.Google Scholar

7. Thoreau, Henry David, Walden (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957), p. 36.Google Scholar

8. Carey, James W., “A Cultural Approach to Communications,” Communication, 2, No. 1 (1976), 122.Google Scholar

9. Carey, James W. and Sims, Norman, “The Telegraph and the News Report,”Google Scholar unpublished paper, Univ. of Illinois, 1976, and Carey, James W. and Quirk, John J., “The Mythos of the Electronic Revolution,” The American Scholar, 39, Nos. 2, 3 (Spring, Summer 1970), 219–41, 395424.Google Scholar

10. Chandler, , p. 9.Google Scholar

11. Marx, Leo, The Machine and the Garden (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1964), pp. 195207.Google Scholar

12. Carey and Quirk.

13. Czitrom, Daniel Joseph, “Media and the American Mind: The Intellectual and Cultural Reception of Modern Communication, 1838–1965,” Diss., Univ. of Wisconsin, 1979, p. 11Google Scholar. Whereas I have commented on the essentially religious metaphors that greeted the telegraph in the essays cited above, Czitrom brings this material together in a systematic way.

14. Ibid., p. 12.

15. Miller, Perry, The Life of the Mind in America (New York: Harcourt Brace & World, 1965), p. 48.Google Scholar

16. Ibid., p. 52.

17. Ibid., p. 91.

18. Czitrom, , p. 17.Google Scholar

19. The poem, by Martin F. Typper, is reprinted in Prime, Samuel Irnaeus, The Life of Samuel F. B. Morse, LL.D. (New York: D. Appleton, 1875), p. 648.Google Scholar

20. Schivelbusch, Wolfgang, “Railroad Space and Railroad Time,” New German Critique, No. 14 (Spring 1978), p. 40.Google Scholar

21. Briggs, Charles F. and Maverick, Augustus, The Story of the Telegraph and a History of the Great Atlantic Cable (New York: Rudd & Carleton, 1858), pp. 2122.Google Scholar

22. Andrews, William P., Memoir on the Euphrates Valley Route to India (London: William Allen, 1857), p. 141.Google Scholar

23. By a vanishing mediator—a concept borrowed from Frederick Jameson—I mean a notion that serves as a bearer of change but that can disappear once that change is ratified in the reality of institutions. See Jameson, Frederic, “The Vanishing Mediator,” Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 5 (Birmingham, U.K.: Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, 1974), pp. 111–49.Google Scholar

24. See Carey and Quirk, and Carey, James W. and Quirk, John J., “The History of the Future,” Gerbner, George et al. , eds., Communications Technology: Impact and Policy (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973) pp. 485503.Google Scholar

25. Carey, James W., “The Communications Revolution and the Professional Communicator,” The Sociological Review Monograph No. 13, 01 1969, pp. 2338.Google Scholar

26. Carey, , “A Cultural Approach to Communications.”Google Scholar On changes in styles of journalism, see Sims, Norman, The Chicago Style of Journalism, diss. Univ. of Illinois, 1979.Google Scholar

27. Steffens, Lincoln, The Autobiography of Lincoln Steffens (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World), 1958, p. 834Google Scholar. For a memoir that discusses the art and adversity of writing for the cable, see Shirer, William L., 20th Century Journey: The Start: 1904–1930 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1976), pp. 282–84.Google Scholar

28. The quotation is from an as yet unpublished manuscript by Douglas Birkhead of Louisiana State Univ. Birkhead develops these themes in some detail.

29. On urban imperialism, see Schlesinger, Arthur M., The Rise of the City, 1878–1898 (New York: Macmillan, 1933)Google Scholar, and Pred, Allan R., Urban Growth and the Circulation of Information: The United States System of Cities, 1790–1840 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1973).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30. Among the few studies on the telegraph and empire, the most distinguished is Fortner, Robert, Messiahs and Monopolists: A Cultural History of Canadian Communication Systems, 1846–1914, diss. Univ. of Illinois, 1978Google Scholar; see also Field, James A. Jr., “American Imperialism: The Worst Chapter in Almost Any Book,” American Historical Review, 83, No. 3 (06 1978), 644–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

31. In making these remarks I am much indebted to the work of Fortner and Field.

32. On these matters there are useful suggestions in Boorstin, Daniel J., The Americans: The Democratic Experience (New York: Random House, 1973).Google Scholar

33. Quoted in Wilson, Geoffrey, The Old Telegraphs (London: Phillimore, 1976), p. 122.Google Scholar

34. Ibid., p. 123.

35. Ibid., p. 210.

36. Thompson, , p. 11.Google Scholar

37. Ibid., pp. 205–6.

38. For additional details, see Carey and Sims.

39. Emery, Henry Crosby, “Speculation on the Stock and Produce Exchanges of the United States,” Studies in Economic History and Public Law, 7 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1896), 106.Google Scholar

40. Cole, Arthur H., Wholesale Commodity Prices in the United States, 1700–1861 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1938), pp. 9496, 103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41. Baer, Julius B. and Woodruff, George P., Commodity Exchanges (New York: Harper & Bros., 1935), pp. 35.Google Scholar

42. Emery, , p. 139.Google Scholar

43. Chandler, , p. 211.Google Scholar

44. Marx, Karl, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (New York: Vintage, 1973), p. 534.Google Scholar

45. Schivelbusch's “Railroad Space and Railroad Time” is the inspiration for some of these remarks. See also his wonderful book The Railway Journey (New York: Urizen, 1979).Google Scholar

46. I am again suggesting a general social process. The invasion of the sabbath and the night time by commerce were also attempts in the late nineteenth century to press against the frontier of time. See Carey, James W., “Culture, Geography and Communications: The Work of Innis in American Context,” in Melody, William H. et al. , eds., Culture, Communication and Dependency: The Tradition of H. A. Innis (Norwood, N.J.: Ablex, 1980).Google Scholar

47. Many of the details on the development of standard time were taken from Corliss, Carlton J., The Day of Two Noons, 6th ed. (Washington, D.C.: Association of American Railroads, 1952).Google Scholar

48. Wiebe, Robert, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1967).Google Scholar

49. Corliss, , p. 3.Google Scholar

50. Ibid. See also Bartky, Ian R. and Harrison, Elizabeth, “Standard and Daylight Saving Time,” Scientific American, 240, No. 5 (05 1979), 4653.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51. Schivelbusch, , p. 39.Google Scholar

52. Thompson, E. P., “Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism,” Past and Present, No. 38 (12 1967), p. 70.Google Scholar