^{page 162 note 1} I had intended, before preparing my material for publication, to study the specimens in some of the principal German museums; recent circumstances have, unfortunately, put an end to this project. I had also intended, by further work in Umbria, to attempt to fill some of the gaps now obvious in this paper, and to check my theories; this intention I hope to be able to carry out at some future period.

^{page 163 note 1} Compare with the words cialde, cialdoni, and stiacce, the words schiacciare (or stiacciare), ‘to squeeze’, and schiacciata (or stiacciata), ‘a thin cake’.

^{page 163 note 2} W. Money, in Proceedings, xv, 22.

^{page 165 note 1} Proceedings, xxvi, 150, fig. 13.

^{page 165 note 2} Cf., also, foot-note p. 178, infra.

^{page 166 note 1} Lautizio is also mentioned in Cellini's Memoirs, chap. v.

^{page 166 note 2} G. B. Vermiglioli, Della Zecca e deile Monete Perugine, Perugia, 1816, p. 98.

^{page 168 note 1} For this pair of inscriptions, cf. infra, p. 198, No. G. Photographs of the pair of plates are given in Umberto Gnoli's L'Arte Umbra alla Mostra di Perugia, Bergamo, 1908, figs. 159, 160.

^{page 168 note 2} A cast from one plate of this pair is shown in no. 10. A description of the pair, together with historical references to it, is given in the Guida Storica Artistica, Perugia, pp. 73, 74.

^{page 168 note 3} Vermiglioli, op. cit., p. 88. From p. 87 we learn that in 1482 the magistrates had given a fresh order, for the conduct of their mint for two years, to ‘Il Roscetto’.

^{page 168 note 4} Ibid., p. 89.

^{page 168 note 5} Cf. Gnoli, op. cit., p. 66 ; one of the sons there mentioned is Federico.

^{page 168 note 6} The following seems worth quoting here, although, if we regard the cutting of the finer wafer-plates as goldsmiths' work, which it appears to have been in origin, and, for a time at least, to have remained, it seems hardly to accord with the matter of my other quotations : ‘L'habile orfèvre Cesarino del Roscetto, bien que pérousin, ne fait plus à Pérouse que de l'art italien et déjà international sur le modèle florentin … il y a desormais d'excellents orfèvres pérousins; Roscetto, Paolo Vanni, Lauizio. Mais il ne semble pas quʼon puisse roconnaitre une orfèvrerie vraiment pérousine.’ René Schneider, in Pérouse.

^{page 169 note 1} Vermiglioli, op. cit., pp. 57, 64, 98.

^{page 170 note 1} The wafer-plates seem generally to have been ornamented when cold. The employment of moulds for the ornamental shaping of red-hot iron was skilfully practised in France about A. d. 1200, but for the production of relief on bars, bands, etc., rather than for the decoration of comparatively large and flat surfaces, and the process used at that time has, I think, little or nothing in common with the processes used for the ornamentation of wafer-plates of about the same period. The stamping of leather book-bindings was introduced at a date considerably earlier than that of any stamped wafer-plate I am acquainted with. I think that possibly the considerable technical difficulties in the way of applying a delicate stamped decoration to flat iron plates prevented the production of such decorated plates until a considerable demand for them made the overcoming of these difficulties an end worth striving for.

^{page 172 note 1} The strange salient beast of the arms on 16b may possibly also be Venetian ; cf. infra, p. 186, note 2.

^{page 175 note 1} Proceedings, xxvi, 144.

^{page 178 note 1} “The French word gaufre, from which the English form is adapted, means a thin cake marked with a pattern like a honeycomb, a ‘wafer’, which is etymologically the same word. Waufre appears in the phrase un fer à waufres, an iron for baking cakes on (quotation of 1433 in J. B. Roquefort's Glossaire de la Langue romane). The word is Teutonic …. The ‘wafer’ was so called from its likeness to a honeycomb, Wabe.” Ency. Brit., ‘Goffer’.

^{page 185 note 1} The Guida Storica Artistica calls this plate a work of ‘Ser Bernardino of the Via Nuova’; I think that this is a mistake, and that the ＤΕ here, as in numerous other inscriptions, signifies ‘of’, not ‘by’.

^{page 186 note 1} Cf. Le Tavolette dipinte di Biccherna e di Gubella … in Siena, by A. Lisini, Siena, 1901.

^{page 186 note 2} Mr. Van de Put has found this strange animal, or one closely resembling it, in the arms of Sigismondo Zanettino, Bishop of Fermo, 1585 (cf. di Galeotti, B., Trattato degli Huomini illustri di Bologna, Ferrara, 1590, p. 50)Google Scholar; and another, very like it, on a shield, forming part of a Venetian printer's mark of 1492–3 (cf. P. Kristeller, Die itulienischen Buchdruckerund Verlegerzeichen bis 1525, Strasburg, 1893).

^{page 187 note 1} Cf. pp. 181 and 172.

^{page 189 note 1} Cf. Litta, Famiglie Celebri Italiane, vol. vi.

^{page 191 note 1} The meaning of this inscription is not entirely clear to me, but, taking into account the of the companion plate, I believe it to be somewhat as given.

^{page 192 note 1} For some accounts of this family, and of its part in the history of Perugia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, see Chronicles of the City of Perugia (1492–1503), translated by E. S. Morgan from the Italian of F. Matarazzo, and L. de Baglion's Pérouse et les Baglioni.

^{page 193 note 1} Arms of Fondi (?); cf. Lisini, op. cit.

^{page 193 note 2} Mr. Crewdson has since presented this pair of irons to the Society (see p. 261, below).

^{page 193 note 3} A branch of the Bindi bore a saltire between four roses (instead of the lilies of the present coat); cf. Lisini, op. cit.

^{page 195 note 1} Cf. Marchesi, Supplemento istorico dell’ antica Città di Forli, Forli, 1678.

^{page 195 note 2} Cf. Ibid.

^{page 197 note 1} St. Lawrence was a patron of Perugia.

^{page 197 note 2} See the Catalogo della Mostra d'Antica Arte Umbra, Perugia, 1907, pp. 153, 154, 155, whence the descriptions have been taken and translated.

^{page 198 note 1} This date, queried in the Italian description, seems to be much earlier than that of any other work of ‘Il Roscetto’ to which I have seen references. Cf. supra, pp. 168, 184, 185.