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67. It might be worthwhile to explore connections to jumping rope. Roger Abrahams notes in his Jump-Rope Rhymes, “Until relatively recently the ancient pastime of jumping rope was exclusively a boys' activity.” Folklorist William Hugh Jansen observed boys jumping rope in the 1920s, but most agree jumping rope became the provenance of urban girls sometime in the 1890s (Jump-Rope Rhymes: A Dictionary [Austin: University of Texas Press, 1969]Google Scholar).

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77. Interestingly, Louis Jordan, a jump blues bandleader, made a career of jump tunes and pieces that relied on a shuffle beat, which his drummer achieved by subdividing each beat into three and emphasizing the first and third segments of the beat. Even though the terminology disappeared from titles by the 1940s, the shuffle beat remained in tunes called jump tunes.

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80. “Parlor Social Stomp” (1926), “Jubilee Stomp” (1928), “Cotton Club Stomp” (1929), “Swanee Shuffle” (1929), “Syncopated Shuffle” (1929), “Tough Truckin'” (1935), and “Showboat Shuffle” (1935) are but a few of the Ellington stomp, truckin', and shuffle repertory.

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82. Albert Murray, conversation with the author, August 30, 1996; and Earl Hines, “Cavernism,” 1933 (Archives of Jazz 3801022). The Earl Hines band broadcast from Chicago as far as Kansas City.

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86. Albert Murray, conversation with the author, August 30, 1996.

87. Brian Priestley in Jazz: The Essential Companion suggests that the jump bands were the “first to start emphasizing the up-beat…which [was] more pronounced in what became rhythm-and-blues” (Carr, Ian, Fairweather, Digby, and Priestley, Brian, Jazz: the Essential Companion [New York: Prentice Hall, 1987], 274)Google Scholar.

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134. Coaches Piggy Lambert at Purdue and Frank Keaney at Rhode Island are sometimes said to have developed fast-break basketball in the 1920s and 1930s, but it is difficult to imagine the fast break prior to 1937, when basketball was essentially a half-court game. Further, such coaches as Lambert and Keaney stand out in the history of white college basketball because they were doing something exceptional for white men (Isaacs, Neil D., All the Moves: A History of College Basketball [New York: J. B. Lippincott, 1975], 57–60Google Scholar).

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153. Photos accompanying a Pittsburgh Courier article published in April of 1939 show “Pop” Gates as he “soars skyward over the outstretched hands of Oshkosh guards” to score (Pittsburgh Courier, April 8, 1939).

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200. Payne, Daniel Alexander, Recollections of Seventy Years (1886; rept. New York: Arno, 1968), 256Google Scholar, cited in Piersen, , Black Legacy, 173Google Scholar. As for jumping itself as a physical expression of joy, I offer this note: “[James W. C.] Pennington, describing his feelings when he realized that he must be near free soil, said that ‘my spirits were so highly elated, that I took the whole of the road to myself; I ran, hopped, skipped, jumped, clapped my hands, talked to myself.’ [In The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Twain transforms the passage so that] Huck tells us that Jim, seeing one last light that looks like Cairo, says, ‘We's safe, Huck, we's safe! Jump up and crack yo' heels, dat's de good ole Cairo at las', I jis knows it’” (MacKethan, Lucinda, “Huck Finn and the Slave Narratives: Lighting Out as Design,” Southern Review 20 [1984]: 247–64Google Scholar, cited in Fishkin, Shelly Fisher, Was Huck Black? Mark Twain and African American Voices [New York: Oxford University Press, 1993], 200 n. 68)Google Scholar.

201. Olmstead, Frederick Law, The Cotton Kingdom, 2 vols. (New York, 1886), 1: 311Google Scholar, cited in Piersen, , Black Legacy, 174Google Scholar.

202. Courlander, Harold, Negro Folk Music, U. S. A. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 195Google Scholar.

203. Stearns, and Stearns, , Jazz Dance, 31Google Scholar.

204. Lhamon, , Raising Cain, 152, 181Google Scholar.

205. Stearns, and Stearns, , Jazz Dance, 232–33, 41Google Scholar.

206. Stearns, and Stearns, , Jazz Dance, 100Google Scholar.

207. Stearns, and Stearns, , Jazz Dance, 25Google Scholar.

208. Stearns, and Stearns, , Jazz Dance, 27Google Scholar.

209. Jones, and Hawes, , Step It Down, 55–56Google Scholar; and Lhamon, , Raising Cain, 255 n. 30Google Scholar.

210. Minstrelsy scholar William J. Mahar believes Jim Crow must have been energetic to attract as much attention as it did. Mahar also suggests it bore the influence of Stepping groups, for in some acts the dance was called Stepping Jim Crow (William J. Mahar, conversation with the author, March 24, 1996).

211. Poster on display in National Civil Rights Museum, Memphis, Tennessee. For more on the National Negro Congress, see Pfeffer, Paula F., A. Philip Randolph, Pioneer of the Civil Rights Movement (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 32Google Scholar.

212. According to Jazz Records, Ellington recorded one tune with the borderline-jump title “Jumpy” in 1936. The Classics CD (1993) of Ellington's repertory of 1938 includes the tune “The Jeep Is Jumping.” In February 1941, Ellington recorded “Jumpin' Punkins,” and then the band opened in “Jump for Joy.”

213. Willard, Patricia, program notes to Jump for Joy (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1988), 1Google Scholar.

214. Ellington, , Music Is My Mistress, 175Google Scholar. Jump For Joy has its roots in the Hollywood Theatre Alliance's “Negro Revue” (Rampersad, Arnold, The Life of Langston Hughes, Vol. 2: 1941–1967 [New York: Oxford University Press, 1988], 26)Google Scholar.

215. Ellington, , Music Is My Mistress, 460Google Scholar. Out of Jump for Joy came what Ellington, described as a “feeling of responsibility” that culminated in his long masterwork Black, Brown, and Beige (1943)Google Scholar.

216. Willard, , Jump for Joy, 31Google Scholar.

217. Paul Webster, Ray Golden, and Hal Borne, “I've Got a Passport from Georgia,” manuscript in Smithsonian American Archives, Duke Ellington Collection. I thank Ann Kuebler and Deborah Richardson at the Smithsonian Institution for their assistance.

218. Paul Webster, Sid Kuller, and Duke Ellington, “Jump for Joy,” 1941; manuscript in Smithsonian American Archives, Duke Ellington Collection.

219. Willard, , Jump for Joy, 31Google Scholar.

220. Willard, , Jump for Joy, 21Google Scholar.

221. Davis, , Livin' the Blues, 49Google Scholar.

222. Willard, , Jump for Joy, 21Google Scholar.

223. Oliver, W. E., Herald-Express, 08 8, 1941Google Scholar, cited in Willard, , Jump for Joy, 22Google Scholar.

224. Hasse, , Beyond Category, 248Google Scholar.

225. Murray, , Stomping the Blues, 196Google Scholar.

226. Wright, Richard, “The Ethics of Living Jim Crow,” in American Stuff: An Anthology of Prose & Verse by Members of the Federal Writers' Project (New York: Viking, 1937), 44Google Scholar.

227. For discussion and examples of early resistance, see Robin D. G. Kelley, “‘We Are Not What We Seem’: Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South,” and Kenneth W. Goings and Gerald L. Smith, “‘Unhidden’ Transcripts: Memphis and African American Agency, 1862–1920,” in Goings and Mohl, New African American Urban History.

228. See Scott, James C., Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)Google Scholar, and Scott, , Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985)Google Scholar, both cited in Kelley, , “We Are Not What We Seem,” 189Google Scholar. I am grateful to Kenneth Goings for calling this work to my attention.

229. Quoted in Anderson, Jervis, This Was Harlem: A Cultural Portrait, 1900–1950 (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1982), 9Google Scholar, cited in White, and Graham, , Stylin', 223Google Scholar.

230. Matthews, Ralph, “The Negro Theatre: A Dodo Bird,” in Negro: An Anthology, ed. Cunard, Nancy (1933; rept. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1970), 195Google Scholar. Surveying Harlem, white heiress Nancy Cunard praised the dance in terms terrifying to those espousing dignity for the good of the race: “The Lindy is the more astounding as it is as violent (and as beautiful)” (Cunard, , “Harlem Reviewed,” in Cunard, , Negro, 49Google Scholar).

231. Davis, , Livin' the Blues, 34Google Scholar. In the middle of the Harlem Renaissance, Langston Hughes's jazz and blues poems elicited harsh words from African American intelligentsia. Reviewing Hughes, 's The Weary Blues in 1926Google Scholar, Countee Cullen wrote, “I regard these jazz poems as interlopers in the company of the truly beautiful poems in other sections of the book…I wonder if jazz poems really belong to that dignified company, that select and austere circle of high literary expression which we call poetry” (Cullen, , “Review of The Weary Blues,” Opportunity, 02 1926, 73–74Google Scholar). Hughes's 1927 volume Fine Clothes to the Jew drew disgusted headlines from the Pittsburgh Courier — “Langston Hughes Book of Poems Trash” — and from the Amsterdam News — “Langston Hughes — the Sewer Dweller,” cited in Barksdale, Richard, Langston Hughes: The Poet and His Critics (Chicago: American Library Association, 1977), 25Google Scholar.

232. Berger, Morroe, “Jazz: Resistance to the Diffusion of a Culture Pattern,” in American Music: From Storyville to Woodstock, ed. Nanry, Charles (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1972), 16Google Scholar. In the same article, Berger noted, “The most prominent chroniclers of Negro achievement in America, Benjamin Brawley, W. E. B. Du Bois and Edwin R. Embree, scarcely mention jazz in their books” (16).

233. Berger, , “Jazz,” 15Google Scholar.

234. For a survey of intellectual positions on this issue in the 1930s, see Pells, Richard, Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), 96–150Google Scholar.

235. Locke, Alain LeRoy, The New Negro (1925; rept. New York: Atheneum, 1970), 4Google Scholar.

236. Dinerstein, Joel has presented a fuller discussion of these ideas in his paper “Depression-Era Chaos and Big Band Swing's New Foundations,” presented at Pew Fellows Conference,New Haven,Connecticut,May 1, 1998Google Scholar.

237. Susman, , Culture as History, 162Google Scholar.

238. Levine, , Unpredictable Past, 92Google Scholar.

239. Scott, , Weapons of the Weak, 288Google Scholar, cited in Goings and Smith, , “‘Unhidden’ Transcripts,” 147Google Scholar.

240. Stowe, , Swing Changes, 194Google Scholar.

241. Even though the correct spelling should have been “tympani,” it usually was not in Jordan's publicity.

242. Chilton, , Let the Good Times Roll, 138, 136, 126Google Scholar.

243. The jump is long lived. Chuck Berry's 1956 “Around and Around” contains the line, “The joint was jumpin' goin' round and ‘round.” Hadda Brooks recorded “Jump Back Honey” in 1952 (Blackhawk Music Company). In 1968, Mick Jagger and Keith Richard's “Jumpin’ Jack Flash” (Mirage) recalled the jump blues craze, and Curtis Mayfield's “Jump” became a best-selling record for Aretha Franklin (Atlantic) in 1976. Carolyn Rodgers's poem “Jump Bad” carries some of the political overtones of jumping, when she says “Us Black Folk is gonna have to sho'nuf jump bad to git ourselves liberated from this honkie,” in Brooks, Gewndolyn, Jump Bad: A New Chicago Anthology (Detroit: Broadside, 1971), 109Google Scholar. Blues singer Koko Taylor brought back “Jump for Joy” on her 1990 album (Alligator). A women-oriented sports magazine for teen girls called Jump appeared in 1997.

244. Berger, , “Jazz,” 40Google Scholar.

245. Stearns, and Stearns, , Jazz Dance, 24Google Scholar.

246. ESPN Chilton poll, 1997.

247. Murray, , The Omni-Americans (New York: Vintage, 1970) 54Google Scholar