1. Emerson, Ralph Waldo, “The Young American: A Lecture Read Before the Mercantile Library Association, Boston, February 7, 1844,” in Nature, Addresses and Lectures, Volume I of The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson with a Biographical Introduction and Notes, Centenary Edition (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1903), pp. 364–65Google Scholar, the lines of the magician's rod used by Marx, Leo, from his The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 234–35Google Scholar, with appreciation to Janice Simon for pointing to Marx's use of Emerson's lines in a paper entitled “Nineteenth-Century Conceptions of American Nature: An Historiographic Essay,” of 04 23, 1979Google Scholar. For the phrase of the subtitle of this essay, “making strange,” see the account in Hawkes, Terence, Structuralism and Semiotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), pp. 62–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Hawkes' discussion of Viktor Shklovsky and ostranenie.

2. Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Parsons, Takott, new ed. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958), p. 141Google Scholar. Parsons first published his translation in 1930. Although they are not cited in these notes, the works of Erik H. Erikson, as any reader of his books will realize, were central to the conceptualization of this essay.

3. Lev. 26:19–20, and Isa. 48:4, 45:2–3.

4. Bercovitch, Sacvan, The Puritan Origins of the American Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975).Google Scholar

5. In the work of Christopher Lasch, his discussion of the American intellectuals' confusion of culture and politics is best displayed in his The New Radicalism in America 1889–1963: The Intellectual as a Social Type (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965)Google Scholar. And see particularly Wilson, R. Jackson, “The Plight of the Transcendent Individual,” the first chapter of his In Quest of Community: Social Philosophy in the United States, 1860–1920, American Culture History Series (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1968), pp. 1–31Google Scholar. And it is a problem that focuses the later work of Bercovitch, the irony he displays of the socializing function of the jeremiad (The American Jeremiad [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978], particularly p. 204 and pp. 204–5 n.).Google Scholar

6. The idea of placements of time and space is taken from the writings of Bercovitch, most particularly his recent discussion of Melville, 's “Chronometricals and Horologicals” from Pierre; or, the Ambiguities, in The American Jeremiad, pp. 28–30Google Scholar. Documentary expression is a phrase in reference to a book of that title by Stott, William, Documentary Expression and Thirties America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973)Google Scholar. See Stott's first chapter, “What Is Documentary?,” pp. 5–17Google Scholar. Reference is made to Mailer's “‘diary-essay-tract-sermon,’” The Armies of the Night, by Bercovitch, in a note to p. 204Google Scholar of The American Jeremiad.

7. Morgan, Edmund S., Visible Saints: The History of a Puritan Idea (New York: New York University Press, 1963).Google Scholar

8. Jennings, Francis, “Virgin Land and Savage People,” American Quarterly, 23 (10 1971), 521–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar, citing from John Winthrop, “General Considerations for the plantation in New England, with an answer to several objections,” in Forbes, Allyn B., ed., The Winthrop Papers (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1929–1947), II, 118Google Scholar. And see Bercovitch writing of the contrasting English Puritan vision, that, for example, of Milton, here in The Puritan Origins of the American Self, the discussion of Milton, on p. 83.Google Scholar

9. Auden, W. H., The Enchafed Flood: Or the Romantic Iconography of the Sea (New York: Random House, 1950).Google Scholar

10. Melville, Herman, Moby-Dick [or, The Whale]: An Authoritative Text, Reviews and Letters by Melville, Analogues and Sources, Criticism, eds. Hayford, Harrison and Parker, Hershel, A Norton Critical Edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1967), pp. 116–17, 125, 469Google Scholar, a “constructed text” following the first American edition (New York, 1851) and attesting in its meticulous attention to the archaeology of the text involved, akin to the recovery of Walden and its world.

11. Hemingway, Ernest, The Sun Also Rises (1926), in The Hemingway Reader, ed. Poore, Charles (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953), p. 110Google Scholar. And for an analysis of the cash value as a thematic tie in the novel, see Sprague, Claire, “The Sun Also Rises: Its ‘Clear Financial Basis,’” American Quarterly, 21 (Summer 1969), 259–66.Google Scholar

12. Miller, Perry, “From Edwards to Emerson” (1940), in American Transcendentalism: An Anthology of Criticism, ed. Barbour, Brian (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1973), p. 70.Google Scholar

13. Fish, Stanley E., Self-consuming Artifacts: The Experience of Seventeenth-Century Literature (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972).Google Scholar

14. Bercovitch, , in The Puritan Origins of the American Self, pp. 187–205Google Scholar, has appended, as “Cotton Mather's Life of John Winthrop,” the portion of the Magnalia Christi Americana; or, The Ecclesiastical History of New England, ed. Robbins, Thomas (Hartford, 1853), 1, 118–31 (book two)Google Scholar, on Winthrop, with his own emendations and annotations, from which the quotations here are taken (pp. 187, 189, 204, 204n., 69, the last Bercovitch's translation from the Latin). For “Implicit Irony in Perry Miller's New England Mind,” see the essay of that title by Wise, Gene, Journal of the History of Ideas, 29 (10–12 1968), 579–600CrossRefGoogle Scholar. And for a presentation of the tensions in Miller's thought, see Hollinger, David A., “Perry Miller and Philosophical History,” History and Theory, 7, No. 2 (1968), 189–202.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15. Slotkin, Richard, Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1973)Google Scholar, the last sentence of his work, p. 565.

16. Glassie, Henry, Folk Housing in Middle Virginia: A Structural Analysis of Historic Artifacts (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1975).Google Scholar

17. The “choice of neurosis” is a Freudian theme.

18. This is from an introduction to one of the pieces in Miller, Perry's abridged collection, The American Puritans: Their Prose and Poetry, ed. Miller, Perry (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1956)Google Scholar, his remarks to the “Personal Narrative,” p. 225Google Scholar. The references, again, are to Morgan, , Visible SaintsGoogle Scholar, and Bercovitch, , Puritan Origins of the American Self.Google Scholar

19. Sharrock, Roger, “Introduction”Google Scholar to Bunyan, John, Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners, ed. Sharrock, Roger (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), pp. xviii–xixGoogle Scholar. On the earliest of the psychobiographical studies of Bunyan, see King, John Owen, “Labors of the Estranged Personality: Josiah Royce on ‘The Case of John Bunyan,’”Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 120 (01 1976), 46–58.Google Scholar

20. Wenzel, Siegfried, The Sin of Sloth: Acedia in Medieval Thought and Literature (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1960)Google Scholar; and Kuhn, Reinhard, The Demon of Noontide: Ennui in Western Literature (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with appreciation to George McClure for calling attention to these works.

21. Secondary discussion of melancholy in seventeenth-century English thought is broad, a reading to be begun with Babb, Lawrence, The Elizabeth Malady: A Study of Melancholia in English Literature from 1580 to 1642, Studies in Language and Literature (East Lansing: Michigan State College Press, 1951)Google Scholar; and Forbes, Henry Ashton Crosby, “A Study of Religious Melancholy and Seventeenth Century English Puritan Dissent” (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1961)Google Scholar. Studies of Puritanism as an actual reflection of an obsessional psychopathology, stemming most immediately from the works of Fromm, Erich, Brown, Norman O., and in particular Erik H. Erikson, are broad as well, the finest including Philip Greven's The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1977)Google Scholar; and Leverenz, David, The Language of Puritan Feeling: An Exploration in Literature, Psychology, and Social History (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1980)Google Scholar. An opposing thesis, arguing that the American Puritans' presentation of obsessional pathology within their spiritual confessions may not be read as symptomatic evidence but as a way of composing autobiographical texts, is offered in an unpublished manuscript by the author: “The Iron of Melancholy: American Psychomachy as Structure and Text.”

22. See Bercovitch, , Puritan Origins of the American Self, pp. 2–4.Google Scholar

23. Adams, Henry, The Education of Henry Adams: An Autobiography (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1961)Google Scholar, the edition a reprint of the Education published by Mifflin, Houghton (1935?), pp. 451, 331, 351Google Scholar, and Hawthorne, Nathaniel, “Wakefield” (1835)Google Scholar, in Twice-told Tales (1837), Volume IXGoogle Scholar of The Centenary Edition of the Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1974), p. 140.Google Scholar

24. Adams, , Education, pp. 449–61, 432–33Google Scholar. For James's reply to Adams concerning energy, see James, William to Adams, Henry, 06 17, 1910Google Scholar, in James, Henry [III], ed., The Letters of William James (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1920), II, 344–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar, along with two postcards dated June 19, 1910, and June 26, 1910, in James, , Letters of William James, II, 346–47Google Scholar. And see in this regard “Formalism, Degradation, and Pragmatism,” the first chapter of Marcell, David W.'s Progress and Pragmatism: James, Dewey, Beard, and the American Idea of Progress, Contributions in American Studies, No. 9 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1974), pp. 3–51.Google Scholar

25. Adams, , Education, pp. 26, 432, 288.Google Scholar

26. James, William, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature: Being the Gifford Lectures on Natural Religion Delivered at Edinburgh in 1901–1902 (New York: Random House, 1902Google Scholar; rpt, Modern Library, n.d.), p. 158, and Adams, , Education, p. 72.Google Scholar

27. Adams, , Education, pp. 72, 41–42, 40–41.Google Scholar

28. Ibid., p. 287. On Thoreau and the death of his brother John, see Harding, Walter, The Days of Henry Thoreau (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), pp. 134–37Google Scholar. The definitive biography of Adams is the three-volume study (1948–64) by Samuels, Ernest, the third volume of which, Henry Adams: The Major Phase (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1964), pp. 354–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar, speaks to Adams's use of “London smoke,” “the Black District,” Marx, and “November murk” in the Education to recount his “November melancholy, the fears and forebodings that always preceded December 6, the anniversary of his wife's suicide in 1885, the dread event of which no mention occurs” (pp. 355–56).

29. Rom. 7:20, 15, 17.

30. Adams, Henry to Hay, John, 08 4, 1895Google Scholar, in Henry Adams and His Friends: A Collection of His Unpublished Letters, ed. Cater, Harold Dean (Cambridge, Mass.: The Riverside Press, 1947), p. 345.Google Scholar

31. Adams, Henry to Hay, John, 11 7, 1900Google Scholar, in Ford, Worthington Chauncey, ed., Letters of Henry Adams (1892–1918) (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1938), II, 299Google Scholar. And see Samuels, , Henry Adams: The Major Phase, pp. 217 ff.Google Scholar

32. Adams, Henry to La Farge, Mabel Hooper, 05 29, 1900Google Scholar, in Henry Adams and His Friends, p. 490Google Scholar; and Adams, Henry to Cameron, Elizabeth, 03 15, 1903Google Scholar, in Letters of Henry Adams, II, 403n.Google Scholar

33. Reference is made in Volume VI of the proceedings of the Congress of Arts and Science: Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904, ed. Rogers, Howard J. (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1906), p. 602Google Scholar, to a paper by Henry L. Gantt, an associate of Taylor, “on the ‘Application of Scientific Methods to the Economic Utilization of Labor’” contributed to the section on mechanical engineering, undoubtedly a paper similar to one that Gantt published in the Stevens Institute Indicator. “The Utilization of Labor,” 24 (01 1907), 12–26Google Scholar, from a lecture Gantt delivered in February 1907. The literature surrounding Taylor is extensive. This sketch of Taylor is based on a reading of his works, both essays and books, the sources for which may be found in any number of bibliographies contained in secondary material. For a study of Taylor's personality and its compulsive manifestations, one may consult an uneven work by Kakar, Sudhir, Frederick Taylor: A Study in Personality and Innovation (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1970)Google Scholar. The definitive biography remains the two-volume work by Copley, Frank Barkley, Frederick W. Taylor: Father of Scientific Management (New York: Harper & Bros., 1923)Google Scholar. The best introduction to the “efficiency movement” as a whole in turn-of-the-century America is Haber, Samuel, Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964)Google Scholar. And the finest of the case studies is by Aitken, Hugh G. J., Taylorism at Watertown Arsenal: Scientific Management in Action, 1908–1915 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960).Google Scholar

34. Kakar, , Fredrick TaylorGoogle Scholar, provides a variety of examples (see especially pp. 17–27), most of which stem from Copley's biography and the Recollections of Birge Harrison, contained in the Taylor Collection of the Stevens Institute of Technology, Hoboken, N.J.

35. For discussion of Thoreau's railroad cut, see Marx, , Machine in the Garden, pp. 260–65.Google Scholar

36. Weber, Max, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, ed. Roth, Guenther and Wittich, Claus, trans. Fischoff, Ephraim et al. (New York: Bedminster Press, 1968), III, 1156Google Scholar, the translation based on the fourth edition of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (1956).Google Scholar

37. See the psychohistorical study, Mitzman, Arthur, The Iron Cage: An Historical Interpretation of Max Weber (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1970).Google Scholar

38. Morgan discusses what he has termed the morphology of conversion on pp. 66–73 of his Visible Saints. And see Pettit, Norman, The Heart Prepared: Grace and Conversion in Puritan Spiritual Life, Yale Publications in American Studies, No. 11 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966).Google Scholar

39. Such is the theme of Erik H. Erikson that runs throughout his work, most particularly in the images he draws from “The Meaning of ‘Meaning It,’” the title of a chapter from his Young Man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis and History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1958), pp. 170–222Google Scholar, and a theme to which this essay is indebted throughout.

40. The recollection is from Birge Harrison, quoted in Copley, , Fredrick W. Taylor, I, 57–58Google Scholar, Copley providing as well the excerpts from a Taylor letter of 1910 concerning his eyes in his chapter entitled “How He Did Not Become a Lawyer,” I, 74. For an analysis of Taylor's weakness of eyes, see Kakar, , Fredrick Taylor, pp. 26–27Google Scholar; and of Taylor's crisis, that his “very entry into industry was linked to a psychological crisis,” see Haber, , Efficiency and Uplift, pp. 5–6.Google Scholar

41. For perhaps Taylor's clearest discussion of “men of our class,” “the careless holiday look,” see his lecture, apparently to the Harvard Business School, “Workmen and Their Management” (04 20, 1909)Google Scholar, in the Baker Library Archives, CD 823.1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., especially pp. 15–17.

42. Emerson, Ralph Waldo, “Historic Notes of Life and Letters in New England” (10 1883), Volume XGoogle Scholar of The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Centenary Edition (1911), p. 329.Google Scholar

43. Copley, , Fredrick W. Taylor, II, 196, 469Google Scholar (from the “Index”); 1, 153; II, 285; I, 88–89. And see Taylor, Frederick Winslow, The Principles of Scientific Management (New York: Harper & Bros., 1915), p. 82.Google Scholar

44. Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, IIGoogle Scholar, from the tenth chapter of this volume, entitled “Lecturing at Home and Afield,” 281–98Google Scholar, and the third chapter, entitled “Boxly,” 186–201Google Scholar, excerpts from the paper appearing on pp. 191–93, 194–95. The quotations appear on pp. 284 and, from Taylor's paper, pp. 191, 195. Emily Winslow's ancestry is mentioned in the first volume of Copley's work, p. 23. Theanalogy to playing chess appears in Taylor, , Principles of Scientific Management, p. 69.Google Scholar

45. Excerpts from Taylor's paper, appearing in Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, II, 194, 193.Google Scholar

46. Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, II, 186Google Scholar, and, in an excerpt from Taylor's paper, 195. The author is indebted to Daniel T. Rodgers for an introduction to Melville's story, particularly to its use of sexual imagery. And see Fisher, Marvin, “Melville's ‘Tartarus’: The Deflowering of New England,” American Quarterly, 23 (Spring 1971), 79–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar, a too literal thesis, however, of Melville “being discomforted by events which so markedly transformed the landscape” (p. 81).

47. Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, II, 283–87, 189–90.Google Scholar

48. Emerson, Ralph Waldo, Nature (1836)Google Scholar, in Emerson, , Nature, Addresses and Lectures, pp. 52, 76, 74.Google Scholar

49. “Testimony of Mr. Louis D. Brandeis,” Document No. 415, Senate Documents, Vol. 19Google Scholar, Industrial Relations: Final Report and Testimony Submitted to Congress by the Commission on Industrial Relations, 64th Cong., 1st sess., 1914 (Washington, 1916), I, 1000, 1008–9Google Scholar. (Brandeis's testimony was given April 16, 1914.) For discussion of Brandeis's relation to the efficiency movement and Taylor, see Haber, , Efficiency and Uplift, his fifth chapter, entitled “Three Reformers of Reform,” pp. 75–98.Google Scholar

50. Debates of Senators Martine, James Edgar and Lodge, Henry Cabot, Congressional Record, 63rd Cong., 3d sess., 02 23, 1915, Vol. 52, pt. 5, 4353Google Scholar, and for the Antitrust Act, 1914: U.S. Statutes at Large, Vol. 38, pt. 1, 730, 731Google Scholar. On March 4 of the following year (1915), however, in “An Act Making Appropriations for the Support of the Army” (U.S. Statutes at Large, Vol. 38, pt. 1, 1083)Google Scholar, it was declared: “That no part of the appropriations made in this bill shall be available for the salary or pay of any … person having charge of the work of any employee of the United States Government while making or causing to be made, with a stop watch or other time-measuring device, a time study of any job of any such employee.” In this regard, see Aitken, , Taylorism at Watertown Arsenal, pp. 227–34.Google Scholar

51. See Taylor, , Principles of Scientific Management, pp. 40, 43–44, 46, 59, 63.Google Scholar

52. Ibid., p. 59.

53. Male, Roy R., Hawthorne's Tragic Vision (New York: W. W. Norton, 1957), pp. 13, 141, 144.Google Scholar

54. For discussion of Lowell as pastoral Utopia, see Kasson, John F., Civilizing the Machine: Technology and Republican Values in America, 1776–1900 (New York: Grossman, 1976)Google Scholar, his second chapter on “The Factory as Republican Community: Lowell, Massachusetts.”

55. See the editorial comment by Roger Sharrock relating the scene of the hill with the experience of terror under Mosaic law in Bunyan, John, The Pilgrim's Progress from This World to That Which Is to Come, ed. Wharey, James Blanton, 2d ed. revised by Roger Sharrock (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), p. 315.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

56. Marx, , “Epilogue: The Garden of Ashes,” from The Machine in the GardenGoogle Scholar; Male, , Hawthorne's Tragic Vision, pp. 141, 144Google Scholar; and Nash, Roderick, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), p. 87Google Scholar, quoting from The Journal of Henry David Thoreau, eds. Torrey, Bradford and Allen, Francis H. (Boston, 1906), IX, 44Google Scholar, with acknowledgment to Janice Simon for pointing to the quotation.

57. Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, II, 439Google Scholar. Copley, , in Frederick W. Taylor, II, 438–39Google Scholar, mentions the onset in Taylor's last years of “symptoms of increasing nervous instability,” “of fearful strain; the whole atmosphere surrounding him … tense.” “The time came when he appealed to his physician to help him stop thinking, to help him cast off the thoughts that were oppressing him. With all due respect for the medical profession, we must feel that there was in this appeal a world of tragedy.” For to Copley, Taylor, in his quest for law and governing relations in all that he approached, had simply not left enough to God, to a faith, that is, above the law.

58. Passos, John Dos, The Big Money (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1937), pp. 21, 22, 25.Google Scholar

59. For the failure of Thoreau's figures, see Marx, , Machine in the Garden, p. 257.Google Scholar

60. Passos, Dos, The Big Money, pp. 19–25, 99.Google Scholar

61. Bellamy, Edward, Looking Backward 2000–1887, ed. Thomas, John L., The John Harvard Library (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 147, 148CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Looking Backward was first published in 1888. The author is indebted to R. Jackson Wilson for early pointing in a lecture to the alienation of Bellamy's construction as well as to its pastoral effects. For discussion of Bellamy's own estranged sense of self, see Sancton, Thomas A., “Looking Inward: Edward Bellamy's Spiritual Crisis,” American Quarterly, 25 (12 1973), 538–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

62. Rodgers, Daniel T., The Work Ethic in Industrial America, 1850–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

63. Fromm, Erich, “Foreword,” to Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward 2000–1887 (New York: New American Library, 1960), pp. v–xxGoogle Scholar, with the recitation of Morris on p. xx. Fromm's conjoining of Weber and Freud is in his essay, “Psychoanalytic Characterology and Its Relevance for Social Psychology” (1932)Google Scholar, in Fromm, Erich, The Crisis of Psychoanalysis (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970), pp. 135–58Google Scholar. On the matter, see Brown, Norman O., Life Against Death: The Psychoanalytic Meaning of History (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1959), p. 203.Google Scholar

64. Bellamy, , Looking Backward, pp. 95, 167Google Scholar. On the last lines of the “Spring” chapter and the “didactic conclusion” of Walden, see Marx, , Machine in the Garden, pp. 264–65Google Scholar. And on the construction of Walden, including the addition of an ending, the authoritative source is Shanley, J. Lyndon, The Making of Walden: With the Text of the First Version (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957).Google Scholar

65. Bellamy, , Looking Backward, pp. 102, 96, 102, 105, 107, 105Google Scholar. And see Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, I, 413.Google Scholar

66. Bellamy, , Looking Backward, pp. 142, 140–141, 143.Google Scholar

67. Ibid., pp. 131, 115, 117, 128, 206, 224–25, 224, 224–25.

68. Ibid., p. 274.

69. Ibid., pp. 282–83, 283–84.

70. Ibid., pp. 283, 131, 171–72.

71. Ibid., p. 286.

72. Ibid., p. 288.

73. From Morgan, Arthur E., Edward Bellamy, Columbia Studies in American Culture, No. 15 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), pp. 89, 84–85, 88, 89Google Scholar, the quotations from unpublished Bellamy manuscripts for the story of “Eliot Carson.” And for a theme of Bellamy and “an inner refuge, a citadel of self,” the quotation from his papers, see Sancton, “Looking Inward,” the quotation here appearing on p. 540.

74. Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, Human Work (New York: McClure, Phillips, 1904), pp. 203, 205.Google Scholar

75. Rodgers, , in Work Ethic in Industrial America, p. 192Google Scholar, writes that Gilman avidly accepted Bellamy's cause in 1890. According to her autobiography, Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman (New York: D. Appleton-Century, 1935), p. 118Google Scholar, the story was written that year, to be published the following: Stetson, Charlotte Perkins, “The Yellow Wail-Paper,” New England Magazine, 5, n.s. (01 1892), 647–56.Google Scholar

76. Mitchell is mentioned by name in the text (p. 650), though not as her doctor, but the historical grounding Gilman demanded is plain in her autobiography, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman, pp. 118–19.Google Scholar

77. Gilman, , Human Work, p. 203.Google Scholar

78. Stetson, , “The Yellow Wall-Paper,” pp. 647, 648, 652.Google Scholar

79. Ibid., pp. 649, 654, 649, 648, 649, 654, 648.

80. Ibid., pp. 647, 648, 650, 648, 649.

81. Ibid., pp. 649–50, 651, 653, 655, 655–56, 656, 653.

82. Ibid., p. 653.

83. For a discussion of the uses of anonymity in Cotton Mather's autobiography, see the excellent presentation by Bosco, Ronald A., “Introduction,” to Mather, Cotton, Paterna: The Autobiography of Cotton Mather (Delmar, N.Y.: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1976), pp. xiii–lxiGoogle Scholar, in particular, pp. xliii, liii–lvi.

84. Skinner, B. F., Walden Two (New York: Macmillan, 1948), pp. 238–39, 240Google Scholar. The narrator of the story, Burris, is to be directly identified with the author, Burrhus Frederick, the Frederick close enough to Frazier. And of Skinner's own compulsive manners, see the conversation recorded by Evans, Richard I., in B. F. Skinner: The Man and His Work (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1968), pp. 103–4.Google Scholar

85. Skinner, , Walden Two, pp. 246, 245, 262.Google Scholar

86. Marx, , The Machine in the Garden, pp. 277–319Google Scholar, Marx speaking of Ahab's “monomania” and “compulsion” and troubles thus of mind, of course in literary, figurative form (pp. 300, 316).

87. Twentieth-century ideologies of work are most thoroughly presented by Bendix, Reinhard, Work and Authority in Industry: Ideologies of Management in the Course of Industrialization, a book in a series from the research program of the Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1956)Google Scholar. The countering theme that came to destroy Taylorism was the work of Elton Mayo, the Hawthorne experiment of his Harvard team, and most interestingly Mayo's focus on the psychopathology of the obsessional neurosis that runs throughout his books and essays, the neurosis he gave as the problem of the twentieth-century industrial character.

88. An excellent discussion of this point is presented by Aitken, , Taylorism at Watertown Arsenal, pp. 107–10Google Scholar, though in the payment plan there, Aitken has argued it was understandable and not as complex or illogical as it might first have seemed (pp. 108–9). An irony possessing Taylor, common, as it were, in obsessive actions, was the expense and elaboration of his drives toward efficiency, his design of a steam hammer, for example, “found to contain, as one man expressed it, ‘several thousand dollars worth of frills.’. … Here appears Taylor's tendency to overdo, to make assurance triply sure.” It was adding again and again to prevent the death of the machine in question. Examples and quotations appear in Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, I, 198, 380, 382.Google Scholar

89. Quoted by Bendix, , Work and Authority in Industry, p. 278Google Scholar, from Taylor's testimony in Hearings Before Special Committee of the House of Representatives to Investigate the Taylor and Other Systems of Shop Management Under A uthority of House Resolution 90, republished in Taylor, Frederick Winslow, Scientific Management: Comprising Shop Management, The Principles of Scientific Management, Testimony Before the Special House Committee (New York: Harper & Bros., 1947), p. 212Google Scholar (incorrectly cited as p. 211 in Bendix's footnote), the Hearings held in 1912.

90. Again, Aitken, , Taylorism at Watertown Arsenal, p. 187Google Scholar, may be cited, although Aitken provides good balance to what is cited in the text, that the system did lead to change within the arsenal and brought innovation, a process for Aitken of learning (p. 241).

91. The irony is clearest in two articles edited with commentary by Copley, Frank Barkley: Taylor, Frederick W., “Not for the Genius—But for the Average Man: A Personal Message by Frederick W. Taylor,” The American Magazine, 85 (03 1918), 16–17, 114–16Google Scholar; and Taylor, Frederick W., “Why the Race Is Not Always to the Swift,” The American Magazine, 85 (04 1918), 42–43, 100Google Scholar. For Taylor, 's lecturing on “Success,”Google Scholar see Copley, , Frederick W. Taylor, I, 77–79.Google Scholar

92. Hemingway, , The Sun Also Rises, pp. 111, 189, 177.Google Scholar

93. Ibid., p. 68; and Hemingway, Ernest, “Big Two-hearted River” (first published in his In Our Time of 1925), in The Hemingway Reader, pp. 4, 9, 21, 22.Google Scholar

94. Agee, James, Evans, Walker, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men: Three Tenant Families (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1941), pp. 211, 225, 265, 224, 425.Google Scholar

95. It was more than a denial; it was the center of Evans's aesthetic philosophy, as William Stott admirably discusses in his Documentary Expression, particularly pp. 269–70, 284Google Scholar, that for Evans, , “you don't touch a thing.”Google Scholar

96. The photographs as discussed appear only completely, and in the order discussed, in the book as it was republished in 1960: (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press), containing “Foreword: James Agee in 1936” by Walker Evans, dated 1960. With the exception of additions, subtractions, and rearrangements of the photographs by Evans—and for a discussion of the images Evans removed, as well as mechanical alterations of the images themselves, see the excellent discussion by Stott, , Documentary Expression, pp. 278–81Google Scholar—the 1960 edition is a reprint of the 1941 edition. Captions for the photographs, provided by Evans in neither edition of Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, are contained in Evans, Walker, Photographs for the Farm Security Administration, 1935–1938: A Catalog of Photographic Prints Available from the Farm Security Administration Collection in the Library of Congress (New York: Da Capo Press, 1975)Google Scholar. The last of the images from the book is entitled “A Gourd Tree for Martins, Hale County, Alabama, Summer 1936.” The grave is that of a child.

97. Agee, , Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, pp. 373, 282, 371, 2–3, 154, 171–74, 180, 188, 364, 171, 403–4.Google Scholar

98. Ibid., pp. 396, 404, 405, 160, 410, 310–11.

99. Ibid., p. 2.

100. These photographs—of building fronts, “Corner of State and Randolph Streets, Chicago, 1946,” “Shoppers, Randolph Street, 1947,” “Trash Can, New York, ca. 1968,” as well as of the architectonics of Northern simplicity, such as “Jack Heliker's Bedroom Wall, Cranberry Island, Maine, 1969,” as opposed to the overweight and sloppy poses of urban dwellers—are contained in The Museum of Modern Art, Walker Evans (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1971)Google Scholar, with an “Introduction” by John Szarkowski; and in Evans, , Photographs for the Farm Security Administration.Google Scholar

101. Agee, , Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, pp. 362–66Google Scholar. The photograph, or one of the photographs, in mention is probably an image that appeared only in the first (1941) edition of the book. In his Documentary Expression, Stott notes that while the second (1960) edition contained twice as many photographs as the original edition, it also failed to contain six that had originally appeared, one because of a missing negative, two because of duplication, and three “plainly cut for reasons of taste,” including one of Margaret Ricketts. In 1960, Evans was altering his text, to Stott's mind properly, for these last three, “made with a Leica,” failed to meet Evans's aesthetic demands, particularly the one of Mrs. Ricketts that seemed in dress and manner of pose to remove from her her dignity, “like the rotten mattress Bourke-White photographed, … pathetic to the point of bathos.” The point is arguable; the image is indeed, or appears to be, as Stott well points out, “untypically” candid; it is certainly more fluid, less architectural, an image, as it were, of one so caught; and it certainly fails to fit with the rest of the Evans corpus—the dignity Stott presents of subjects attacking Evans's camera as much as the camera striking them. Agee chose, seemingly, to lead the reader to believe the larger, 8- by 10-inch camera had been used rather than, in Stott's description, the “gray and blurred” production of the Leica. It is as though the machine itself were collapsing, allowing for a lessening of the rigidity present in Evans's work, an ending, as it were, of the alienation. “Fred was in the lineup, talking over and over about being in the funny papers and about breaking the camera with his face, and laughing and laughing and laughing” (Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, p. 365)Google Scholar. And it is an image of what Agee was writing, of the subject and him breaking down (somewhat sexually tinged). But it is not an image in its torn and shattered structures, and in the water-soaked garment worn, without a strength. In the photograph, subject and object are one, a binding together in a certain innocence of charm so very different from the distance of camera and person present in all but the last of the images Evans chose for the second edition. For Stott's outstanding analysis, without which no such other analysis could be attempted, see his chapter on “The Photographs,” and in particular pp. 278–81, his writing on Ricketts, Margaret on p. 279.Google Scholar

102. Agee, , Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, pp. 368, 366.Google Scholar

103. In this matter, see Hall, M. G., ed., “Foreword” to The Autobiography of Increase Mather (Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society, 1962)Google Scholar, reprinted from the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for 10 1961, pp. 271–77Google Scholar; Bosco, , “Introduction” to Paterna, in particular Bosco's third section, “Mather's Literary Method in Paterna,” pp. xliii–lxGoogle Scholar; Anderson, Charles R., his chapter “Thoreau and T” on the distancing of author and narrator, in The Magic Circle of Walden (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1968), pp. 1–11Google Scholar; Bercovitch, , Puritan Origins of the American Self, the sections on “Auto-Machia” and “Sola Natura,” pp. 15–25, 148–63Google Scholar; and the “Conclusion” to Delany, Paul, British Autobiography in the Seventeenth Century (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969), pp. 167–74Google Scholar. The definitive study of early American spiritual autobiography is Shea, Daniel B. Jr., Spiritual Autobiography in Early America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968)Google Scholar. And see Tichi, Cecelia, “Spiritual Biography and the ‘Lords Remembrances,’” in Bercovitch, Sacvan, ed., The American Puritan Imagination: Essays in Revaluation (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974), pp. 56–73.Google Scholar

104. Agee, , Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, p. 370.Google Scholar

105. Ibid., pp. 410–12, 415.

106. Ibid., pp. 380–81, 409.

107. See McLean, Albert F. Jr., “Thoreau's True Meridian: Natural Fact and Metaphor,” American Quarterly, 20 (Fall 1968), 567–79Google Scholar, its direction displayed on the map Thoreau provides of the pond in Walden.

108. McCarthy, Mary, The Seventeenth Degree: How It Went, Vietnam, Hanoi, Medina, Sons of the Morning (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), pp. 269, 261, 269–70.Google Scholar

109. The idea for approaching the essays of Mary McCarthy's book from a pastoral mode stems from a conversation relating a lecture Leo Marx was said to have presented on The Seventeenth Degree.

110. McCarthy, , The Seventeenth Degree, pp. 233, 285, 291–92, 307, 203, 252.Google Scholar

111. Ibid., pp. 203–4, 268–69.

112. Ibid., pp. 7, 235, 7, 16, 15, 26, 27.

113. Ibid., pp. 10, 66, 307, 306, 253, 299, 303, 305.

114. Ibid., pp. 269, 311, 313–14.

115. Ibid., pp. 3–4.

116. Agee, , Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, pp. 11, 455–58.Google Scholar

117. Glassie, , Folk Housing in Middle Virginia, pp. 7, 10, 12, x.Google Scholar

118. Mailer, Norman, The Armies of the Night: History as a Novel, the Novel as History (New York: New American Library, 1968), pp. 3, 4.Google Scholar

119. Glassie, , Folk Housing in Middle Virginia, pp. 160, 171, 175, 12, 14.Google Scholar

120. Castaneda, Carlos, The Teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui Way of Knowledge (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), pp. 30, 21–22, 205Google Scholar. As to the matter of the archaeology of Castaneda, see Silverman, David, Reading Castaneda: A Prologue to the Social Sciences (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975)Google Scholar; Noel, Daniel C., ed., Seeing Castaneda: Reactions to the “Don Juan” Writings of Carlos Castaneda (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1976)Google Scholar; and especially as an art in itself, de Mille, Richard, Castaneda's Journey: The Power and the Allegory, 2nd ed., rev. (Santa Barbara, Calif.: Capra Press, 1978).Google Scholar

121. Dillard, Annie, Pilgrim at Tinker Creek (New York: Harper's Magazine Press and Harper & Row, 1974), pp. 3, 12, 67–68.Google Scholar

122. Thoreau, , Journal of Henry D. Thoreau, IX, 45Google Scholar, with reference to be made to note 56 of this essay, and Layton, Edwin T. Jr., The Revolt of the Engineers: Social Responsibility and the American Engineering Profession (Cleveland: Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1971), pp. 193–94Google Scholar, discussing Herbert Hoover's call for the Federated American Engineering Societies to undertake such a study, and the beginning for Hoover of an efficiency campaign.

123. Melville, , Moby-Dick, chap. 113, “The Forge,” pp. 402–5.Google Scholar

124. 2 Sam. 23:7, and Deut. 3:11.

125. Melville, , Moby-Dick, pp. 160–61, 165–66.Google Scholar

126. Ibid., pp. 459, 469, 452, 459, 389, 390–91. Cohen, Hennig and Cahalan, James provide the needed reference in A Concordance to Melville's “Moby-Dick” (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms International, 1978).Google Scholar

127. Melville, , Moby-Dick, pp. 448, 450, 468, 454, 461.Google Scholar

128. Ibid., pp. 461, 468–69.

129. Dan. 2:1, 5, 31, 33, 40–42, 44.

130. Dan. 2:35 and Melville, , Moby-Dick, pp. 454–55.Google Scholar

131. Melville, , Moby-Dick, p. 459, and Dan. 2:35.Google Scholar