Author's note: I want to thank Eugenie Ladner Birch, Joel Schwartz, Kenneth T. Jackson, and David Hammack for their helpful and rigorous reviews of the text; Gregory Nolan for his editorial assistance; and Ronald Wells for his encouragement and support.

1. Hammack, David C., “Private Organizations, Public Purposes: Nonprofits and Their Archives,” Journal of American History 76, no. 1 (06 1989): 183.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the general background, see Bremner, Robert H., American Philanthropy, 2nd ed. (1960; rept. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).Google Scholar On Carnegie Libraries, see Wall, Joseph F., Andrew Carnegie (1970; rept. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989), pp. 814–29.Google Scholar On the settlements, see Davis, Allen F., Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967)Google Scholar; and Carson, Mina, Settlement Folk: Social Thought and the American Settlement Movement, 1885–1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).Google Scholar

2. Quote from Andrews, F. Emerson, Philanthropic Foundations (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1956), p. 11.Google Scholar Mrs. Russell Sage had inherited $65,000,000 when her husband died in 1906. She used $10,000,000 to establish the Foundation and left it another $5,000,000 when she died in 1918. See Glenn, John M., Brandt, Lilian, and Andrews, F. Emerson, Russell Sage Foundation, 1907–1946 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1947).Google Scholar On the evolution of American foundations, see Bremner, , American Philanthropy;Google Scholar and Higham, John, “The Matrix of Specialization,” in The Organization of Knowledge in Modern America, 1860–1920, ed. Oleson, Alexandra and Voss, John (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979).Google Scholar

3. The early history of PSF education work is detailed in Berman, Edward Henry, “Education in Africa and America: A History of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1911–1945” (Ed.D. diss., Teachers College, Columbia University, 1969).Google Scholar

4. The quote is from the Thirteenth Annual Report (1856)Google Scholar of the New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor (p. 45), cited in Ford, James et al. , Slums and Housing (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936), vol. 2, plate 1A.Google Scholar

5. On the evangelical milieu, see Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll, Religion and the Rise of the American City: The New York City Mission Movement, 1812–1870 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971).Google Scholar Biographical information on the family in this essay is derived from a variety of sources; first, several manuscript collections. The records of the Phelps-Stokes Fund (1911–80) deposited at the Schomberg Center for Research in Black Culture of the New York Public Library (hereafter PSFNYPL) were kindly made available, although not completely processed, by former curator Dr. Robert Morris and his staff. The Minutes (1910–76) of the Board, Housing and Executive Committees of the Phelps-Stokes Fund and related records (hereafter PSF Archives) at the fund offices, were graciously made available by Executive Vice-President Dr. Ronald Wells and the fund staff. Letterbooks of Phelps, Isaac Newton Stokes (1898–1937)Google Scholar in the Manuscripts Collection of the New-York Historical Society (hereafter INPS-NYHS) were used with the assistance of former curator Thomas Dunnings. There is also a small collection of letters by Caroline and Olivia Phelps Stokes in the manuscript collections of the Schlesinger Library at Radcliffe College; these impart a sense of the sisters' personalities. There are additional collections of Phelps Stokes family materials at the NYHS and at the NYPL, and at Yale University Library. Second, there are relevant entries in standard reference works: Dictionary of American Biography (DAB), Notable American Women (NAW), and New York Times obituaries and articles. Also helpful were Berman, , “Education in Africa and America”Google Scholar; I. N. Stokes, Phelps, “Random Recollections of a Happy Life” (New York: typescript, 1932)Google Scholar; Dodge, Phyllis B., Tales of the Phelps-Dodge Family: A Chronicle of Five Generations (New York: New-York Historical Society, 1987)Google Scholar; and Stokes, Olivia Egleston Phelps, The Story of Caroline Phelps Stokes (Underledge, Lenox, Mass., 1927).Google Scholar

6. Bremner, Robert H., “The Big Flat: History of a New York Tenement House,” American Historical Review 64 (10 1958): p. 54.Google Scholar See also Ford, et al. , Slums and Housing, pp. 878–79Google Scholar and plate I-g and IA.

7. White, A. T., Improved Dwellings for the Laboring Classes (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1879), p. 20.Google Scholar White's third project, the Riverside Buildings (1890) on Joralemon Street in Brooklyn Heights, also remains in use. Its apartments were remodeled in 1939 (“A Tenement Turns Inside Out,” Architectural Forum [1939]: 406–7).Google Scholar See also DeForest, Robert Weeks, “Alfred T. White,” Survey, 02 5, 1921.Google Scholar On the history of the philanthropic housing companies in Britain and America, see Tarn, John Nelson, Five Per Cent Philanthropy: An Account of Housing in Urban Areas Between 1840 and 1917 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1973)Google Scholar; and Birch, Eugenie Ladner and Gardner, Deborah S., “The Seven Percent Solution: A Review of Philanthropic Housing, 1870–1910,” Journal of Urban History 7 (08 1981): 3–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. What became known as the “dumbbell tenement” was designed by James E. Ware and won first prize in the 1879 competition that was cosponsored by the AICP and the professional journal, Plumber and Sanitary Engineer. The name came from the shape of the building plan: two rectangular masses connected by a barlike corridor area. The latter contained stairs and communal water closets. On either side of this “corridor” were shallow air shafts that failed to provide adequate ventilation or to light interior rooms. Nonetheless, the Tenement House Law of 1879 encouraged the use of such a plan on a 25 x 100-foot lot and many thousands were built until it was outlawed in 1901. The word “tenement” had a legal meaning concerned with the use of common areas and the number of dwelling units (three or more), but, in everyday usage, a tenement connoted low-cost/low-income housing in contrast to the apartments or “French flats” for the middle and upper classes. On the history of tenements and the early limited-dividend companies, see Ford, et al. , Slums and Housing;Google ScholarTarn, , Five Per Cent Philanthropy;Google ScholarBirch, and Gardner, , “The Seven Percent Solution”Google Scholar; and Gould, E. R. L., The Housing of the Working People: Eighth Special Report of the US Commissioner of Labor (Washington, D.C.: Government Publishing Office, 1895).Google Scholar

9. On Lowell, Josephine Shaw, see NAW; DAB;Google ScholarRich, Margaret E., Josephine Shaw Lowell (1843–1905): A Volunteer in Social Work (New York: Community Service Society, 1954)Google Scholar; and Stewart, William Rhinelander, The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Stewart Lowell (New York: Macmillan, 1911).Google Scholar Lowell's brother was Robert Gould Shaw, commander of the first black regiment in the Union Army, and she was widowed when her husband (Charles Russell Lowell) was killed in battle in 1864.

10. Of Lowell's work, Olivia noted, “It had her [Caroline's] deepest sympathy because it was what she thought was necessary, and what she always spoke of as practical charity” (Stokes, Olivia E. Phelps, Story of Caroline Phelps Stokes, p. 251).Google Scholar

11. City and Suburban set out to “offer capital what is believed to be a safe and permanent 5-per cent investment, while furnishing wage-earners wholesome homes at current rates” (First Annual Report [New York: 05 17, 1897], p. 1.Google Scholar Its success with 4,300 apartments, one hotel for working women (housing 350 people), and two projects of 300 single-family homes and rowhouses is documented in Four Decades of Housing with a Limited Dividend Corporation (Washington, D.C.: Federal Housing Administration, Division of Economics and Statistics, 1939)Google Scholar and more recently in Dolkart, Andrew S. and Macosko, Sharon Z., A Dream Fulfilled: City and Suburban's York Avenue Estate (New York: Coalition to Save City and Suburban Homes, 1988).Google Scholar

12. From INPS, “Random Recollections,” p. 95.Google Scholar Columbia's lack of appeal for Newton is better understood in the context of the curriculum then in place with its emphasis on the study of classical style and the design of all kinds of buildings except multiple dwellings. The latter is ironic since the original intent of Frederick A. Schermerhorn (1844–1919), Columbia trustee, engineer, and businessman, in urging an architectural course within the School of Mines was “based less upon an interest in improving the aesthetic quality of New York buildings than in a concern for the city's poor housing and sanitary conditions. This concern was fueled by his brother-in-law … Richard T. Auchmuty [an architect] … a member of both the Improved Dwelling Association and the Sanitary Reform Society.” See Bedford, Steven M., “History I: Founding the School,” in The Making of an Architect 1881–1981: Columbia University in the City of New York, ed. Oliver, Richard (New York: Rizzoli, 1981), p. 6.Google Scholar See also Ware, William R., “The Instruction in Architecture at the School of Mines,” School of Mines Quarterly (11 1888).Google Scholar Gould and the others all told Newton to go abroad to study housing.

13. See INPS-NYHS, vol. 25, p. 97a, Letter to Fiorella H. LaGuardia, December 28, 1933, on going abroad. Atelier study was the way to prepare for the entrance exams for the Ecole des Beaux Arts. Newton failed his in October, 1894, but chose to work further in the atelier of Henry Duray because of his expertise in apartment house design. See also Howells, John Mead, “From Nouveau to Ancien at the Ecole des Beaux Arts,” Architectural Record (01 1901): 36ff.Google Scholar; and INPS, “Random Recollections,” passim.

14. Edith, (1867–1937)Google Scholar was the granddaughter of one of the founders of the AICP, Robert B. Minturn, a wealthy shipping merchant. See New York Times, 06 13, 1937, section 2, p. 7.Google Scholar The Minturn family, like the Phelps and Stokes, was involved in the pre-Civil War mission movement (see Smith-Rosenberg, , Religion and the Rise, p. 278).Google Scholar She would work with these kinds of antebellum religious organizations, the AICP, the COS, and the Children's Aid Society, as well as such Progressive-era groups as the National Child Labor Society, the New York Kindergarten Association, and various boys clubs.

15. Howells, (1868–1959)Google Scholar, the son of novelist William Dean Howells, was Newton's classmate at Harvard and also went to Paris to study at the École des Beaux Arts from which he received a diploma in 1897. On Howells, see DAB; McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of Architects; and New York Times, 09 23, 1959, p. 35.Google Scholar Given the length and success of Howell's career, it is surprising that there has been no major study of his work, nor of Howells & Stokes. Several of Newton's siblings found their mates or missions in life through the University Settlement connection. While living there, his brother Phelps Stokes, James Graham (1872–1960)Google Scholar met a Polish immigrant, Rose Pastor, and married her in 1905. Newton's sister Caroline met his friend Hunter, Robert (1874–1942)Google Scholar, former resident at Hull House and author of an important study of Chicago tenement houses, when he became head resident at the settlement in 1901, and they were married in 1903. See Zipser, Arthur and Zipser, Pearl, Fire and Grace: The Life of Rose Pastor Stokes (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Carson, , Settlement FolkGoogle Scholar, passim; and DAB.

16. “New Home for Social Work,” 03 2, 1898Google Scholar, “University Settlement House,” 02 5, 1899Google Scholar, and “University Settlement's New Building,” 1899Google Scholar, newspaper clippings, Howells & Stokes Scrapbook, Drawings and Archives, Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library, Columbia University (hereafter, Avery Scrapbook). Theodore Roosevelt, then Assistant Secretary of the Navy, spoke at the dedication of the University Settlement House (Scheuer, Jeffrey, Legacy of Light: University Settlement's First Century [New York: University Settlement, 1985]).Google Scholar Howells & Stokes also designed the East Side Settlement House at 76th Street and the East River in 1900 (right around the corner from the City and Suburban housing), New York Tribune, 04 22, 1900Google Scholar, Avery Scrapbook.

17. See INPS-NYHS, vol. 1, pp. 130, 143, 147, letters of February 5, March 30, and April 23 about shipping arrangements. See Veiller, Lawrence T., “The Tenement-House Exhibition of 1899,” Charities Review (03 1900)Google Scholar, and “Model Tenements-and Others-How New York's Poor Are Housed Will be Explained at the Exposition Universelle,” New York Herald, 03 25, 1900Google Scholar, Avery Scrapbook.

18. INPS-NYHS, vol. 1, INPS to Gilder, Richard Watson, 09 16, 1899.Google Scholar Roosevelt's personal knowledge of tenement house conditions probably derived from his political activity in the 1880s and his term as New York City's Police Commissioner (1895–97) when his friendship with Jacob Riis frequently brought him to the Lower East Side and visits to the University Settlement. See Carson, , Settlement Folk, pp. 145–46.Google Scholar

19. “Tenement House Inquiry,” New York Sun, 04 16, 1900Google Scholar, Avery Scrapbook.

20. PSF Archives, vol. 3, p. 1386, April 18, 1945. Veiller's work as a plan examiner in the New York City Building Department in the late 1890s gave him a detailed knowledge of all of the old law's defects. When Robert DeForest was appointed by Mayor Seth Low as Commissioner of the new Tenement House Department in 1901, Veiller became Deputy Commissioner.

21. INPS, “Random Recollections,” p. 141.Google Scholar On Newton's work, see INPSNYHS, vol. 1, p. 148ff., correspondence following April 26,1900. The best guides to the work and personalities of the tenement house reform movement are Boyer, Paul, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Ford, et al. , Slums and HousingGoogle Scholar; Lubove, Roy, The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890–1917 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962)Google Scholar; and DeForest, Robert W. and Veiller, Lawrence, eds., The Tenement House Problem, 2 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1903).Google Scholar

22. The Hampton was originally planned in 1908, but construction was delayed because of objections raised by the Tenement House Department. Newton attributed these to misunderstandings of the 1901 law to which various “bad” amendments had been made. It took some time to iron out the differences. “With an expert knowledge of the law and every courtesy,” Newton realized that he could accomplish what “the average architect could not afford the time to do.” He concluded that laws which were too detailed and too rigidly applied would inhibit originality, and encourage wasteful and poorly planned buildings. He always sought some degree of flexibility in regulation. On Newton's advice to his aunts and negotiations with E. R. L. Gould, President of City and Suburban, see INPSNYHS, vol. 1, September 6 (p. 256), September 21 (p. 263), September 24 (p. 268), September 28 (p. 274), and October 8, 1900 (pp. 279–80); January 15, 1901 (p. 301); vol. 2, October 2, 1902 (pp. 58–60); vol. 3, February 4,1907 (pp. 170–73); vol. 4, March 23, 1908 (pp. 66–68); also PSF-NYPL, Letter to INPS from E. R. L. Gould, June 21, 1911; “New Tenements for Negroes on City's Most Populous Block,” The World, 01 21, 1901Google Scholar, and “City and Suburban Homes,” The Evangelist, 11 8, 1900Google Scholar, Avery Scrapbook. The sisters gave money to both Tuskegee and Hampton Institutes (in Virginia) for buildings and scholarships, and various members of the Phelps-Stokes family served on their boards. Mary Ovington White (1865–1951) lived in the Tuskegee while writing Half a Man (1911)Google Scholar, her famous study of black housing, employment, family life, and discrimination; she was also a founder of the NAACP in 1909.

23. Olivia wanted the Dudley model tenements to serve the “really poor” and expected to purchase City and Suburban stock to fund their construction. When City and Suburban wanted changes that would have made the buildings too expensive to serve that population, she set up a family company to build them with Newton. In 1915, Olivia Phelps Stokes gave to the PSF the Dudley houses and the mortgage on another property in return for $5,000 in cash. In 1925, City and Suburban purchased the buildings from the fund. See PSF Archives, vol. 2, 11 21, 1934, p. 793Google Scholar; City and Suburban Homes Annual Reports; and PSFNYPL Housing Project Files, Correspondence 1915–25.

24. In INPS-NYHS vols. 1 and 2, there are numerous letters of advice from Newton to people who had solicited his advice on building improved tenements in various American cities. Over and over again, he explained how it was possible to build “thoroughly adequate housing, omitting all unnecessary luxuries, at the lowest rates consistent with good construction and a sound business investment” (emphasis added), to Allen, William H. (general agent of the AICP), 06 19, 1906Google Scholar, INPS-NYHS, vol. 3, pp. 75–77. See also vol. 25, INPS to mayor-elect Fiorella H. LaGuardia, December 28, 1933, p. 97a; and INPS to Franklin Delano Roosevelt, April 12, 1935, p. 497. The best critical analysis of Newton's housing ideas and designs, their strengths and weaknesses, is Lubove, Roy, “I.N. Phelps Stokes: Tenement Architect, Economist, Planner,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 23 (05 1964): 75–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25. A sampler of Howells & Stokes projects reveals that they had commissions from all over the United States: the Baltimore Stock Exchange; office buildings in New York, San Francisco, and Seattle; the American Geographic Society headquarters in New York; and educational buildings at Teachers College (Columbia University), Yale, Harvard, and Tuskegee. They received commissions from Stokes family members for houses, apartment buildings, the Madison Square Church House, and memorial buildings at various institutions. The stature of the firm was such that it was invited to submit plans to many of the noteworthy competitions of the era.

26. Newton later wrote that this article “exerted a wide-spread influence by attracting interest to the possibilities of better housing, principally by the use of larger lots and units. It may be regarded,” he concluded, “as the starting point in the design of modern low-rent model tenements in New York” (Ford, et al. , Slums and Housing, p. 883).Google Scholar On Flagg's tenement work, see Bacon, Mardges, Ernest Flagg: Beaux-Arts Architect and Urban Reformer (New York: The Architectural History Foundation, 1986).Google Scholar

27. INPS-NYHS, vol. 3, p. 173, February 4, 1907.

28. PSF Archives, vol. 1, p. 11Google Scholar; and Stokes, Olivia Phelps, Story of Caroline Phelps Stokes, pp. 37–38.Google Scholar

29. PSF Archives, vol. 3, 11 15, 1944, p. 1354Google Scholar, Anson Phelps Stokes; and vol. 1, May 24, 1911, p. 43. Olivia also purchased City and Suburban stocks, owning two thousand shares at the time of her death (part of an estate valued at over $2,000,000). See New York Times, 12. 14, 1927Google Scholar; and New York Tribune, 04 10, 1929.Google Scholar

30. PSF Archives, vol. 1, p. 379Google Scholar, January 21, 1926, and p. 389, November 17, 1926.

31. On Angela Burdett-Coutts, see Tarn, , Five Per Cent Philanthropy, pp. 30–31.Google Scholar On the emergence of women as donors, see McCarthy, Kathleen D., Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago, 1849–1929 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).Google Scholar McCarthy points out that it is not until the late 1890s that gifts of $100,000 or more from women begin to appear. Both Mrs. Elizabeth Milbank Anderson (Milbank Memorial Fund, 1905) and Mrs. Russell Sage (RSF, 1907) don't act until more than a decade after Carolne had drawn-up her will.

32. Copy of will (June 29, 1893) and Incorporation Act (February 6, 1911, in Senate) in PSF Archives, vol. 1Google Scholar; also, “Mrs. (sic) Stokes's Will Approved,” New York Times, 02 24, 1910, p. 5.Google Scholar The wording of the means to carry out the trust is identical to the Russell Sage Foundation act of incorporation (Glenn, et al. , Russell Sage Foundation, p. 11).Google Scholar

33. The three non-family members were stipulated by category in the will: the Episcopal Bishop of New York, Greer, David H. (serving 1910–1923)Google Scholar; the Chancellor of New York University, McCracken, John (1911–1912)Google Scholar; and Sheldon, Edward W. (1911–1934).Google Scholar Caroline Phelps Stokes believed that “Family should always be largely represented in the Board of Trustees” (PSF Archives, vol. 2, p. 783, 04 25, 1934).Google Scholar

34. By age 26, Anson had inherited or been given $6.5 million by his grandfather and father. Biographical information from Berman, “Education in Africa and America”; DAB; New York Times, 08 15, 1958Google Scholar; and various documents in the PSF Archives, INPS-NYHS, and PSF-NYPL collections.

35. On Peabody, see Tarn, , Five Per Cent Philanthropy, pp. 44–51ff.Google Scholar; “Phipps Gives Million for Model Tenement,” New York Times, January 14, 1904, p. 1; “How Mr. Phipps's $1,000,000 will Be Used,” New York Times, 01 22, 1905, vol. 3, p. 3Google Scholar; and “To Benefit Negroes by Model Tenements,” New York Times, 02 28, 1905, p. 9.Google Scholar

36. PSF Archives, vol. 1, 11 15, 1911Google Scholar, and April 19, 1916.

37. PSF-NYPL Housing Projects Files, 1921 Competition Program.

38. See “‘Best Homes in the World for Workingmen’ In the New Phelps-Stokes Model Tenement,” The Evening News, 02 6, 1922, p. 3Google Scholar, in INPSNYHS Housing Projects Files; and PSF Archives, vol. 1, pp. 265–67Google Scholar, April 19, 1922, and November 21,1923. These tenements were sold to the City and Suburban Homes Company in 1925, which had managed them for the fund. The floor plan was published in Ford, et al. , Slums and Housing, vol. 2, plate 17A.Google Scholar

39. These are described in Ford, et al. , Slums and HousingGoogle Scholar; and in Wood, Edith Elmer, Recent Trends in American Housing (New York: Macmillan, 1931).Google Scholar

40. PSF Archives, vol. 1, p. 415Google Scholar, June 6, 1927. Slade, Francis Louis (1870–1944)Google Scholar served as a trustee of the fund from 1911 to 1936, and as an officer of the City and Suburban Housing Corporation. He was the son of Slade, Elizabeth Stokes (1839–1875)Google Scholar, the oldest sister of Caroline and Olivia. He graduated from Yale with his cousin, Newton, in 1891. See New York Times, 10 5, 1944, p. 23.Google Scholar

41. The most complete records on the APPHG are in the PSF-NYPL. Additional material can be found in the PSF Archives, 1927–57. The idea originated in 1910 out of a conference organized by Miss Marshall on “Housing for Working Girls.” See PSF-NYPL, Minutes and Legal Papers of the APPHG, 1920–1031; Certificate of Incorporation and By Laws; Minutes of the Board, December 16, 1930; Correspondence, Letter to Governor Smith, Alfred E., 03 21, 1923Google Scholar; Letter to Noteholders and Other Creditors, October 14, 1944, Exhibit A; and Informal Memorandum re Status of the APPHG, November 1, 1943.

42. The clubs were originally in rental space. Having to purchase the Club McLean space when the owner threatened to sell the property created a heavy financial burden. See Ford, et al. , Slums and Housing, p. 756Google Scholar; PSF-NYPL, APPHG Correspondence, Cornelia Marshall to Samuel Worthen, April 25, 1930. There was a long history of attempts by organizations such as the YWCA, City and Suburban Homes, and religious groups to provide safe and inexpensive housing for working women in New York. The Junior League had raised funds to build the Hotel for Working Women (1911) at East River Drive and 78th Street under the aegis of City and Suburban. See Ford, et al. , Slums and HousingGoogle Scholar, ch. 37, “Housing Projects for Single Men and Women”; and Dolkart, and Macosko, , A Dream Fulfilled, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar

43. PSF-NYPL, APPHG Files, History of Club Caroline, November 1943. Mildred Stokes Hooker, a niece of Caroline Phelps Stokes and a trustee of the PSF for ten years (1929–1939)Google Scholar, was also known by her married name, Mrs. Ransom Spaford Hooker. Originally the APPHG wanted to create housing for “low wage white girls,” but when Mildred took this proposal informally to Anson, he suggested that the organization direct its efforts to “Negro girls” in line with the mission of the PSF. Mildred Hooker, with the assistance of Mary Simkhovitch and Cornelia Marshall, was able to persuade the APPHG to make this change, calling it “an opportunity for service which we should not pass up” (PSF Board, vol. 3, p. 1305Google Scholar, November 17, 1943).

44. Quoted in Wood, Edith Elmer, Recent Trends in American Housing, p. 224.Google Scholar Wood reported that blacks generally paid one-third of their income for rent in contrast to the one-fifth spent by whites. The twenty-year PSF mortgage was composed of $50,000 at no interest drawn from the Accumulated Housing Fund and $50,000 at six percent interest from the general treasury. A $40,000 first mortgage from the U.S. Trust Company and $15,000 loaned by several board members provided funds for renovation. See PSF Archives, vol. 1, p. 427Google Scholar, November 16, 1927, and p. 495, November 21, 1928; PSF-NYPL, Minutes APPHG, December 16, 1927, and Informal Memo re Status of APPHG, November 1, 1943. Funding the housing for women reflected Caroline's special feeling for helping women. In her will, she gave gifts to the Peabody Home for Aged and Indigent Women in West Farms, New York, to the New York Infirmary for Women and Children and the Women's Medical College in New York City, and to the School for Girls at Northfield, Massachusetts.

45. Information on Ethel May Caution (a.k.a. Ethel Caution-Davis) from the Wellesley College Archives (Alumnae Biographical Files) which drew my attention to Roses, Lorraine Elena and Randolph, Ruth Elizabeth, Harlem: Renaissance and Beyond (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1990), pp. 51–53.Google Scholar Ms. Caution was a published poet and essayist, and, during the 1930s, was employed by the Emergency Relief Bureau. She ended her career with the New York City Department of Welfare. Information on the house from APPHG records, Ford, et al. , Slums and Housing, p. 756Google Scholar; and PSF-NYPL newspaper clippings, “Club Caroline Opens to Help Negro Girls,” The World, 08 12, 1928Google Scholar; “Plan Modern Homes for Harlem's Working Girls,” New York Amsterdam News, 08 15, 1928Google Scholar; “Club Caroline, A New Residence Home for Girls,” The New York Age, 08 18, 1928.Google Scholar The World article credited the idea of a home for black women to Mrs. Lillian Alexander, wife of a Harlem doctor, in a 1918 speech to the Russell Sage Foundation.

46. On the employment situation of black women during the depression, see Ware, Susan, Holding Their Own: American Women in the 1930s (Boston: Twayne, 1982)Google Scholar; and Jones, Jacqueline, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1985).Google Scholar

47. See PSF-NYPL, APPHG Minutes, May 21, 1929ff.; Memo re Status, November 1, 1943; PSF Archives, vol. 2, pp. 687 and 693, April 5, 1933, and vol. 3, p. 1181, November 17, 1940, and p. 1201, November 20, 1940.

48. Quote and financial data from PSF-NYPL Correspondence, Informal Memorandum, November 1, 1943; and PSF Archives, vol. 3, pp. 1305–6, 11 17, 1943.Google Scholar

49. PSF-NYPL Correspondence, MrsHooker, Mildred to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 11 12, 1943.Google Scholar The principal that low-income housing — all of the clubs sponsored by the APPHG as well as other organizations — should not be subsidized was almost a religious creed to Miss Marshall. She believed that keeping rents artificially low would undermine individual self-esteem and would also permit employers to pay women low wages. Applying for a tax exemption for club property was a concession. Edith Elmer Wood mocks the arguments about how housing subsidies would humiliate people in light of the eagerness of banks, manufacturers, and steamship lines to accept various forms of subsidies through tariffs or tax laws (pp. 284–85). See also Ford, et al. , Slums and Housing, p. 762Google Scholar, on Club Marshall's problems: “unemployment and reduced wages, together with overbuilding in that vicinity of endowed residential clubs for this occupational and sex group, have in recent years [1936 text] kept the vacancy rate too high to permit operation without an annual deficit. These years are abnormal, and the problem of securing adequate minimum wages for female labor is still unsolved, and so one cannot state with assurance that this type of remodeling project will prove a solution.”

50. PSF-NYPL APPHG Correspondence, May 23, 1944. She was probably referring to the Harlem riots of 1943.

51. PSF-NYPL Minutes of the Board, May 2,1944; Correspondence, Letter to Noteholders and Other Creditors of the APPHG from Anson Phelps Stokes, October 14, 1944; and PSF Archives, vol. 6, p. 2194, 11 20, 1957.Google Scholar

52. Newton and his wife made their own personal donation to the committee at the same time (INPS-NYHS, vol. 29, November 11, 1931, INPS to Mrs. Edwin G. Merrill).

53. PSF Archives, vol. 2, p. 601Google Scholar, November 18, 1931; p. 631, April 20, 1932; November 16,1932; p. 675, April 5, 1933; p. 751, November 15,1933; p. 475, April 25, 1934; and PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, Anson Phelps Stokes to James Ford, July 8, 1933. “Income has been $75,000 a year to the Fund but a decrease of $5,000 is anticipated because of a lower dividend from the City and Suburban Homes stock.”

54. PSF Archives, vol. 2, p. 691, April 5, 1933Google Scholar, and Architectural Competition Program, April 22, 1933.

55. Newton first wrote about such a plan to A. T. White and Robert De Forest in 1900–1 and published it as “A Plan for Tenements in Connection with a Municipal Park,” in DeForest, and Veiller, , Tenement House Problem, vol. 1, pp. 57–64Google Scholar; INPS-NYHS, vol. 1, p. 296, December 11,1890 [INPS to ATW] and p. 306, January 31, 1901 (INPS to DeForest). It is interesting to note that the 200 × 400 lot was used in the 1894 competition sponsored by the Improved Housing Council.

56. Newton felt that no new construction could be done in New York City at a low enough cost to serve families who could afford to pay only $6.00 to $8.00 per room a month; that situation was “hopeless.” Yet, when the New York City Housing Authority began construction, its goal was to provide housing at $5.00 to $7.00 a room per month. See Post, Langdon W., Wages, Slums and Housing: A Few Questions and Answers (New York: NYCHA, 1936), p. 7.Google Scholar As construction started, the NYCHA would find it “utterly impossible to build housing developments which can rent at any figure under $6.00.” See [Harrison, Charles Yale] Housing Confronts Congress (New York: NYCHA, 1937), p. 8.Google Scholar

57. Newton was among the founders of the Grand Central Galleries in 1923. They were established, he wrote to Morgan, J. P. in 1934Google Scholar, “to popularize among artists and laymen interest in really good painting and good sculpture” and to combat “the tendency to anything approaching the extremes of modernistic art” (INPS-NYHS, vol. 25, p. 356, December 4, 1934). On the exhibition, architects, and plans, see also INPS-NYHS, vol. 24, p. 445, May 2, 1933, INPS to Francis Louis Slade; PSF-NYPL Competition Newspaper Clippings, “Phelps-Stokes Prize Winners Know Slums,” Herald Tribune, 06 4, 1933Google Scholar; “Garden Space Stressed in Low Cost Housing Design,” Real Estate Record & Guide, 06 3, 1933Google Scholar; and “Housing Prize Won with Cross Plan,” New York Times, 06 1, 1933.Google Scholar

58. PSF-NYPL Competition, “Solution of Slum Clearance in Large Scale Housing,” East Side Chamber News 6, no. 6 (06 1933)Google Scholar; and INPS-NYHS, vol. 24, p. 477, June 6, 1933, INPS to Joseph Platzker. Platzker (1901–68) would serve as Commissioner of Housing and Buildings under Mayor LaGuardia, then head the City Vacancy Listing Bureau. He was known for his hands-on approach and his formidable knowledge of the city's building code.

59. PSF Archives, vol. 2, p. 737, 11 15, 1933.Google Scholar

60. Biographical information on Ford from an obituary in The American City, 06 1944, p. 75Google Scholar; note in Ford, et al. , Slums and HousingGoogle Scholar, Table of Contents; and PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Files.

61. The BHA was organized by Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover in 1922 to promote improved small housing design through local committees of architects, developers, and builders around the country. See Ford, James, “1932 Better Homes in America Small House Architectural Competition,” Architectural Record 73 (03 1933): 196–216.Google Scholar

62. PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, Stokes, Anson Phelps to Ford, , 07 8, 1933.Google Scholar See also letter of July 13, 1933, Anson to Newton.

63. All quotes are from PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, two letters of July 17, 1933, from Ford to INPS. See also “Research Project submitted by Professor James Ford” of same date. George N. Thompson, trained as a civil engineer, had been with the National Bureau of Standards in the 1920s before serving as Assistant Chief of the Division of Housing and Building and Secretary of the Building Code Committee at the Department of Commerce. After the Ford project, he returned to the Bureau of Standards and became Chief of the Division of Codes and Specifications (biographical notes from Slums and Housing and Pencil Points 27 [July 1946]: 18). Morrow worked for the President's Conference on Home Building and Home Ownership, and for Better Homes in America. She apparently married Ford sometime in the 1930s (biographical notes from Slums and Housing and Ford, Katherine Morrow, “Modern Is Regional,” House & Garden 79 [03 1941]).Google Scholar

64. INPS-NYHS, vol. 24, pp. 487–88Google Scholar, INPS to Francis L. Slade; and pp. 489 and 497, July 21 and August 4, 1933, INPS to Mrs. Ransome S. Hooker. Also PSFNYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, July 19, 1933, INPS to Anson Phelps Stokes.

65. PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, July 22 and 25, 1933, Anson Phelps Stokes to INPS.

66. Wood, , Recent Trends in American Housing, pp. 274, 144Google Scholar. The plan was composed of an eight-volume survey (in ten books) and two-volume regional plan. Volumes 6 (Housing Conditions in the New York Region by Adams, Thomas, pp. 203–349)Google Scholar and 7 actually contained several hundred pages on housing and community planning, but Wood was probably put off by the plan's disapproval of any form of direct housing subsidy or public construction of housing; again, it was argued that such activity would be “injurious” to the recipients. The Regional Plan was also criticized for its lack of vision and inability to consider the need for controlling growth. Among the most persuasive critics were Lewis Mumford and other members of the Regional Planning Association of America (distinct from the Regional Plan Association set up to implement the plan). For background on the plan and its critics, see Kantor, Harvey A., “Charles Dyer Norton and the Origins of the Regional Plan of New York,” and Paul Dixon Goist, “Seeing Things Whole: A Consideration of Lewis Mumford,” in The American Planner: Biographies and Recollections, ed. Kreuckeberg, Donald (London: Methuen, 1983)Google Scholar; Johnson, David A., “Regional Planning for the Great American Metropolis: New York Between the World Wars,” in Two Centuries of American Planning, ed. Schaffer, Daniel (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Schaffer, Daniel, Garden Cities for America: The Radburn Experience (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Wilson, William H., “Moles and Skylarks,” in Kreuckeberg, Donald A., ed., Introduction to Planning History in the United States (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; and Lubove, Roy, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963).Google Scholar

67. The studies were Negro Education in the United States (1916)Google Scholar, Education in Africa (1922)Google Scholar, Education in East Africa (1925)Google Scholar, and The Problem of Indian [Native American] Administration (1928).Google Scholar

68. INPS-NYHS, vol. 25, p. 435, 02 15, 1935Google Scholar, INPS to Francis Lewis Slade.

69. PSF Archives, vol. 2, p. 719, 11 15, 1933Google Scholar; pp. 821–23, November 21, 1934; pp. 841, 847, November 22, 1935; pp. 893–99, April 15, 1936; vol. 3, p. 947, November 18, 1936; and pp. 1150–51, April 19, 1939. INPS-NYHS, vol. 25, p. 435, February 15, 1935, INPS to Francis L. Slade; and letters of February–March. PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, August 8, 1933, Anson Phelps Stokes letter to Thomas Jesse James; resolution of the PSF Housing Committee July 26, 1933; Anson Phelps Stokes to INPS, September 29, 1933; Slum Clearance Committee Announcement, September 5, 1934; April 22, 1935, James Ford to Anson Phelps Stokes; June 4, 1935, John Nolen to David T. Pottinger; July 18, 1935, Anson Phelps Stokes to James Ford; and November 2, 1937, David Pottinger to L. A. Roy.

70. PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, Roy, L. A. to Ford, James, 01 8, 1937Google Scholar; Publicity brochure c. 1937 quoting the American Economic Review, the Social Science Review, the Annals of the American Academy of Politics and Social Science, and Architectural Forum; and Ford, James to INPS, J. D. Rockefeller to Anson Phelps Stokes, 05 5, 1938.Google Scholar

71. PSF-NYPL Slums and Housing Correspondence, Ford, James to INPS, 05 10, 1937Google Scholar; Pottinger, David to Roy, L. A., 11 2, 1937Google Scholar; Roy, L. A. to Ford, , 12 22, 1937Google Scholar; Report on Slums and Housing, 04 20, 1938Google Scholar; Roy, L. A. to Ford, James, 02 21, 1939Google Scholar; INPS note February 11, 1939; and PSF Archives, Housing Committee Minutes, 02 17, 1939.Google Scholar

72. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, Buttenheim, Harold to INPS, two letters of 03 11, 1937Google Scholar and attachments (reference to vol. 2, ch. 42 in Slums and Housing, pp. 850–51)Google Scholar: INPS to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 03 20, 1937Google Scholar; Stokes, Anson Phelps to Buttenheim, Harold, 03 24, 1937Google Scholar; and Buttenheim, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 03 29, 1937Google Scholar. In Anson's letter of March 24, he notes that the Slums and Housing project cost almost double its original allocation, making the trustees wary of taking on major new commitments. The Russell Sage Foundation had funded the Regional Plan Association to promote the Regional Plan; see Glenn, et al. , Russell Sage Foundation, 1907–1946, vol. 2, pp. 451, 464–65.Google Scholar

73. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, Ihlder, John to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 03 30, 1937.Google Scholar

74. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, Stokes, Anson Phelps to Buttenheim, Harold, 04 1, 1937Google Scholar; Stokes, Anson Phelps to trustees PSF 04 6, 1937Google Scholar; Buttenheim, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 04 16, 1937Google Scholar; INPS to James Ford, 04 22, 1937Google Scholar; Stokes, Anson Phelps to Buttenheim, Harold, 04 22, 1937Google Scholar; Buttenheim, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 04 24, 1937Google Scholar; and Buttenheim, to Roy, L. A., 12 8, 1937 (gift raised to $7,500).Google Scholar

75. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence: Buttenheim, Harold to INPS 11 11, 1937Google Scholar; “Housing Group Makes Report,” New York Sun, 03 7, 1938Google Scholar; Stewart, Florence to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 04 14, 1939 (quote)Google Scholar; and Buttenheim, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 04 19, 1938.Google Scholar

76. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence INPS 2nd (son of Anson Phelps Stokes) to Buttenheim, Harold, 05 17, 1938Google Scholar; Stewart, Florence to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 04 14, 1939Google Scholar; and PSF Archives, vol. 3, p. 1097, 11 16, 1938.Google Scholar

77. His studies “are believed very definitely to have influenced recent legislation permitting banks and insurance companies in New York State to invest a limited proportion of their funds in housing” (Mrs. Hatch, PSF Archives, vol. 3, p. 1180, 04 17, 1940).Google Scholar

78. PSF Archives: vol. 3, p. 1099, 11 16, 1938Google Scholar; p. 1149, April 19, 1939; April 18,1940; p. 1180, November 17,1940; PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence: Nichols, F. O. memo to Simkhovitch, Mary, 12 21, 1937Google Scholar; Nichols, F. O. to James, Thomas Jesse, 03 27, 1937Google Scholar, and October 18, 1939; Roy, L. A. to McHugh, F. D., 03 21, 1939Google Scholar; Stewart, Florence to Roy, L. A., 04 16, 1939Google Scholar; Buttenheim, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 04 18, 1939Google Scholar; Roy, L. A. to Stewart, , 05 24, 1939Google Scholar; Nichols, F. O. to Jones, Thomas Jesse, 12 12, 1939Google Scholar, and August 30, 1940; Press Release April 1, 1940; and Stewart, Florence to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 04 10, 1940Google Scholar. After study at Temple University and the University of Chicago, Nichols (1890–1955) made his name as an authority on public health. He was hired to manage the Harlem River Houses and lost that position, probably due to agency politics; the correspondence in the records of the New York City Housing Authority (deposited at the Fiorello H. LaGuardia Archives at LaGuardia Community College, CUNY) is murky. The PSF paid for his work at the CHC because they thought highly of his abilities to focus research on black housing problems.

79. Only $6,000 remained in the housing account by 1941 (PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, Stokes, Anson Phelps to Buttenheim, Harold S., 08 21, 1941).Google Scholar

80. PSF Archives, vol. 2, pp. 803–7, 11 21, 1934.Google Scholar

81. PSF Archives, vol. 3, p. 1171, 11 15, 1939Google Scholar. Charles T. Loram (1879–1940) was a South African who had specialized in the education of blacks and represented the interests of the PSF and the Carnegie Foundation in his country before emigrating to America in 1931 to become a professor at Yale. His teaching and lecturing in the United States were concerned with education for Southern blacks and Native Americans (New York Times, 07 10, 1940, p. 19).Google Scholar

82. PSF-NYPL Correspondence: INPS 2d to Merrill, Edwin K., 08 4, 1941Google Scholar; Platt, Charles to INPS 2d, 08 28, 1941Google Scholar; and September 30, 1941 (quotes); Anson Phelps Stokes to INPS 2d, October 10, 1941; Stokes, Anson Phelps to Merrill, Edwin K., 10 25, 1941Google Scholar; Merrill, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 11 5, 1941Google Scholar; Platt, Charles to Roy, L. A., 11 7, 1941Google Scholar; and Housing Committee Report, November 19, 1941. Also PSF Board, vol. 3, pp. 1235–36, 11, 1941Google Scholar. Edwin K. Merrill was married to Helen Phelps Stokes, Newton's daughter; she was a PSF trustee from 1936 to 1963. Charles Platt (1878–1967) was an architect whose firm designed many institutional buildings, but he also put a great deal of time into plans and groups working on slum clearance. He served on municipal improvement commissions under Mayors LaGuardia, O'Dwyer, and Wagner. See New York Times, 12 7, 1967, p. 52Google Scholar; and “Overall Plan for Redemption of Slum Areas,” Empire State Architect 7 (09–10 1947): 37–38.Google Scholar

83. PSF Archives: vol. 3, p. 1236, 11 1941Google Scholar. In 1945, there was only $14,000 available in the housing account.

84. PSF Archives: vol. 3, p. 1313, 11 17, 1943Google Scholar; PSF-NYPL UHMA Correspondence: Felt, James to Stokes, Anson Phelps11 16, 1943 (quotes)Google Scholar; Roy, L. A. to Felt, , 01 31, 1944Google Scholar; “Negro Housing Plan is Found Aid to Tenants,” New York Herald Tribune, 02 15, 1944Google Scholar; Minutes, UMHA Board of Directors; June 13, 1944; Cahill, John A. to Merrill, Edwin K., 07 23, 1945Google Scholar; Merrill, to Cahill, , 07 27, 1945Google Scholar; Merrill, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 07 27, 1945Google Scholar; and Cahill, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 07 31, 1945Google Scholar. Franklin Nichols was working for the National Urban League during the early 1940s and it is likely UHMA evolved from an idea that he had first proposed in 1937 to broaden the function of Harlem River Houses where he was then manager: “The need for offering an opportunity to young Negroes with capacity to become trained in large scale housing management is obvious. … The need is present regardless as to whether or not we have any considerable expansion in the building of any new projects at present. The great solid blocks of housing in Harlem, all of which are occupied by Negro tenants, to my mind can be greatly improved through scientific property management” (Nichols, to DrJames, Thomas Jesse, 05 27, 1937).Google Scholar

85. PSF Archives: vol. 3, p. 1402, 04 18, 1945Google Scholar; and PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, Files for 1940s–1950s.

86. PSF Archives: vol. 4, p. 1574, 11 19, 1947 (quote)Google Scholar; and vol. 5, p. 1935, April 22, 1954.

87. PSF Archives: vol. 6, pp. 2046, 2048, 2049, 11 16, 1955Google Scholar; p. 2079, April 18, 1956; p. 2156, April 15, 1957; p. 2174, November 20, 1957 (quote).

88. PSF Archives: vol., 7, pp. 2241, 2272, 04 16, 1958Google Scholar; and p. 2344, November 18, 1959.

89. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence: Starr, Roger to Duncan, M. H., 04 12, 1963Google Scholar; Wood, Ida to Starr, Roger, 04 17, 1963Google Scholar; Starr, Roger to Wood, Ida, 02 14, 1964.Google Scholar

90. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence: Starr, Roger to DrPatterson, Frederick D. [president, PSF], 10 18, 1967 (quote)Google Scholar. Financial independence was critical to the CHC. William F. R. Ballard, president of the council, explained to Frederick Patterson that the Philadelphia Housing Association, a comparable civic group to CHC, received money from the Community Chest Drive and as a result “must eschew controversial matters and the taking of positions on questions which are not in the political arena. We are not willing to accept support under these conditions either” (PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, December 5, 1962).

91. PSF Archives: vol. 7, p. 2343, 11 18, 1959Google Scholar; vol. 8, December 6, 1961; and vol. 7, p. 2230, April 16, 1958 (quote).

92. PSF Archives: vol. 6, p. 2174, 11 20, 1957Google Scholar; and vol. 8, p. 2231, April 16, 1958 (quote). Additional monies were given to the Play Schools Association in 1964 (June 9, 1964, Minutes of the Executive and Housing Committee).

93. PSF Archives: vol. 7, pp. 2343 and 2352, 11 18, 1959.Google Scholar

94. PSF-NYPL Correspondence: Copy of Resolution adopted by the trustees of the PSF at their meeting of April 21, 1937 (quote), and PSF Archives, vol. 2, pp. 973–75, 04 21, 1937Google Scholar; Anson Phelps Stokes to Hon. Wagner, Robert, 05 17, 1937Google Scholar; and Wagner, to Stokes, Anson Phelps, 05 7, 1937.Google Scholar

95. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, “Provisions of Executive Order No. 11063: Equal Opportunity in Housing,” Trends in Housing (09–10 1962).Google Scholar

96. PSF Archives: vol. 8, 09 12, 1960Google Scholar, Executive and Housing Committee Minutes (quote); and Letter from Minkoff, Nathaniel M. and Neier, Aryeh, p. 2443, 11 21, 1960Google Scholar. On Milgram, PSF-NYPL Correspondence: clipping from Progressive Architecture (07 1960).Google Scholar

97. PSF Archives: vol. 8, 12 6, 1961Google Scholar; p. 2593, April 4, 1962.

98. PSF-NYPL NCADH Correspondence: “Program and Accomplishments of the NCADH and Prospectus for Expansion of Activities,” PSF Archives: vol. 9, p. 2707, 11 18, 1963.Google Scholar

99. PSF-NYPL NCADH Correspondence: Charles Abrams (president) and Black, Algernon D. to Patterson, Frederick D., 04 10, 1964Google Scholar; and Home, Frank S. to Patterson, Frederick D., “Proposal for ‘Open City’ Demonstration Project,” 05 27, 1964Google Scholar; PSF Board: vol. 9, pp. 2786–87, April 20, 1964; June 9, 1964; and p. 2837, November 16, 1964. The results were reported in a special publication, “Operation Open City-Evaluation of an Experimental Program in New York City with Suggested Guidelines for Other Communities,” and in the NCADH monthly newsletter, Trends in Housing. Operation Open City activities were taken over and continued by the National Urban League.

100. PSF Archives: vol. 10, p. 2952, 11 15, 1965Google Scholar; PSF-NYPL NCADH Correspondence: Trends in Housing 9, no. 3 (May–June 1965); and Edward Rutledge (executive director NCADH) to INPS 2d, October 18, 1965.

101. PSF Archives: vol. 11, p. 28, 11 21, 1967 (quote)Google Scholar; vol. 10, p. 3018, April 25, 1966; and Executive and Housing Committee Minutes, March 18, 1968, p. 4.

102. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence: From Roger Starr to Frederick Patterson, n.d. [probably November or December, 1969].

103. The letters are quoted in the New York Times, “City Urged to Aid Luxury Housing,” 02 25, 1970, p. 96Google Scholar; and “Elliott Opposes Luxury Rezoning,” 02 27, 1970, p. 10.Google Scholar

104. “Elliott Opposes Luxury Rezoning,” New York Times, 02 27, 1970, p. 10.Google Scholar

105. PSF Archives: vol. 12, p. 13, 04 16, 1970Google Scholar; and p. 24, November 16, 1970. In the PSF 1979 Self Study Report, it was estimated that between 1937 and 1971, the fund gave the CHPC $127, 452.

106. PSF Archives: vol. 15, p. 26, 04 9 and 10, 1976.Google Scholar

107. PSF Archives: vol. 16, p. 7, 11 15, 1976Google Scholar; p. 9, May 2, 1977; p. 1, October 3, 1977; and pp. 10–11, April 17, 1978 (quotes).

108. PSF Archives: vol. 16, p. 6, 11 21, 1977Google Scholar. See also New York Post, 10 11, 1977, p. 33Google Scholar; and New York Amsterdam News, 10 22, 1977, p. A–7.Google Scholar

109. PSF-NYHS vol. 25, 01 30, 1934Google Scholar. W. Max Dunning (1873–1945) was then Assistant Director of the Housing Division of the PWA. Newton knew him from his work in Washington during World War I when Dunning, originally trained as an architect, was with the Requiremensts Division of the U.S. Housing Corporation. He became known as a housing expert and held numerous government positions in that field (New York Times, 04 20, 1945, p. 19).Google Scholar

110. INPS-NYHS: vol. 1, p. 284, 10 8, 1900Google Scholar; and vol. 4, p. 98, May 13, 1908.

111. INPS-NYHS: vol. 25, p. 97a, 12 28, 1933.Google Scholar

112. INPS-NYHS: vol. 2, pp. 58–59, 10 2, 1902.Google Scholar

113. INPS-NYHS: vol. 25, p. 117, 01 23, 1934Google Scholar to Langdon Post. See also p. 122, January 30, 1934 to Max Dunning; p. 143, February 15, 1934, to Charles C. Burlingham; and p. 177, March 16, 1934, to Ralph Walker [president, New York chapter of the American Institute of Architects].

114. INPS-NYHS: vol. 25, p. 247, 06 29, 1934.Google Scholar

115. INPS-NYHS: vol. 25, p. 251, 06 29, 1934Google Scholar. See also letter to Veiller, Lawrence, p. 282, 07 27, 1934.Google Scholar

116. INPS-NYHS: vol. 25, p. 290. 08 21, 1934.Google Scholar

117. Letter from James E. Gregg to Rev. Anson Phelps Stokes D.D., November 2, 1922, Anson Phelps Stokes Correspondence File, Hampton University Archives.

118. PSF-NYPL CHC Correspondence, ANPS to Buttenheim, August 21, 1941; and ANPS to Florence Stewart, 08 12, 1941Google Scholar. Olivia Phelps Stokes Hatch was a trustee from 1934 to 1974.

119. See Andrews, , Philanthropic Foundations, p. 21Google Scholar: “freedom from entanglements, pressures, restrictive legislation, and private interest endows a foundation with an inherent freedom of action possessed by few other organizations.”

120. PSF Archives, vol. 2: 05 18, 1937.Google Scholar

121. PSF Archives: Confidential Memorandum from the President of the Board, April 19, 1944 (quote); and vol. 3, p. 1359, November 15, 1944.

122. Quote, advice from Robert F. DeForest to Mrs. Russell Sage in 1906, in Glenn, et al. , Russell Sage Foundation, 1907–1946, p. 7.Google Scholar

123. On Jones's career, see Berman, , “Education in Africa and America.”Google Scholar On Tobias's distinguished career, see Dictionary of American Negro Biography (1982), pp. 593–95.Google Scholar

124. On Patterson and Williams, see records of the PSF-NYPL and PSF Archives, and New York Times, 05 22, 1990.Google Scholar