1. This article forms part of my book, “Monuments, Manliness and the Work Ethic: Labor and American Sculpture, 1880–1935,” forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. It was first presented in much shorter form at the American Studies Association Meetings, Costa Mesa, California, November, 1992. I would like to offer my thanks to many people who read or heard this essay in its multiple versions and provided insightful commentary, especially Janet Marstine, Linda Docherty, Cecile Whiting, Ellen Furlough, and Peter Rutkoff. Kenyon College Faculty Development grants supported my travel to Chicago to research this essay. A National Endowment for the Humanities fellowship for the 1992–93 academic year afforded me the time to write the chapter.

2. For discussions on the concept of social memory, see Fentress, James and Wickham, Chris, Social Memory (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1992)Google Scholar; and Foucault, Michel, “Nietzche, Genealogy, History,” in Language, Counter-Memory, Practice, ed. Bouchard, Donald F., trans. Bouchard, Donald F. and Simon, Sherry (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977), pp. 139–65.Google Scholar

3. Davis, Natalie Zemon and Starn, Randolph, “Introduction” to Representations Special Issue: Memory and Counter-Memory no. 26 (Spring 1989): p. 3Google Scholar; see also Nora, Pierre, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire,”Google Scholar in the same issue.

4. Gilbert, James, Perfect Cities: Chicago's Utopias of 1893 (Chicago: Univeristy of Chicago Press, 1991): pp. 2, 26.Google Scholar

5. Nelson, Bruce C., Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870–1900 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1988), p. 22.Google Scholar

6. In opposition to the absolutism that reigned in all German states prior to 1848, the revolt called for improved civil rights, a constitution that accorded the middle class greater participation in political and economic policymaking, and a united Germany that would encourage patriotism and economic prosperity. The workers demanded a twelve- rather than a fourteen-hour day, education supported by the state, unemployment insurance, consumer co-ops, workers' housing, and equality for women. In the end, the middle class abdicated support of the workers, satisfied with the attainment of their own demands. For fuller discussions of the 1848 revolutions, see Wittke, Carl, Refugees of Revolution: The German Forty-Eighters in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1952), pp. 18–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Robertson, Priscilla, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (New York: Harper, 1952), pp. 108–40.Google Scholar

7. Levine, Bruce C., “In the Heat of Two Revolutions: The Forging of German-American Radicalism,” in Struggle a Hard Battle: Essays on Working-Class Immigrants, ed. Hoerder, Dirk (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1986), pp. 19–46.Google Scholar

8. Levine, , “In the Heat,” p. 30.Google Scholar

9. Hingham, John, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism 1860–1926, 2d ed. (New York: Atheneum, 1963), pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

10. Keil, Hartmut, “The German Immigrant Working Class of Chicago, 1875–1890: Workers, Labor Leaders and the Labor Movement,” in American Labor and Immigration History, 1877–1920s: Recent European Research, ed. Hoerder, Dirk (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), pp. 157, 161.Google Scholar

11. Keil, Hartmut, “German Working-Class Radicalism in the United States from the 1870s to World War I,”Google Scholar in Hoerder, , Struggle a Hard Battle, p. 75.Google Scholar

12. One of the important contributions to American political and cultural history that the German Forty-Eighters brought to this country was the institution of the Turnverein or athletic club. Their goal was the development of a sound, well-coordinated body, a mind sensitive to liberty and patriotism, and an intellect disciplined for the political struggle for a unified Germany. Driven underground by Metternich, the liberal Turnverein tradition continued in this country. Members of the clubs embraced a large spectrum of political views: revolutionary communist, atheist, pantheists, ardent nationalists, middle-of-the-road reformers, and so on. In the 1870s, the Turner movement turned its attention to political and economic reform, championing greater rights for women, labor reform, the eight-hour day, and child labor laws (Wittke, , Refugees of Revolution, pp. 147–61)Google Scholar. The Turners, by and large, embraced socialism as a means of guaranteeing everyone prosperity and education and minimizing privilege (Levine, , “In the Heat,” p. 32).Google Scholar

13. In its peak year, 1879, membership averaged between 668 and 1000 members. Although one of the Verein's functions was to protect workers' meetings from intrusion by police, they never once entered into a confrontation with police. Their role was mainly symbolic-to head parades of socialist unions and clubs. Outlawed in 1886 after the Haymarket incident, the Vereins elicted violent reactions from the middle-class press despite their relatively small size and passive history (Heiss, Christine, “German Radicals in Industrial America: The Lehr- und Wehr-Verein in Gilded Age Chicago,” in German Workers in Industrial Chicago, 1850–1910: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Keil, Hartmut and Jentz, John B. [DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1983], pp. 206–18Google Scholar; quote on p. 211).

14. See the chapter on “The Turner,” in Wittke, , Refugees of Revolution, pp. 147–61.Google Scholar

15. Hills, Patricia and Gerdts, Abigail Booth, Working American, exhibition catalogue, District 1199, National Union of Hospital and Health Care Employees and the Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition Service, 1979, p. 35.Google Scholar

16. Hills, and Gerdts, , Working American, p. 36.Google Scholar

17. Dinnerstein, Lois, “The Iron Worker and King Solomon: Some Images of Labor in American Art,” Arts Magazine 54 (09 1979): 116–17.Google Scholar

18. When the Baltimore and Ohio Railroads announced a 10 percent cut in wages in July of 1877, the entire East-coast railway system was immediately paralyzed by strikes, spreading throughout the country into seventeen states. The strike rendered obsolete the theory that the United States, in contrast to Europe, was devoid of sharp class divisions and immune from the threat of socialism and the dangers of social upheaval (Avrich, Paul, The Haymarket Tragedy [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984], pp. 26–27, 35–36Google Scholar; see also Slotkin, Richard, The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800–1890 [New York: Atheneum, 1985], esp. ch. 19Google Scholar, “The Indian War Comes Home: The Great Strike of 1877.)

19. Hills, and Gerdts, , Working American, p. 9.Google Scholar

20. According to an account of the painting by William Finley quoted in Dinnerstein, , “Iron Worker,” p. 116.Google Scholar

21. For a discussion of the representation of women workers in literature, see Poore, Carole J., German-American Socialist Literature 1865–1900 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1982).Google Scholar

22. Nelson, , Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 41–44, 52, 55, 156–64, 171–72.Google Scholar

23. Anticipating anarcho-syndicalism by twenty years, the “Chicago idea” rejected centralized authority, disdained political action, and made the union the center of revolutionary struggle and the nucleus of a future society (Avrich, , Hay-market Tragedy, pp. 72–73, 85–86Google Scholar; quote on p. 73).

24. Until late in 1885, Parsons, Spies, and other anarchists distanced themselves from this crusade, seeing it as a stopgap measure that compromised the greater struggle of destroying capital. Because of its overwhelming popularity, however, they actively joined the struggle as one way into mobilizing the masses of workers and disseminating their ideas about radical unionism.

25. For material on the May Day strikes, see Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 181–86Google Scholar. For discussion of the impact of the Paris Commune on American politics, see Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 16–17, 31–35, 44, 138–40, 145, 185Google Scholar; and Nelson, , Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 142–43.Google Scholar

26. Bernstein, Samuel, “American Labor and the Paris Commune,” Science and Society 15 (Spring 1951): 144–62Google Scholar; and Haupt, George, “La Commune comme Symbole et comme Example,” Le Mouvement Social 79 (04–06 1972): 205–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 197–210; quotes on p. 206.Google Scholar

28. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 234–35.Google Scholar

29. The Socialistic Labor Party and the American Federation of Labor, led by Samuel Gompers, strongly urged Governer Oglesby for leniency. Labor, Gompers insisted, “must do its best to maintain justice for radicals or find itself denied the rights of free men” (see Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 279, 309Google Scholar; and for a full list of those who supported clemency, pp. 334–55; quote on p. 347).

30. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 356–78.Google Scholar

31. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 383, 395; quote on p. 393.Google Scholar

32. Adelman, William J., Haymarket Revisited, 2d ed. (Chicago: Illinois Labor History Society, 1986), pp. 104–5.Google Scholar

33. Chicago Tribune clipping, Haymarket Scrapbook, Special Collections, Columbia University, p. 122; and David, Henry, The History of the Haymarket Affair, 2d ed. (1936; rept. Russell and Russell, 1958), p. 464.Google Scholar

34. Swank, Lizzie, “Our Memorial Day,” The Alarm, 06 16, 1888.Google Scholar

35. Higham, , Strangers in the Land, p. 54Google Scholar. In fact, Paul Avrich wrote,

For a large segment of the population the anarchists had ceased to be human beings. They had become the incarnation of evil, monsters endowed with infernal powers, onto whom businessmen and ordinary citizens alike projected all that they dreaded and detested. The anarchists responded in kind. Stripping their opponents of their humanity, they reduced them to animals and insects. (Haymarket Tragedy, p. 177)Google Scholar

36. Keil, Hartmut, “The Impact of Haymarket on German-American Radicalism,” International Labor and Working Class History no. 29 (Spring 1986): 16–19; quote on page 18.Google Scholar

37. In fact, Paul Avrich cites the response to the Haymarket affair as the first red scare in American history (see Chapter 15, “Red Scare,” in Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 215–40).Google Scholar

38. Gutman, Herbert, “Anarchist Publications,” in The American Radical Press 1880–1960, ed. Conlin, Joseph R. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1974), p. 371.Google Scholar

39. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 417–24.Google Scholar

40. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. xi–xii, 454.Google Scholar

41. Gilbert, , Perfect Cities, pp. 64–69.Google Scholar

42. “The Haymarket Riot Monument,” lecture by Clement M. Silvestro, Director of the Chicago Historical Society, May, 1965, in the Haymarket Monument File, Chicago Historical Society.

43. Chicago Tribune, 12 14, 1888Google Scholar; and Adelman, William J., “The True Story Behind the Haymarket Police Statue,” in Haymarket Scrapbook, ed. Roediger, Dave and Rosement, Franklin (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1986), p. 167.Google Scholar

44. Chicago Tribune, 05 26, 1889, part 4, p. 26Google Scholar; and Adelman, , Haymarket Revisited, p. 39.Google Scholar

45. Bach, Ira J. and Gray, Mary L., A Guide to Chicago's Public Sculpture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), p. 230.Google Scholar

46. Chicago Times Herald, 03 3, 1901Google Scholar, in Chicago Art Institute Scrapbook 13, p. 159; and “Johannes Sophus Gelert,” American Numismatic Society, Catalogue of International Exhibition, 1910, pp. 109–111Google Scholar, and other miscellaneous clippings in Artist's File, New York Public Library.

47. Bach, and Gray, , Guide, p. 135.Google Scholar

48. Bach, and Gray, , Guide, p. 230.Google Scholar

49. Chicago Tribune, 12 14, 1888.Google Scholar

50. Adelman, , Haymarket Revisited, p. 39Google Scholar; and Bach, and Gray, , Guide, p. 230.Google Scholar

51. Adelman, , “The True Story,” p. 167.Google Scholar

52. Chicago Times Herald, 09 9 and 12, 1899Google Scholar, in Chicago Art Institute Scrapbook 12, pp. 63, 66.

53. My thinking about this gesture is indebted to Craig Owens's analysis of a male figure produced by Laurie Anderson in his “The Discourse of Others: Feminists and Postmodernism,” in The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture, ed. Foster, Hal (Port Townsend, Wash: Bay, 1983), pp. 57–83.Google Scholar

54. Although this graphic was published in 1886, the sculptural image in the background reveals an uncanny resemblance to the official Police Monument of 1889.

55. For a lengthier discussion of this image and other female allegorical figures, see Van Hook, Baily, “From the Lyrical to the Epic: Images of Women in American Murals at the Turn of the Century” Winterthur Portfolio 26 (Spring 1991): 63–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

56. Chicago Tribune, 05 31, 1889, p. 1.Google Scholar

57. Chicago Tribune, 08 20, 1893, p. 31Google Scholar; Chicago Post, 05 26, 1900Google Scholar, in Chicago Art Institute Scrapbook 12, p. 112; and Chicago Tribune, 05 24, 1900, p. 5.Google Scholar

58. Bach, and Gray, , Guide, p. 32.Google Scholar

59. Adelman, , “The True Story,” p. 168.Google Scholar

60. Bach, and Gray, , Guide, p. 34Google Scholar; and Drury, John, “The Policeman's Monument,” Chicago Sun-Times, 11 12, 1950.Google Scholar

61. The monument was designated an historical landmark on May 9, 1969 (Haymarket Monument File, Chicago Historical Society).

62. Adelman, , “The True Story,” p. 168.Google Scholar

63. Chicago Sun-Times, 10 8, 1969.Google Scholar

64. Both the Fraternal Order of Police and the Chicago Patrolmen's Association pledged five hundred dollars each for renovating the sculpture (Chicago Tribune, 05 5, 1970).Google Scholar

65. The anonymous caller claimed the blast as “in honor of our brothers and sisters in the New York prisons. Power to the People” (Quoted in Malcolm, Andrew H., “Oft-Bombed Chicago Statue Moves Indoors,” New York Times, 02 12, 1972Google Scholar; and Daily News, 10 5, 1970).Google Scholar

66. Chicago Sun-Times, 10 6, 1970.Google Scholar

67. Daily News, 01 5, 1971Google Scholar; and “Moving Day Nears for Haymarket Statue,” Chicago Tribune, 01 13, 1972.Google Scholar

68. Mabley, Jack, “Haymarket Cop Monument to Dull Brass,” Chicago Today, 05 30, 1971.Google Scholar

69. Malcolm, , “Oft-Bombed Chicago Statue.”Google Scholar

70. Haymarket Monument File, Chicago Historical Society.

71. Unidentified clipping, Chicago Tribune, Haymarket Scrapbook, Special Collections, Columbia University.

72. The three original trustees were Mathias Schmiedinger, member of the Central Labor Union and president of the German Baker's Union, Peter Knickrehm, and Jacob Scharmer (Nelson, , Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 181, 209Google Scholar; Pioneer Aid and Support Association File, Chicago Historical Society; and The Alarm, 12 31, 1887Google Scholar; quote from Pioneer Aid and Support Association file). Widows received eight dollars a week plus two dollars each for the first two children and one dollar for the third. Lucy Parsons, the wife of Albert Parsons, received twelve dollars per week. The Association supported the families for eight years (Ashbaugh, Carolyn, Lucy Parsons: American Revolutionary [Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1976), pp. 155–56].Google Scholar

73. Minutes of the Pioneer Aid and Support Society, p. 27, Labodie Collection, University of Michigan; Remember the Eleventh of November (Chicago: Pioneer Aid and Support Association, 1927)Google Scholar in Tamiment Library, New York University; and phone conversation with William Adelman, April 28, 1992.

74. Pioneer Aid and Support Association minutes, p. 82. There is some indication that the cemetery authorities opposed the erection of a monument: “It was strongly hinted that the authorities of Waldheim Cemetery, the one in which it was proposed to bury the ‘reds’, and over their graves erect a monument, were seriously considering whether it was not their duty to refuse a resting place for the anarchists' remains within their enclosure. At least they will not allow the monument” (unidentified newspaper clipping, Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 169, Special Collections, Columbia University).

75. “Our Chicago Letter,” 11 24, 1888Google Scholar. The Alarm: A Socialist Weekly began publishing in October of 1884 under the editorship of Albert and Lucy Parsons. After three months, it shifted to a fortnightly publication. It was shut down after the Haymarket event, to reappear in its Chicago edition from November 1887 to January 1889. With Dyer Lum as its editor, it continued publication in New York City (Nelson, , Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 118–19).Google Scholar

76. “What Monument?” The Alarm, 11 24, 1888.Google Scholar

77. Goldman, Emma, Living My Life, (New York: Knopf, 1931), vol. 1, pp. 221–222.Google Scholar

78. Pioneer Aid and Support Association Minutes, pp. 100, 103, 111. The monument committee consisted of Louis Fambrok, William Urban of the Arbeiter Zeitung, Dr. Ernst Schmidt, Herr Kaune, Mathias Schmedinger, Theodore Mess, and Thomas Greif (Chicago Tribune, 11 6, 1892, p. 6).Google Scholar

79. Flinn, John J., Chicago, the Marvelous City of the West: A History, an Encyclopedia, and a Guide (Chicago: Flinn and Sheppard, 1891), p. 396Google Scholar. I am indebted to William Adelman for providing me with this reference.

80. Pioneer Aid and Support Association Minutes, pp. 116, 118.

81. Mantle Fielding's Dictionary of American Painters, Sculptors, and Engravers, 1983Google Scholar; and “Albert Weinert, 84, Told U.S. History in Sculpture,” unidentified obituary notice in Artist's File, New York Public Library.

82. Chicago Tribune, 11 6, 1892, p. 6.Google Scholar

83. In conversation with William Adelman, Forest Home, Illinois, June 2, 1992.

84. For more discussion on the intersection of class and gender in the representation of working women, see my “Gendered Labor: Norman Rockwell's Rosie the Riveter and the Discourses of Wartime Womanhood,” in Gender and American History Since 1890, ed. Melosh, Barbara (New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 182–207.Google Scholar

85. Thanks to Clifton Olds of Bowdoin College for this observation.

86. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 446–48.Google Scholar

87. On the ticket for the unveiling ceremonies was written “Erected by the working people of Chicago in the memory of the labor struggle of 1886 and its victims: Aug. Spies, Alb. Parsons, Louis Lingg, Adolphe Fischer, and Geo. Engel” (Ashbaugh, , Lucy Parsons, p. 151).Google Scholar

88. Avrich, , Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 413–14Google Scholar; Adelman, , Haymarket Revisited, pp. 105–7Google Scholar; and Chicago Tribune, 06 26, 1893, p. 7.Google Scholar

89. The Statue of Liberty was dedicated three weeks after the Haymarket defendants presented their last speeches to the court (Ashbaugh, , Lucy Parsons, p. 103)Google Scholar. For a critical analysis of this monument, see Warner, Maria, Monuments and Maidens: The Allegory of the Female Form (New York: Atheneum, 1985)Google Scholar. Bailey Van Hook discusses this new allegorical mode, arguing that it represents elements of the “New Woman.” Her description of these images compares favorably with the Haymarket Monument: “The women are presented standing with their bodies set at an angle so the twist or turn of their torsos conveys a dynamic aspect. Central figures often move forward, drapery flowing against an unseen resisting force, hands upraised in a rhetorical gesture, facial expression intense, directly confronting the viewer with their gaze” (Van Hook, , “From the Lyrical to the Epic,” pp. 74–76).Google Scholar

90. Christian imagery played a large role in the rhetoric of trade unionists, anarchists, and socialists despite their tendency toward free-thinking. In evoking the figure of Jesus Christ, a model to emulate and inspire, labor leaders sanctified and legitimized their political goals (Gutman, Herbert, “Protestantism and the American Labor Movement: The Christian Spirit in the Gilded Age,” in Work, Culture and Society in Industrializing America, 2d ed. [New York: Vintage, 1977], pp. 79–119).Google Scholar

91. Fusco, Peter and Janson, H. W., eds., The Romantics to Rodin: French Nineteenth-Century Sculpture from North American Collections, exhibition catalogue, Los Angeles County Museum in association with George Braziller, 1980Google Scholar, catalogue entry by Fusco, Peter, pp. 256–57.Google Scholar

92. Fusco, and Janson, , Romantics to RodinGoogle Scholar, catalogue entries by Butler, Ruth, pp. 331–33.Google Scholar

93. Goldman, , Living My Life, p. 221.Google Scholar

94. Berkman, Alexander, ed., Selected Works of Voltarine de Cleyre (New York: Mother Earth, 1914), p. 66.Google Scholar

95. I am indebted to Joy Kasson's discussion of Hosmer, Harriet's Zenobia in her Marble Queens and Captives: Women in Nineteenth Century American Sculpture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), pp. 141–66Google Scholar. For a discussion of French republican imagery, see Agulhon, Maurice, Marianne into Battle: Republican Imagery and Symbolism in France, 1789–1880, trans. Lloyd, Janet (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981)Google Scholar. In Elihu Vedder's mural, Anarchy, in the Library of Congress, the nude figure of anarchy was described as “brawny” by critics, a term commonly applied to males (Van Hook, , “From the Lyrical to the Epic,” p. 79).Google Scholar

96. Chicago Tribune, 11 6, 1892, p. 6.Google Scholar

97. Daily Inter Ocean, 06 26, 1893, p. 5.Google Scholar

98. Chicago Tribune, 06 26, 1893, p. 7Google Scholar. David, Henry in the The History of the Haymarket Affair (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1936)Google Scholar, also identifies the figure as Justice (p. 491).

99. World, 06 28, 1893Google Scholar, in the Labodie Collection, University of Michigan.

100. As Marcia Pointon argues, “once a woman is associated with violent confrontation even if she is symbolic or token rather than individual or participatory, the accusation of prostitution is frequently leveled at her” (Pointon, Marcia, Naked Authority: The Body in Western Painting 1830–1908 [New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990], p. 73)Google Scholar; and see Hobsbawn, Eric, “Man and Woman in Socialist Iconography,” History Workshop 6 [1978]: 123).Google Scholar

101. Hertz, Neil, “Medusa's Head: Male Hysteria under Political Pressure,” Representations 4 (Fall 1983): 27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

102. Gullickson, Gay L., “La Pétroleuse: Representing Revolution,” Feminist Studies 17 (Summer 1991): 243–46; quote on p. 260.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

103. Schaack, Michael J., Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe (Chicago: F. J. Schulte, 1889), pp. 208–9.Google Scholar

104. Ashbaugh, , Lucy Parsons, pp. 60, 63.Google Scholar

105. The image of the wild unruly woman as political threat followed in a tradition most recently developed during the 1848 revolutions and continued in the representations of Bolshevik women by the German Freikorps. Writing in the Siecle on the competition for the image of the Republic in 1849, Louis Desnoyes explained:

Most of the competitors depicted veritable viragos, furies, shrews, enraged female devils with dishevelled hair and ragged clothing. Their look was fiery, their mouths hurled abuse … they scrambled … over piles of paving stones, beams, stove-in barrels and overturned coaches as if the Republic had ever to be storming eternal barricades! The Republic is neither rebellion, sedition nor revolt, not insurrection nor revolution; it is quite the contrary, the end of all that.” (Quoted in Agulhon, , Marianne into Battle, pp. 76–77)Google Scholar

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The description of the proletarian woman as monster, as a beast … hardly derives from the actual behavior of women. … Rather, it can be traced to an attempt to construct a fantastic being who swears, shrieks, spits, scratches, farts, bites, pounces, tears to shreds, who is slovenly, wind-whipped, hissing-red, indecent; who whores around, slaps its naked thighs, and can't get enough of laughing at these men. Even worse than the worst male communist, is a female communist (Theleweit, Klaus, Male Fantasies: Women, Floods, Bodies, History [Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987], vol. 1, pp. 67, 78).Google Scholar

106. Davis, Natalie Zemon, “Women on Top,” Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975) pp. 124–52Google Scholar; quote on p. 131.

107. Forest Home Cemetery receives many calls requesting information about the monument (Conversation with Pat Julian, Forest Home Cemetery, Forest Park, Ill., June 2, 1992).

108. Quoted in David, , History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 534.Google Scholar

109. The Alarm, 11 17, 1888.Google Scholar

110. Lewis, Lloyd and Smith, Henry Justin, Chicago: The History of Its Reputation (New York: Blue Ribbon, 1929), p. 166.Google Scholar

111. Lang, Lucy Robins, Tomorrow Is Beautiful (New York: Macmillan, 1948), pp. 27, 31, 291.Google Scholar