Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 July 2009
The final American withdrawal from Vietnam and the collapse of our client regime in Saigon marked a nodal point in American relations with East Asia. For years prior to our terminal disengagement, hawkish politicians and publicists had waxed eloquent about the bloodbath that was sure to occur when the northerners and their allies of the People's Revolutionary Government had achieved their victory. Although that sanguinary catastrophe did not occur, the presumption that it could have caused the American government to implement and execute a refugee program that brought over 125,000 Vietnamese to the United States. While it is far too early to draw up any detailed balance sheet on that refugee program, the reactions that it triggered in the United States provide a useful and convenient point of departure for a retrospective analysis of changing American attitudes toward all immigrants from Asia.
1. For summaries of the press treatment, see the May 12, 1975, issues of Time and Newsweek. Riesman quoted from his letter, Time, June 2, 1975.
2. The Journal and Miscellaneous Notebooks of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. William H. Gillman, et al. (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1961), II, 224, as cited by Stuart C. Miller, The Unwelcome Immigrant: The American Image of the Chinese, 1785–1882 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1969), p. 16. The quotations in notes 3, 4, and 5, were also gleaned from Miller's important book.
3. Samuel G. Goodrich, A System of Universal Geography, 2nd ed. (Boston, 1833), pp. 905–906.
4. “Adams' Lecture on the War with China,” Chinese Repository, 11 (1842), 274–89.
5. New York Herald, November 24, 1840.
6. John K. Fairbank, ed., The Missionary Enterprise in China and America (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), is a far-ranging collection of essays by several hands. Although none focuses directly on the relationship between immigrants and missionaries, see particularly Miller's essay, “Ends and Means: Missionary Justification of Force in Nineteenth Century China.”
7. Hugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1974).
8. Frank Soule, et al., The Annals of San Francisco (San Francisco, 1855), p. 253 and passim for economic data.
9. Gunther Barth, Bitter Strength: A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850–1870 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1964), p. 67.
10. Harry Parkes, as cited in Barth, Bitter Strength, p. 68.
11. Ivan H. Light, Ethnic Enterprise in America: Business and Welfare among Chinese, Japanese and Blacks (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1972), pp. 23–27.
12. For the persistence of this kind of emigration financing, see Victor G. and Brett de Bary Nee, Longtime Californ': A Documentary Study of an American Chinatown (New York: Pantheon Books, 1973), pp. 62–63 and passim.
13. In the censuses of 1860, 1870, and 1880, Chinese comprised 9.2, 8.8 and 8.7 percent of California's population; 94.9, 92.8, and 95.5 percent of California Chinese were male. Males were 71.9, 65.1, and 59.9 percent of the total population in the same censuses.
14. Nee and Nee, Longtime Californ', pp. xxi–xxvii, for San Francisco Chinatown today. For Seattle, see Doug and Art Chin, Uphill: The Settlement and Diffusion of the Chinese in Seattle, Washington (Seattle, Wash.: Shorey Book Store, 1973).
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16. These and the labor force data that follow are from Ping Chiu, Chinese Labor in California, 1850–1880: An Economic Study (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1963).
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