I am extremely grateful for the helpful critiques provided by Yehoshua Ben-Arieh, Benjamin Z. Wexler, Roger B. Stein, the late Richard O. Hathaway, and Lester I. Vogel.

1. Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua has described it as “the most important nineteenth-century book of illustrations of the Holy Land” in Painting in the Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Hemed, 1997), 245Google Scholar. Picturesque Palestine, Sinai and Egypt is owned by many libraries, and some now have it available on DVD in the series Historic Views of the Holy Land. An earlier version of this essay appeared in Hebrew, in Cathedra, 03 2001, published by Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Press, JerusalemGoogle Scholar.

2. Urry, John, The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies (London: Sage, 1990), 4Google Scholar.

3. Mitchell, Timothy, Colonising Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 6–10 passimGoogle Scholar. Mitchell says such spectacles as international exhibitions “set up the world as picture. They ordered it before an audience as an object of display, to be viewed, experienced and investigated” (6).

4. Said, Edward, in Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978), 3Google Scholar.

5. Pratt, Mary Louise discusses the power relationships in travel literature in Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York: Routledge, 1992), esp. 201–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “Conventions of Representation: Where Discourse and Ideology Meet,” in Contemporary Perceptions of Language: Interdisciplinary Dimensions, ed. Byrnes, Heidi (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1982), 139–55Google Scholar.

6. Woodward's drawings and watercolors from his trips to the Holy Land and Egypt belong to the Episcopal Diocese of Virginia. The letters referred to in this essay are in the Woodward Family Papers, Ms. C 38, Valentine Richmond History Center, Richmond, Virginia. On Woodward's life and career, see Rainey, Sue and Stein, Roger B., Shaping the Landscape Image: John Douglas Woodward, 1865–1910 (Charlottesville: Bayly Art Museum of the University of Virginia, 1997)Google Scholar.

7. See Sharpe, Eric J., Comparative Religion: A History (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1975), 21Google Scholar.

8. Such as Kinglake, Alexander's Eothen (1845)Google Scholar; some of Lord Byron's poetry; Stephens, John Lloyd [George]'s Incidents of Travel in Egypt, Arabia Petraea, and the Holy Land (1837)Google Scholar and Incidents of Travel in the Russian and Turkish Empires (1839)Google Scholar, both of which were “phenomenally successful in America and Europe” (Finnie, David H., Pioneers East: The Early American Experience in the Middle East [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967], 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Taylor, Bayard's The Lands of the Saracens (1856)Google Scholar; and Curtis, George William's Nile Notes of a Howadji (1851)Google Scholar.

9. Clarke, C. Pickering, “Sinai,” Picturesque Palestine, II, 264Google Scholar. Woodward became aware of the tales on the 1878 trip to the Holy Land and read them after his return, perhaps in Lane's version (John Douglas Woodward [hereafter cited as JDW] to his mother, London, August 25, 1878).

10. In 1865, Letters from Egypt, 1863–1865 was published in London by Macmillan and in New York by McClure, Phillips & Co. (a pirated edition). In 1875, after Lucie Duff Gordon's death in 1869, her daughter Ross, Janet edited her Last Letters from Egypt to Which Are Added Letters from the Cape (London: Macmillan, 1875)Google Scholar. See Frank, Katherine, A Passage to Egypt: The Life of Lucie Duff Gordon (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994), esp. 300–301, 322–23Google Scholar.

11. Trollope, Anthony, “The Alpine Club Man,” Travelling Sketches, reprinted from Pall Mall Gazette (London: Chapman and Hall, 1866)Google Scholar; quoted in Pemble, John, The Mediterranean Passion: Victorians and Edwardians in the South (Oxford: Clarendon, 1987), 92Google Scholar.

12. Quoted in Pemble, , Mediterranean Passion, 58Google Scholar; from Collins, W. Wilkie, Memoirs of the Life of William Collins (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1848), II, 183–84Google Scholar.

13. Three volumes with this title were published by John Murray, London, in 1835, 1836, and 1837, with engravings by W. and E. Finden, and text by the Rev. Thomas Hartwell Horne.

14. A panorama based on Frederick Catherwood's drawings was exhibited in London in ca. 1836 and in New York City in 1838. See Davis, John, The Landscape of Belief: Encountering the Holy Land in Nineteenth-Century American Art and Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), ch. 3, p. 59Google Scholar; Nir, Yeshayahu, The Bible and the Image: The History of Photography in the Holy Land 1839–1899 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Onne, Eyal, Photographic Heritage of the Holy Land (Manchester, England: Institute of Advanced Studies, Manchester Polytechnic, 1980)Google Scholar; Gavin, Carney E. S., The Image of the East: Nineteenth Century Near Eastern Photographs by Bonfils (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982)Google Scholar; and Revealing the Holy Land: The Photographic Exploration of Palestine (Santa Barbara, Calif.: Santa Barbara Museum of Art, 1997)Google Scholar.

15. See Davis, , Landscape of BeliefGoogle Scholar. Davis deals with four American artists who came with various religious quests, Minor Kellogg, Edward Troye, James Fairman, and Frederic Church. After 1880, several American artists visited North Africa in search of the more typical Orientalist subjects. See Ackerman, Gerald M., American Orientalists (Paris: ACR, 1994)Google Scholar; and Ben-Arieh, , Painting in the Holy Land, 211–23Google Scholar.

16. Twyman, Michael has called this “the most ambitious work ever published in England with lithographed plates” (Lithography, 1800–1850 [London: Oxford University Press, 1970], 220)Google Scholar. Published by F. G. Moon and lithographed by Haghe, Louis, The Holy Land, Syria, Idumea, Arabia appeared in 20 parts, 1842–1845Google Scholar, with text by George Croly; Egypt and Nubia appeared in 20 parts, 1846–49, with text by William Brockedon. The tinted lithographs were available either plain or colored, and the parts were typically bound in either two or six volumes. Bendiner, Kenneth Paul, in “The Portrayal of the Middle East in British Painting, 1835–1860” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1979)Google Scholar, maintains that Roberts's convictions that the prevalence of ruined cities and monuments represented divine judgment led him to use a difference in scale: “Roberts stressed the massiveness of the edifices; the tiny people seem to crawl like insects about the potent remains of an ancient superrace” (116). Several recent exhibitions have shown Roberts, 's prints. Jerusalem and the Holy Land Rediscovered: The Prints of David Roberts (1796–1864), with contributions by W. D. Davies, Eric M. Meyers, and Sarah Walker Schroth (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Museum of Art, 1996)Google Scholar, reproduces the Holy Land lithographs and the accompanying text; see also Guiterman, Helen and Llewellyn, Briony, David Roberts (Oxford: Phaidon, and Barbican Art Gallery, 1986)Google Scholar.

17. An octavo edition of six volumes in three (i.e., the contents of two volumes were bound in each of the three books in the set) with the lithographs reduced photographically was issued from 1855–56 by Day & Son, London. Appleton apparently had a joint venture with Day & Son, for the lithographs in their publication credit the London firm. Appleton's version apparently was issued in either four volumes in two, or six volumes in three. Some of the lithographs were printed in one or more tints. Much later, from 1879 to 1884, the London publisher Cassell, Petter, Galpin & Co. issued The Holy Land, with Croly's text and Roberts's images reduced photographically, probably to compete with Picturesque Palestine.

18. Mitchell, , Colonising Egypt, 15–16Google Scholar.

19. Tuchman, Barbara, Bible and Sword: England and Palestine from the Bronze Age to Balfour (New York: New York University Press, 1956), 161Google Scholar; for a brief overview of the events summarized in this paragraph, see chapter 14.

20. See Sha'ban, Fuad, Islam and Arabs in Early American Thought: The Roots of Orientalism in America (Durham, N.C.: Acorn, 1991), ch. 4, pp. 65–81Google Scholar.

21. See Finnie, , Pioneers East, 70–81Google Scholar.

22. See Kark, Ruth, American Consuls in the Holy Land, 1832–1914 (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994)Google Scholar; and Vogel, Lester I., To See A Promised Land: Americans and the Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993), esp. ch. 6Google Scholar.

23. Obenzinger, Hilton, American Palestine: Melville, Twain, and the Holy Land Mania (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 161, 38, 190Google Scholar. He also points out that Bayard Taylor and Mark Twain, who had visited both regions, frequently compared them in their writings.

24. Robinson, Edward, Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai and Arabia Petrea (Boston: Crocker and Brewster, 1841), I, 46Google Scholar; quoted in Davis, , Landscape of Belief, 16Google Scholar. See also Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua, “Perceptions and Images of the Holy Land,” in The Land That Became Israel: Studies in Historical Geography, ed. Kark, Ruth (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 37–42Google Scholar.

25. Volume and page references to Picturesque Palestine, Sinai and Egypt are to the 1881–83 edition published by D. Appleton & Co., designed to be bound in two volumes.

26. The British efforts started somewhat earlier than the American. See Shepherd, Naomi, The Zealous Intruders: The Western Rediscovery of Palestine (London: Collins, 1987), ch. 8Google Scholar; Vogel, , To See a Promised Land, ch. 4Google Scholar; and Finnie, , Pioneers East, ch. 5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27. In the 1860s, a controversy raged in Britain over whether the opinions expressed by some of the contributors to Essays and Reviews (1860) were heretical in denying the inspiration of Holy Scriptures and the doctrine of eternal punishment, among other charges. Those accused were acquitted by the Privy Council in 1864, but the book was condemned by an Anglican council, the Convocation of Canterbury. For an account of this complicated controversy, see Faber, Geoffrey, Jowett: A Portrait with Background (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957), chs. 11 and 12Google Scholar.

28. See Wolfe, Gerald R., The House of Appleton (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow, 1981), 47Google Scholar.

29. Quoted in a review of Gray, 's Darwiniana in Appletons' Journal (11 1876)Google Scholar, which is quoted in Wolfe, , House of Appleton, 44Google Scholar.

30. See Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 78Google Scholar. See also Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua, The Rediscovery of the Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century, 2nd ed. (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1983), esp. 85–91Google Scholar; and Finnie, , Pioneers East, 173–81Google Scholar.

31. The complete title was The Land and the Book or Biblical Illustrations Drawn from the Manners and Customs, the Scenes and Scenery, of The Holy Land (New York: Harper and Brothers)Google Scholar. See Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 90Google Scholar.

32. See Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, ch. 8Google Scholar.

33. George Eliot's 1876 novel Daniel Deronda was one of the earliest popular works to call for the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. She had read The Land of Promise: or Turkey's Guarantee (1875), a booklet by Lt. Charles Warren, who had explored Jerusalem for the Palestine Exploration Fund and who advocated the eventual establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine (Polowetzky, Michael, Jerusalem Recovered: Victorian Intellectuals and the Birth of Modern Zionism [Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1995], 113–15Google Scholar). Shepherd points out, “The Jews of Europe played no part in the bible scholars' and scientists' rediscovery of Palestine in the [19th] century…. For assimilated Western Jews, Palestine was of no real interest; and for the orthodox, Jewish history and learning, not its geography, was of importance. When they returned to Palestine, it was the better to observe Jewish law as interpreted in the Talmud, not to revisit the sites of the battles of antiquity” (Zealous Intruders, 235Google Scholar).

34. See Moscrop, John James, Measuring Jerusalem: The Palestine Exploration Fund and British Interests in the Holy Land (New York: Leicester University Press, 2000), 46–47Google Scholar.

35. On Grove, see Moscrop, , Measuring Jerusalem, 64 ffGoogle Scholar. Grove is best known for his Dictionary of Music and Musicians (1879–89). In 1882, he was appointed the first director of the Royal College of Music and was knighted.

36. PEF Minutes, June 22, 1865; quoted in Moscrop, , Measuring Jerusalem, 70Google Scholar. On the early work of the PEF, see Silberman, Neil Asher, Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Archeology, and the Secret Struggle for the Holy Land, 1799–1917 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982), esp. ch. 9Google Scholar; Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, esp. ch. 7Google Scholar; Ben-Arieh, , Rediscovery of the Holy LandGoogle Scholar; and Watson, Charles Moore, Fifty Years' Work in the Holy Land: A Record and a Summary 1865–1915 (London: Palestine Exploration Society, 1915)Google Scholar.

37. PEF Report, 1865, 1; quoted in Melman, Billie, Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718–1918: Sexuality, Religion and Work (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992), 173Google Scholar.

38. Moscrop, , Measuring Jerusalem, 2Google Scholar.

39. Moscrop, , Measuring Jerusalem, 2Google Scholar.

40. April 29, 1871. The liberal clergyman Lyman Abbott was editor of the Illustrated Christian Weekly and could well have written the article. Warren, 's discoveries were reported in The Recovery of Jerusalem: A Narrative of Exploration and Discovery in the City and the Holy Land (London: Richard Bentley, 1871)Google Scholar, published in the United States by D. Appleton and Co. in 1871. The New Crusade was also the subtitle of Disraeli, Benjamin's novel Tancred (1847)Google Scholar, about a young Englishman's journey to Jerusalem.

41. Warren, Charles, Underground Jerusalem, 448Google Scholar; quoted in Schölch, Alexander, Palestine in Transformation 1856–1882: Studies in Social, Economic and Political Development (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1993), 64–65, n. 120Google Scholar. Schölch points out that the expression “Peaceful Crusade” was widely used and “meant primarily the gradual ‘reconquest’ of the ‘Holy Land’ for Christianity through religious, cultural, and philanthropical penetration” (66).

42. See Silberman, , Digging for God and Country, ch. 11, esp. 108, 115Google Scholar.

43. Davis, , Landscape of Belief, 187Google Scholar.

44. Quoted in Moulton, Warren J., “The American Palestine Exploration Society,” Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 8 (1928): 57–58Google Scholar.

45. Sixty-seven British and thirty-four American scholars worked on the project; the American revision committee was headed by Philip Schaff, a Picturesque Palestine contributor. The revised New Testament appeared in 1881 and the entire Bible in 1885. See Gutjahr, Paul C., An American Bible: A History of the Good Book in the United States, 1777–1880 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 109–11Google Scholar.

46. Thompson, Joseph P., “Concluding Appeal,” Palestine Exploration Society, no. 1 (07 1871): 34–35Google Scholar; quoted in Davis, John, “Picturing Palestine: The Holy Land in Nineteenth Century American Art and Culture” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1991)Google Scholar. The American Palestine Exploration Society had trouble finding skilled surveyors and raising sufficient funds (the economic downturn of 1873 did not help). It was quiescent by 1878, and its map of the Moab area was not detailed enough to be useful. Another group called the Oriental Topographical Corps also carried out expeditions in the region: one in 1873 led by George May Powell and a second in 1874 led by Strong, James (see Scribner's Monthly, 07 1874, 246–47)Google Scholar.

47. Appleton had published the first American editions of Darwin, 's On the Origin of Species (1859)Google Scholar and Descent of Man (1871)Google Scholar; Huxley, 's Man's Place in Nature (1863)Google Scholar, Lessons in Elementary Physiology (1866)Google Scholar, and Lay Sermons and Addresses (1870)Google Scholar; and the works of William Tyndall. The firm also published works that presented opposing theories or sought to reconcile science and religion, such as geology professor Conte, Joseph Le's Religion and Science (1873)Google Scholar, which maintained that the Bible and nature “have the same Author, and are, therefore, equally sacred, equally true, equally authoritative” (243). Appleton also published the International Scientific Series, begun in 1873, and Popular Science Monthly, begun in 1872, both edited by Edward L. Youmans.

48. Some of which appeared in Bibles. On the trend to include images of actual places in the Holy Land in Bibles, see Gutjahr, , American Bible, 60–88Google Scholar.

49. On Fenn, see Rainey, Sue, “Harry Fenn,” in American Book and Magazine Illustrators to 1920: Dictionary of Literary Biography, ed. Smith, Steven E., Hastedt, Catherine A., and Dyal, Donald H. (Detroit: Gale Research, 1998), 188:95–104Google Scholar.

50. See Rainey, Sue, Creating Picturesque America: Monument to the Natural and Cultural Landscape (Nashville, Tenn.: Vanderbilt University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

51. Its large-paper edition sold for 20 guineas in cloth and 50 guineas in morocco gilt, according to Nowell-Smith, Simon, The House of Cassell, 1848–1958 (London: Cassell, 1958), 101Google Scholar. Cassell, Petter & Galpin also offered Picturesque Europe in less expensive editions. The firm, which had published the London edition of Picturesque America, had established a New York City office in 1860, which probably facilitated joint ventures with American publishers (see Nowell-Smith, , House of Cassell, appendix 3, pp. 261–64Google Scholar).

52. JDW refers to poor treatment by the firm and to a desire to keep them from knowing about the new project (JDW to his mother, London, January 27, 1878, and December 9, 1877). Nowell-Smith, writes of Thomas Dixon Galpin, one of the firm's principals, that he was a “shrewd and ruthless business manager… quick to put a stop to any enterprise that was, or seemed likely to become, unprofitable” (House of Cassell, 76–77)Google Scholar.

53. Especially in the Exploration of Palestine series by Charles Boutell, 1868–69.

54. Gibson, Shimon, “The Holy Land in the Sights of Explorers' Cameras,” in With Eyes Toward Zion, vol. 5: Jerusalem in the Mind of the Western World, 1800–1948, ed. Ben-Arieh, Yehoshua and Davis, Moshe (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1997), 238Google Scholar. Daldy, Isbister & Co. brought out sermons, etc., in the 1870s. In 1864, the firm Bell and Daldy had published the controversial Jerusalem Explored by Ermete Pierotti. See Silberman, , Digging for God and Country, ch. 8Google Scholar.

55. Although photography was not yet a viable option, technologies would soon change so rapidly that by the late 1880s photomechanical engraving would largely supplant wood engraving and by the 1890s the halftone process would come into use for reproducing photographs.

56. The two extra steel engravings constituted the frontispieces for each volume. The title pages and tables of contents were distributed in part 40. Appleton later offered the work already bound in either two volumes, four “divisions,” or two volumes in four.

57. The number of copies of Roberts's work that were printed is not known. The list of subscribers included before The Holy Land's text begins numbers almost six hundred, headed by “The Queen's Most Excellent Majesty,” Queen Victoria. Sarah Walker Schroth says, “Over two thousand copies were sold before the publication date” (“David Roberts in Context,” in Jerusalem and the Holy Land Rediscovered, 39Google Scholar). The prices of the complete work were, with tinted prints in paper parts, £43.1s; with tinted proofs in thin cloth cases, £64.11s.6d; and, with colored prints, mounted, in thin cloth cases, £86.2s (Twyman, , Lithography, 220 n. 4Google Scholar).

58. On the use of wood engravings in newspapers and pictorial journalism, see Brown, Joshua, Beyond the Lines: Pictorial Reporting, Everyday Life, and the Crisis of the Gilded Age (Berkeley: University of California Press), esp. ch. 2Google Scholar.

59. Electrotypes were made by galvanic action: A beeswax mold of the type or wood engraving was covered with a thin coat of graphite and placed in a cell containing dilute sulfuric acid and copper plates. Electric current from a galvanic battery slowly deposited a thin shell of copper on the mold, which was later backed with type metal to make it extremely durable. See Winship, Michael, “Printing with Plates in the Nineteenth Century United States,” Printing History 5, no. 2 (1983): 20–21Google Scholar.

60. Shortly after this meeting, the artists were shocked to learn the Virtue firm had declared bankruptcy, which they feared would jeopardize the project. After two weeks of uncertainty, suitable arrangements were made for the firm to continue (JDW to his mother, London, August 25, 1878).

61. I am indebted to John Davis for calling Arthur P. Stanley's American tour to my attention (see Davis, John, “Frederic Church's ‘Sacred Geography,’” Smithsonian Studies in American Art 1 [Spring 1987]: 82–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Stanley's biographer wrote that Stanley's speaking and preaching “expedition proved to be one long ovation” (Rowland E. Prothero [Baron Ernle], with the Very Rev. Bradley, G. G., D.D., , The Life and Correspondence of Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, 2 vols. [New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1894], 512Google Scholar).

62. JDW to his mother, Hampstead, January 5, 1879. No evidence of whether Grove was approached by Appleton has come to light.

63. See the section “Themes in the Text and Images,” beginning on page 227, for more information on these writers.

64. See SirWatson, Charles M., The Life of Major-General Sir Charles William Wilson Royal Engineers (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1909)Google Scholar.

65. Picturesque Palestine includes six steel engravings after artists other than Fenn and Woodward, five in volume I and one in volume II (the frontispiece). Three plates are after Carl Werner, a German academic painter who had lived in Egypt and the Holy Land in 1862–64; thirty-two chromolithographs after his paintings were published in Jerusalem, Bethlehem and the Holy Places (London: Moore McQueen, 1865Google Scholar; chromolithographed by M. N. Hanhart). The other plates are after the British artists Henry Andrew Harper, who had worked with the PEF, and Richard Beavis. Both Harper and Beavis exhibited paintings with Near Eastern subjects with the Royal Academy during the 1870s. In 1879, Beavis exhibited Threshing Floor at Gilgal, which could be the work reproduced in the steel engraving Threshing Corn (I, opp. 201). That the Near Eastern works of these three artists were mentioned in the Art Journal in the 1870s suggests that James Virtue would have been aware of them and could have suggested preparing engravings of some of their works (perhaps while awaiting the return of Fenn and Woodward).

66. The convention with both wood and steel engravings was for the artist's signature or monogram to appear at the lower left and the engraver's at lower right. In Picturesque Palestine's wood engravings, Woodward's signature is very often on the right, however, and often no engraver's name appears.

67. Among the wood engravers, the names of [Joseph S.] Harley and W. H. Morse appear frequently; others include H. Linton, Lauderback, P. Meeder, J. Filmer, and W. F. Dana. Of the wood engravers, only Whymper and Dalziel were definitely known to be working in England. Josiah Wood Whymper (1813–1903) had been the manager and chief wood engraver for Picturesque Europe (probably assisted by other engravers in his firm). Dalziel was the signature of the prominent London firm of wood engravers, the Dalziel Brothers. See de Maré, Eric, The Victorian Woodblock Illustrators (London: Gordon Fraser, 1980), esp. 53–66Google Scholar.

68. JDW to his mother, September 15, 1878, Hampstead Heath, London. The procedure was to be: “on an engraver sending a satisfactory proof — with a bill of the same, we sign it and he gets his money but they will not pay anyone unless with our signature. This will insure good work and not such rubbish as Whymper has sent in.” Clearly, the artists had been dissatisfied with some of the engravings for Picturesque Europe, which Whymper supervised.

69. In the Christian Union, the earliest review I have found. Also significant is the 1880 copyright date on the front cover of parts I-VI; thereafter 1881 appears through part XX; 1882, parts XXI-XXIX; and 1883, parts XXX-IL (this is true of the set that I own, at any rate). Whether these dates indicate that the distribution was less regular than the promised bimonthly deliveries is unknown.

70. Churchman, March 26, 1881.

71. Quoted on the back cover of some of the parts of Picturesque Palestine.

72. Christian Union, February 16, 1881.

73. “Picturesque Palestine,” London Times, 09 23, 1881, p. 4Google Scholar. The volumes were of approximately 238 pages, plus an index. The price was £1 11s. 6d. per volume. The steel engraved images on the title pages for volumes 2 and 4 do not appear in the two-volume Appleton version. The time lapse between the American and British publications would have allowed time for either printed sheets or electrotypes to be shipped to London. The Virtue firm subsequently offered the work bound in several different ways, including eight parts in three volumes, 1880–84, and in four volumes dated 1884.

74. “Picturesque Palestine,” Art Journal (London) 8, no. 22 (1882): 297–98Google Scholar.

75. “Picturesque Palestine,” London Times, 09 23, 1881, p. 4Google Scholar.

76. One example is the daguerreotypes George Keith took in the Holy Land to serve as the basis for illustrations to a new edition of his father's book (Keith, Alexander, Evidence of the Truth of Christian Religion Derived from the Literal Fulfillment of Prophecy Particularly as illustrated by the History of the Jews and the Discoveries of Modern Travellers ([Edinburgh: W. Whyte, 1844])Google Scholar. The images were meant to demonstrate the biblical curse (Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 187–88Google Scholar).

77. JDW to his mother, Hampstead Heath, London, December 22, 1878.

78. JDW to his mother, Lynton, England, September 30 and December 29, 1877. The publisher of Picturesque Europe, Cassell, Petter & Galpin, finally decided in April 1877 not to send Woodward to Turkey, and to buy photographs in London as the basis for the illustrations of Constantinople and Athens and its environs (Lu to Woodward's mother, Pont Aven, France, April 23, 1877). Woodward had observed fighting along the Danube between the Turks and the Serbians (JDW to his mother, Vienna, July 16, 1876). His letters reveal condescension toward both Russians and Turks. On arriving in Vienna after his trip to Russia, he wrote his mother, “You may know how glad I was to be among civilized people again and out of Russia” (July 16, 1876). On the same day, he wrote his aunt, Virginia Minor, commenting that he expected to go to Turkey in the fall “among such heathens as the Turks.”

7 9. See Tuchman, , Bible and Sword, 166—67Google Scholar.

80. JDW to his mother, Lynton, England, December 9, 1877; and JDW to his wife, Nablous [Nablus], May 6, 1878.

81. JDW to his mother, London, February 3, 1878. In 1877, the Bedouin tribes in Petra had become so belligerent that Cook advised against travel there (Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 182Google Scholar).

82. JDW to his mother, London, February 3, 1878, and steamship Zambesi, off Portugal, February 18, 1878. Unfortunately the terms are not specified. While working on Picturesque Europe, the artists paid their expenses from their weekly payment. Anticipating that his expenses would be high in Germany and Russia, Woodward insisted on £24 a week rather than the £20 the publishers had proposed (the amount Fenn received) (JDW to his mother, Hildesheim, May 21, 1876).

83. JDW to his mother, London, January 27, 1878. Very likely these works included Bartlett, William Henry's Walks About the City and Environs of Jerusalem, published by George S. Virtue in 1844Google Scholar, and Frith, Francis's photographs, Egypt and Palestine (London: James S. Virtue, 1858–1859Google Scholar).

84. JDW to his mother, London, February 3 and January 6, 1878, and Haifa, May 4, 1879; and JDW to his wife, in camp at Jericho, April 7, 1878. Although Petra is covered in the book, it is clear they did not go there; neither drawings nor letters refer to Petra. Their illustrations must have been based on photographs.

85. JDW to his wife, Port Said, April 6, 1878; and Joffa [Jaffa], April 7, 1878. Although favorably impressed at first by Rolla Floyd, an American, they came to consider him a “rascal” when he did not pay some of their helpers as promised.

86. Larger drawings would require reducing; Woodward mentions having several drawings “to reduce” in his September 24, 1876, letter to his mother from Hampstead Heath, London.

87. In his extant drawings for Picturesque America, Woodward used pencil and occasionally white gouache, but no color; for the series Scenery of the Pacific Railroad and Colorado in the Art Journal (New York), he used watercolor in a few instances.

88. JDW to his wife, Port Said, April 6, 1879.

89. JDW to his wife, steamship Zambesi, February 21–22, 1878, and Jerusalem, March 17, 1878; and JDW to his mother, steamer Mehalah, January 28, 1879.

90. JDW to his wife, in camp at Jericho, April 7, 1878. Such luxurious camps were not unusual. See Twain, Mark's descriptions in The Innocents Abroad (1869; rept. New York: Penguin, 1966), 322–23Google Scholar; and Vogel, , To See a Promised Land, ch. 3Google Scholar.

91. JDW to his mother, [late June 1878], Port Said; and JDW to his wife, Safed, May 19, 1878; Nablous [Nablus], May 6, 1878; and Bethlehem, April 20, 1879.

92. Among the very few other images of incidents on their journeys are “Landing at Jaffa” (II, 128) and “Bîr es Seba: The Site of Beersheba” (II, 209), with the caption, “In the foreground a woman is asking alms of the artist's travelling attendants.”

9 3. JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, March 24, 1878.

94. JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, March 17, 1878; and on the Nile, February 9, 1879.

95. JDW to his wife, Joppa [Jaffa], March 6, 1878.

96. JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, March 24, 1878; typed transcript of a letter from Francis Marwa to JDW, Beirout [Beirut], August 28, 1878; and JDW to his mother, Hampstead Heath, London, September 8, 1878.

97. JDW to his wife, steamship Zambesi, Mediterranean Sea, February 26–27, 1878; and JDW to his mother, Joppa [Jaffa], March 3, 1878.

98. JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, March 31, 1878.

99. JDW to his wife, in camp at Bethel, April 29, 1878; and JDW to his mother, Hotel du Nil [Cairo], February 15, 1879.

100. JDW to his mother, Pont Aven, France, May 13, 1877. These instructions pertained to the North Cape, which was eventually scratched from Woodward's itinerary in the interest of time and expense, and this change led him to decide to take his wife on the journey. (JDW to his mother, St. Malo, France, June 1, 1877).

101. The inclusion of figures in the majority of images is also quite different from the lack of figures in many early photographs of Jerusalem landmarks noted by Nassar, Issam, Photographing Jerusalem: The Image of the City in Nineteenth Century Photographs (Boulder: East European Monographs, 1997)Google Scholar. This same absence of figures is seen in the recent book of photographs by Brooke, Steven, Views of Jerusalem and the Holy Land (New York: Rizzoli, 1998)Google Scholar.

102. It is not known who wrote the captions — the artists, the writers, the Appleton manager, Oliver B. Bunce, Charles W. Wilson, or someone else.

103. The only exception I have noted is a couple dressed in Western clothes apparently giving alms to lepers at “Bir Eyub — Job's Well” (I, 120). Fenn did include an artist's paintbox and easel in one wood engraving in the Egypt section (II, 387).

104. Rev. Van Lennep, Henry J., Bible Lands: Their Modern Customs and Manners Illustrative of Scripture (New York: Harper Brothers, 1875–1876), 7Google Scholar. Cf. Ben-Arieh, , “Perceptions and Images,” 41Google Scholar.

105. A Hand-Book for Travellers in Syria and Palestine (London: John Murray, 1875), 29Google Scholar.

106. See Melman, , Women's Orients, 170Google Scholar: Referring to the writings of Frances Power Cobbe (1822–1908), Melman says, “To ‘nullify’ time and ‘neutralise’ it, to ‘diminish distance’… practically is to mythologise the Middle East and recreate it as a changeless place outside history, the locus of people who had not developed since Biblical times, or the life-time of Christ.”

107. See Doumani, Beshara, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700–1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

108. JDW to his wife, Nablous [Nablus], May 6, 1878.

109. After the visitors offered gifts or refreshments, the Bedouins became friendly (JDW to his wife, Bethlehem, April 20, 1879).

110. JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, March 17, 1878.

111. JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, March 24, 1878.

112. Hunt, William Holman, Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood (New York: Macmillan, 1905), I, 381–88Google Scholar; 429, 447; II, 4; and JDW to his wife, Bethlehem, April 4, 1878.

113. The others are a woman at David's Well, in Bethlehem, carrying a water jug on her shoulder (wood engraving, I, 134) and a group of mother-of-pearl workers in Bethlehem (I, 133).

114. JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, May 31, 1878; JDW to his mother, Hampstead, July 28, 1878; and Maria Louise Woodward to her mother-in-law, Hampstead Heath, July 14, 1878.

115. See vol. III: “The Bashi-Bazouk,” 312, and “Circassians in Constantinople,” 314.

116. A letter from JDW to his wife (Jerusalem, March 17, 1878) refers to buying “a pound's worth of photographs.” Since “so many good photographs” of Cairo were available, they planned to “hasten the work” there by using them (JDW to his mother, Cairo, January 20, 1879). They decided to eliminate a four-day trip to Beersheba just to sketch a well, “trusting to find photographs of it” (JDW to his wife, Bethlehem, April 20, 1879); since no image of Beersheba appears in the book, perhaps they could not find a photograph after all.

117. See Gavin, Carney E. S., The Image of the East: Nineteenth-Century Near Eastern Photographs by Bonfils: From the Collection of the Harvard Semitic Museum, accompanied by 10 microfiches (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982)Google Scholar; and In Arab Lands: The Bonfils Collection of the University of Pennsylvania Museum, intro. Haller, Douglas M. (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

118. There is no indication from the letters that the artists were aware that the photographers often “preferred docile paid models to the unpredictable peasantry,” as Naomi Shepherd and others have pointed out (see Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 189–90Google Scholar).

119. Cf. the Bonfils photograph of a bread vendor, Gavin, , The Image of the EastGoogle Scholar, microfiche 4E3, Harvard Semitic Museum 629; reproduced in Vaczek, Louis and Buckland, Gail, Travelers in Ancient Lands: a Portrait of the Middle East, 1839–1919 (Boston: New York Graphic Society, 1981), 161Google Scholar.

120. Reproduced in Onne, Eyal, The Photographic Heritage of the Holy Land 1839–1914 (Manchester: Manchester Polytechnic, 1980), 77Google Scholar. A photograph was probably used for the pilgrims in the foreground as well.

121. Cf. I, 237, with II, 192; I, 60, with I, 61 and 294; and I, 106, with I, 334 and 367 (a donkey carrying similar jugs and a boy appear in the Bonfils photo [Gavin, , Image of the EastGoogle Scholar, microfiche 5D10, Harvard Semitic Museum 708]).

122. Bonfils photos they could have used in these cases are “Interior of the Holy Sepulchre with ornaments” (Gavin, , Image of the EastGoogle Scholar, microfiche 8G10, Harvard Semitic Museum 77:002:020) and “Damascus, Interior of the English Consulate” (Gavin, , Image of the EastGoogle Scholar, microfiche 3C3, Harvard Semitic Museum 520).

123. JDW to his wife, June 4, 1879. Woodward had illustrated the famous Natural Bridge in Virginia in June 1872 for the periodical Hearth and Home and Fenn had illustrated it for Picturesque America.

124. Two of the many earlier representations are reproduced in Rainey, and Stein, , Shaping the Landscape ImageGoogle Scholar: one by J. M. W. Turner based on a sketch by C. Barry, in Home, Thomas Hartwell, The Biblical Keepsake (1835)Google Scholar, and one by Bartlett, W. H., in his Walks About the City and Environs of Jerusalem (1844)Google Scholar. The climax of Melville, Herman's long poem Clarel (1876)Google Scholar is set at Mar Saba.

125. “Picturesque Palestine,” Art Journal, 300Google Scholar.

126. JDW to his mother, Jerusalem, March 12, 1878.

127. “(Luke IX.51)/(Matt. XVI 13.20 XVII 1.13).” The watercolor is now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City, and has been reproduced in American Watercolors from the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1991), no. 79.

128. Typed transcript of letter from Najmabou Kater to JDW, Beyrouth [Beirut], Syria, July 23, 1888.

129. In an August 18, 1871, letter, Rolla Floyd wrote,

I left Jaffa with an English party to go to Beyrout. We went to Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Solomon's Pools, Dead Sea, Jordan, Jericho, Bethany and back to Jerusalem. Visited all the places in its vicinity then went to Mizpah, Ramah, Gibeah, Anath, Bethel, ancient Sheckem, Shilah, the Plains of Esdaelan, Mount Bilboa, Jejreel, the fountain where Giddeon's Army lapped water, Shunem, Nain Endar, the Mount of Transfiguration, Nazareth, the Sea of Galilee, Capernaum, Bethsaida, Charagin, the Mount of Beatitudes, Mount Carmel, Jericho and to Beyrout by Tyre and Sidon. We went to many other places of Bible history but those that I have mentioned are the principle ones. (Rolla Floyd, Letters from Palestine: 1868–1912 [no publisher credited; copyright 1981]).

It is not known whether the spelling errors are Floyd's or result from transcribing his handwriting.

130. “Mounts Serbal and Sinai,” Illustrated Christian Weekly, 06 17, 1871Google Scholar.

131. JDW to his mother, Joppa [Jaffa], March 3, 1878; and JDW to his wife, Jerusalem, March 12, 1878.

132. JDW to his mother, Jerusalem, March 22, 1878.

133. JDW to his mother, Jerusalem, March 22, 1878.

134. JDW to his wife, Haifa, May 4, 1879.

135. JDW to his wife, Safed, May 19, 1878.

136. Twain, , Innocents Abroad, 380–81Google Scholar.

137. JDW to his mother, Joppa [Jaffa], March 3, 1878.

138. JDW to his mother, London, December 22, 1878.

139. JDW to his mother, Jerusalem, March 22, 1878.

140. JDW to his wife, Nazareth, May 10, 1878.

141. They had collected and dried numerous specimens. JDW wrote his mother (August 4, 1878) that when they spoke of the beauty of the flowers, Willie Appleton suggested they use them in the book.

142. See Stein, , introduction to Rainey and Stein, Shaping the Landscape Image, 14—15Google Scholar.

143. See also I, 165, 192, 316; and II, 59, 279, 414, 431.

144. JDW to his mother, April 20, 1879.

145. Issawi, Charles, The Fertile Crescent, 1800–1914: A Documentary Economic History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 164, 205Google Scholar.

146. Twain, , Innocents Abroad, 405Google Scholar.

147. Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 105Google Scholar.

148. Tristram, Canon of Durham, was an ornithologist and zoologist; his books include The Land of Israel, a Journal of Travels in Palestine (1865), Natural History of the Bible (1867), Bible Places or the Topography of the Holy Land (1872), and The Land of Moab (1875) (see Ben-Arieh, , Rediscovery of the Holy Land, 177–82Google Scholar).

149. Warren, 's Underground Jerusalem was published 1875Google Scholar. His Survey of Western Palestine, coauthored with Conder, would be published by the PEF in 1884.

150. Schaff edited the multivolume English translation of Lange, Johann Peter, A Commentary on the Holy Scriptures: Critical, Doctrinal, and Homiletical with Special Reference to Ministers and Students (New York: Charles Scribner, 1864–1880Google Scholar). Schaff was a leading church historian and in 1888 founded the American Society of Church History.

151. Jessup, Henry H.'s Women of the Arabs was published 1873Google Scholar; his Syrian Home Life appeared 1874Google Scholar and The Mohammedan Missionary Problem in 1879Google Scholar.

152. Rev. Clarke, F. Pickering's The Acts and Writings of the Apostles had been published by Bell and Daldy (n.d.)Google Scholar.

153. With part XXVII, Appleton began to use the back cover to advertise some of their other publications, including their numerous “Cyclopaedias and Dictionaries,” a new serial publication, Europe, by Élisée Reclus, and “Important Works on Electricity.” Sometimes, instead of such ads, they printed a sampling of the positive reviews of Picturesque Palestine.

154. She and her brother had also coauthored a series of articles on Egypt appearing in the Art Journal (Virtue) in 1879 and 1880.

155. Melman, , Women's Orients, 173Google Scholar.

156. Charles Clermont-Ganneau became the French consul in Jerusalem in 1867. An amateur archaeologist, he was associated with the PEF for a long period. He was instrumental and getting a “squeeze” of the inscription on the Moabite Stone and obtaining its fragments for the Louvre (Moscrop, , Measuring Jerusalem, esp. 85–92, 99–100Google Scholar).

157. See Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 200–205Google Scholar; Silberman, , Digging for God and Country, ch. 10Google Scholar; and Moscrop, , Measuring Jerusalem, 76–83Google Scholar.

158. Queen, Edward L. II, “Ambiguous Pilgrims: American Protestant Travelers to Ottoman Palestine, 1867–1914,” in Studies in Jewish Civilization, vol. 7: Pilgrims and Travelers to the Holy Land, ed. Le Beau, Bryan F. and Mor, Menachem (Omaha, Nebr.: Creighton University Press, 1996), 216Google Scholar. See also Ben-Arieh, , “Perceptions and Images.”Google Scholar

1 59. JDW to his wife, Nablous [Nablus], May 6, 1878.

160. The British archaeologist W M. F. Petrie excavated Tell el-Hesy, using pottery for dating (see Silberman, , Digging for God and Country, ch. 14Google Scholar).

161. Stanley makes the same point in the introduction (ix).

162. Apparently not long after writing the section on “The Southern Borderland and the Dead Sea” for Picturesque Palestine. Clarke refers to Palmer's party setting forth from Ayún Músa in August of 1882 (II, 242). See Ben-Arieh, , Rediscovery of the Holy Land, 207Google Scholar.

163. Quoting from Palmer, 's The Desert of the Exodus: Journeys on Foot in the wilderness of the Forty Years' Wanderings (Cambridge, U.K.: Deighton, Bell, 1871), 27Google Scholar.

164. Schölch, , Palestine in Transformation, 80–81Google Scholar; and Doumani, , Rediscovering Palestine, 4–5Google Scholar.

165. Stanley, Dean, Lecture on the History of the Jewish Church, part I (London, 1863), 11Google Scholar. Shepherd, points out the prevalence of this approach and its problems (Zealous Intruders, 89–94)Google Scholar.

166. The “Sinai” section includes a number of images of Bedouin groups and camps (II, 252, 253, 335, 349).

167. A Syrian Protestant Christian, Michael Rustum, who had known Henry Jessup and taught in mission schools, came to the United States and in 1895 published The Book of the Stranger in the West, in which he accuses Jessup's books, Syrian Home Life and The Women of the Arabs, of being filled with “slander” and prejudice against Syrians and their customs (Basim Musallam, Review of Said, , OrientalismGoogle Scholar, “Power and Knowledge,” MERIP Reports 79 [1979]: 19–26Google Scholar). Jessup, 's book The Mohammedan Missionary Problem (Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publications, 1879)Google Scholar discusses how best to convert Muslims to Christianity (see Sha'ban, , Islam and Arabs, 51–52Google Scholar).

168. See Cowling, Mary, The Artist as Anthropologist: The Representation of Type and Character in Victorian Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), esp. ch. 4Google Scholar, for a fascinating study of the widespread acceptance of physiognomy in 19th-century Britain.

169. [Carter, Robert], “Palestine,” in The American Cyclopedia (first published, 1861; 1883 edition, New York: D. Appleton, 1883), 13:7Google Scholar. See Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, 79 ff.Google Scholar; and Said, , Orientalism, 38–41Google Scholar.

170. The London Society for the Promotion of Christianity among the Jews, commonly called the “London Jews' Society,” founded in 1809, is discussed in Shepherd, , Zealous Intruders, ch. 8Google Scholar; and Crombie, K. C., For the Love of Zion: Christian Witness and the Restoration of Israel (London: Hodder and Houghton, 1991)Google Scholar.

171. Baedeker, Karl, Palestine and Syria, Handbook for Travellers (Leipzig: Baedeker, 1876), 467Google Scholar; quoted in Maoz, Moshe, “Communal Conflicts in Ottoman Syria During the Reform Era: The Role of Political and Economic Factors,” in Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society, ed. Braude, Benjamin and Lewis, Bernard, vol. 2: The Arabic-Speaking Lands (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982), 96Google Scholar.

172. Issawi, , Fertile Crescent, 57Google Scholar.

173. See Maoz, , “Communal Conflicts,” 93–98Google Scholar.

174. See Mitchell, , Colonising Egypt, 63–65Google Scholar. Woodward feared that “improvements” would destroy the “quaintness” of Cairo's streets (JDW to his wife, Cairo, February 15, 1879).

175. “I don't wonder at the state of the country when you see the number of churches and priests upon the street. The reason is obvious. They are an ignorant mass of priest ridden people and if they would do as Germany did and abolish the Roman Catholic Church (Greek) but if any thing worse than the Roman — they would in time prosper” (JDW to his mother, Ratisbon, Germany, July 23, 1876).

176. Portions of a November 3, 1881, letter from G. Gottheil (1827–1903), a leader in the new Reform Movement, are quoted with other “Recommendations” on the back of some of the late part covers:

Messrs. D. Appleton & Co. — Gentlemen: I have rarely examined a work with so much pleasure and so strong a desire of seeing more of it, as the two numbers of “Picturesque Palestine, Sinai, and Egypt,” …Although the Bible has been my companion from earliest childhood, its histories seemed to assume a new clearness and reality as I was gazing upon the scenes, one after another. The work can not fail to become a household book, whatever the place of the Bible may be in the family library, and where it still holds its old position as the fountain of divine light and truth, your work must be regarded as the most welcome guide and lucid interpreter; while, to those whose office requires them to recall the ancient scenes and paint them to their hearers as vividly as they can, the pictures must prove of inestimable value….”

177. See Silberman, , Digging for God and Country, 44–45Google Scholar.

178. Schölch, , Palestine in Transformation, 63Google Scholar.

179. Published as “The Hero as Prophet, Mahomet,” in On Heroes, Hero Worship and the Heroic in History (London: Chapman and Hall, 1840)Google Scholar.

180. This is discussed by Bendiner, Kenneth Paul in “The Portrayal of the Middle East in British Painting 1835–1860” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1979)Google Scholar, in relation to David Roberts's interest in depicting architecture (133–38). See Wren, Christopher, On the State of Westminster Abbey (1713)Google Scholar.

181. “Art and Artists,” Boston, Daily Evening Transcript, 08 8, 1881Google Scholar. The article called attention to the new watercolor by Carl Haag of the Holy Rock, thought to be “the only picture of the rock itself.”

1 82. See Tuchman, , Bible and Sword, ch. 14Google Scholar.

183. March 21, 1881; quoted on the back of some part covers.

184. Quoted on the back of some part covers.

185. The firm had taken additional partners and added “& Co.” to its name. Issued serially from 1879 to 1884 with three divisions to be bound in one volume, this version of The Holy Land contained 126 photographically reduced images “after lithographs by Louis Haghe.” The price was 18 shillings per division or 2 pounds, 14 shillings. The size of the page and of the images (ca. 12¼ × 9 inches and ca. 9 × 6 inches) was slightly larger than in Day & Son's publication mentioned earlier (page, ca. 11 ¼ × 8 inches; images, either ca. 8 ¼ × 5 ¼ or 6 ¾ × 5 ¼ inches).

186. Guérin, authored the multivolume government publication Description Géographique, Historique et Archéologique de la Palestine (Paris: l'Imprimerie Impériale, 1868 — 1880)Google Scholar; the text was a day-by-day, almost hour-by-hour, report of the expeditions led by Guerin, accompanied by maps, but no illustrations.

187. What, if any, business arrangements these publishers had with the Appleton and Virtue firms is not known, but it is clear from comparing the illustrations that the French and German firms had access to electrotypes of the original wood engravings. La Terre Sainte was published by E. Plon, Paris (in two volumes: vol. I, 468 pp., and vol. II, 507 pp.). The page size (ca. 14 × 11 inches) is larger than that of Picturesque Palestine. The German work, published in Stuttgart and Leipzig by Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, used only two steel engravings, as frontispieces. Hermann Guthe was Secretary and Librarian of the Deutschen Vereins zur Erforschung Palästinas, founded in 1877.

188. Aegypten in Bild und Wort, 2 vols. (Stuttgart: E. Hallberger, 1879)Google Scholar. One version of Egypt: Descriptive, Historical, and Picturesque was published by Cassell & Co. Limited, London, Paris & Melbourne, and Cassell Publishing Co., New York, 1879; its binding displayed “Picturesque Egypt” as the title. A second edition, published by Cassell, Petter, Galpin & Co. (ca. 1881–82) is elaborately bound in purple cloth, with turquoise-studded gold ornaments. A second “unaltered” edition in German was also issued in this binding.

189. SirTemple, Richard, Palestine Illustrated (London: W H. Allen & Co., 1888)Google Scholar.

190. The injunction is reported in the New York Times (07 22, 1888, p. 8)Google Scholar and names the “Provident Book Company” as the offender. The Holy Land and the Bible, by Cunningham Geikie, was published in 1888 by Hurst & Co. (also appears with J. B. Alden imprint), New York, reproducing many of Picturesque Palestine's wood engravings by the photoengraving process “by special arrangement” with D. Appleton & Co. They are reduced in size, frequently cropped, and show less precision and contrast than the wood engravings. The selection of images was apparently based on those used in the German version, edited by Ebers and Guthe, as the title page states, “with … 212 illustrations reproduced from the celebrated German work of Dr. Georg Ebers.”

191. Quoted in an ad in the Christian Union, February 9, 1881. It is also similar in being a primarily secular story, despite its subtitle, that reflects the values of the culture that produced it; the focus is on a Jewish hero who survives incredible difficulties and defeats a Roman antagonist.

192. In 1868, for example, 250 Americans passed from Jaffa to Jerusalem; whereas in 1910 the number was 1600 (Klatzer, David, “American Christian Travelers to the Holy Land, 1821–1939” [Ph.D. diss, Temple University, 1987], 22Google Scholar).

193. Holmes, Georgianna Klingle [George Klingle, pseud.], Bethlehem to Jerusalem (New York: Stokes)Google Scholar. Other illustrators apparently used Picturesque Palestine as a source: Compare, for example, the illustration in Lew. Wallace, , The First Christmas (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1902), on page 70Google Scholar, with Woodward's illustration in volume I, page 127. Appleton also allowed other publishing firms to use images from Picturesque Palestine, probably by purchasing electrotypes. The Rev. T. DeWitt Talmage's life of Jesus, , From Manger to Throne (Philadelphia: Historical Publishing Company, 1890)Google Scholar, published serially, included many wood engravings from Picturesque Palestine, with the copyright notice of D. Appleton & Co. included on each.

194. Codicil to the will of J. P. L. Woodward, January 16, 1893, Richmond, Virginia.

195. Illustrated in Christie's auction catalog, March 14, 1986, lot 99.

196. “Art Notes,” Boston, Daily Evening Transcript, 04 16, 1887Google Scholar.

197. Undated letter, Fenn to Mrs. Rand, in Montclair Art Museum archives, Mont-clair, New Jersey.

198. Fenn, Harry, “Silk and Cedar: A Scramble in the Lebanons,” St. Nicholas, 04 1897, 467–71Google Scholar.

199. Bab Tuma, A Gate in the Walls of Damascus (25 × 19 inches, signed and dated 1909) was offered for sale after Fenn's death. See A Collection of Water Color Drawings by Harry Fenn (New York: Anderson Auction Company, 1911), 17Google Scholar, where it is reproduced and described as “The last important work executed by the artist.” The sale catalog contains eight other works with Holy Land or Egyptian subjects (out of eighty-two works).

200. Vincent, John G. and Lee, James W., Earthly Footsteps of the Man of Galilee (St. Louis: N. D. Thompson, 1894)Google Scholar. See Davis, John, “Holy Land, Holy People? Photography, Semitic Wannabes, and Chautauqua's Palestine Park,” Prospects 17 (1992): 241–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a fascinating analysis of this book and its photographs.

201. John Davis discusses both Palestine Park and the “Jerusalem” at the St. Louis fair in Davis, , Landscape of Belief (88–97)Google Scholar and “Holy Land, Holy People?” For some photographs of the fair, see Francis, David Rowland, The Universal Exposition of 1904 (St. Louis: Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company, 1913)Google Scholar, and The Greatest of Expositions Completely Illustrated (St. Louis: Official Photographic Co., 1904)Google Scholar.

202. See The Cruise of the Eight Hundred to and through Palestine: Glimpses of Bible Lands: The World's Sunday-School Convention (New York: Christian Herald, 1905)Google Scholar. This group was led by Picturesque Palestine writer Henry H. Jessup.

203. See Silberman, , Digging for God and Country, ch. 18Google Scholar.

204. “Jerusalem Delivered” (editorial), Washington Post, 12 11, 1917, p. 6Google Scholar.

205. “The Liberation of Jerusalem,” theater program, May 24 [1919] (San Francisco: J. C. Marshall, printer). An article on the pageant in the San Francisco Chronicle, Sunday, May 25, 1919, reports that it was in conjunction with the Empire Day celebrations of the British societies of the Bay Area. The three acts “portrayed three epochal events in the history of the holy city — the first great ‘Feast of Lights,’ celebrated for the first time when Judas Maccabeus retook the holy places from Antiochus IV…; the scenes during the Third Crusade, when the soldiers of Richard Coeur de Lion visited as pilgrims the city they did not enter as warriors and the latest of Jerusalem's historic scenes when General Allenby and the British Army entered the city of David on December 10, 1917.” The “climax of the pageant came when the crescent was lowered” from a “semblance” of the Tower of David, and the Union Jack was raised, followed by the flags of the United States, France, Italy and Belgium, and then the new Jewish national flag.