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^{page 59 note 1} Anderson, E. C., Levi, Hilde and Tauber, H., ‘Copenhagen Natural Radiocarbon Measurements, I’, Science, vol. 118 (1953), pp. 6–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Johs. Iversen, ‘Radiocarbon Dating of the Alterød Period’, ibid., pp. 9–11.

^{page 59 note 2} Hijszeler, C. C. W. J., ‘Late-Glacial Human Cultures in the Netherlands’, Geologie en Mijnbouw, nr. 7, N.S. 19 (1957), pp. 288–302Google Scholar; also de Vries, H., Barendsen, G. W. and Waterbolk, H. T., ‘Groningen Radiocarbon Dates, II’, Science, vol. 127 (1958), pp. 129–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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^{page 60 note 1} Nilsson, T., ‘Ein Neues Standardpollendiagramm aus Bjärsjöholmsjön in Schonen’, Lunds Univ. Arsskr., N.F. Avd. 2, bd. 56, no. 18, pp. 1–34Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 2} Iversen, Johs., ‘Problems of the Early Post-glacial Forest Development in Denmark’, D.G.U., IV, R., bd. 4, nr. 3. See esp. pp. 21–3, Copenhagen, 1960Google Scholar.

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^{page 60 note 4} Levi, Hilde and Tauber, H. in Das Pfahlbauproblem, pp. 113–15Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 5} van Zeist, W., ‘Some Radiocarbon Dates from the Raised Bog near Emmen (Netherlands)’, Palaeohistoria, vol. 4 (1955), pp. 113–18Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 6} ibid., ‘A Palaeobotanical Study of some Bogs in Western Brittany (Finistere), France’, Palaeohistoria, X (1964), pp. 157–80.

^{page 60 note 7} H. Godwin, D. Walker and E. H. Willis, op. cit. (1957).

^{page 60 note 8} Smith, A. G. and Willis, E. H., ‘Radiocarbon Dating of the Fallahogy Landnam Phase’, Ulster J. of Archaeology, vols. 24–5 (1961–1962), pp. 16–24Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 1} op. cit.

^{page 61 note 2} e.g. Godwin, H., ‘Prehistoric Wooden Trackways of the Somerset Levels’, PPS, XXVI (1960), pp. 1–36Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 3} Milojčić, V., Germania, bd. 35 (1957), pp. 102–10Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 4} Palaeohistoria, VI–VII (1958–1959)Google Scholar; Science, vol. 127 (1958), pp. 129–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 61 note 5} Waterbolk, H. T., ‘The 1959 Carbon-14 Symposium at Groningen’, Antiquity, XXXIV (1960), pp. 14–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 61 note 6} Clark, J. G. D. and Godwin, H., ‘The Neolithic in the Cambridgeshire Fens’, Antiquity, XXXVI (1962), pp. 10–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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^{page 62 note 1} The Danube in Prehistory, viii, Oxford, 1929Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 2} ibid., p. 95.

^{page 62 note 3} ibid., opp. p. 418.

^{page 62 note 4} The Dawn of European Civilization, 3rd edtn., p. 68, London, 1939Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 5} ibid.

^{page 62 note 6} ibid., p. 323.

^{page 62 note 7} Prehistoric Migrations of Europe, p. 4, Oslo, 1950Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 1} The Dawn of European Civilization, 3rd edtn., p. 104Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 2} ibid., p. 120.

^{page 63 note 3} Berlin, 1949.

^{page 63 note 4} Libby, W. F., Anderson, E. C. and Arnold, J. R., ‘Age Determination by Radiocarbon Content: World-wide Assay of Natural Radiocarbon’, Science, vol. 109 (1949), pp. 227–8CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

^{page 63 note 5} Indeed, Milojčić held (op. cit., 1949, p. 1) that the earliest well-fixed date in European prehistory was c. 1900 B.C.

^{page 63 note 6} op. cit., p. 10.

^{page 64 note 1} Milojčić, V., ‘Ergebnisse der Deutschen Ausgrabungen in Thessalien (1953–8),’ Röm.-Germ. Zentral-museums Mainz, Jhg. 6 (1959), pp. 1–56Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 1} Knossos (BM 124. 6100 B.C. ± 180). See Evans, J. D., ‘Excavations in the Neolithic Settlement on Knossos, 1957–1960. Part I, Ann. Brit. School of Archaeology, Athens, vol. 59 (1964), pp. 132–240CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 65 note 2} Khirokitia, Cyprus (St. 414/5. av. 5690 B.C. ± 100). See Dikaios, P., Khirokitia, Final Report on the Excavation of a Neolithic Settlement in Cyprus, Oxford, 1953Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 3} Nea Nikomedeia (Q 655. 6230 B.C. ± 150). See Rodden, Robt. J., ‘Excavations at the Early Neolithic Site at Nea Nikomedeia, Greek Macedonia (1961 Season)’, PPS, XXVIII (1962), pp. 267–88Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 1} Hacilar (level IX: P 314. 5450 B.C.). See Mellaart, J., Anatolian Studies, XI (1961), pp. 39–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Çatal Hüyük (level X: P 782, c. 6150 B.C. at old half life). See J. Mellaart, ibid., XIV (1964), pp. 39–118.

^{page 66 note 2} Braidwood, Robert J., ‘Near Eastern Prehistory’, Science, vol. 127 (1958), pp. 1419–30CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Braidwood, and Howe, , Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Chicago, 1960Google Scholar; Solecki, R., ‘Prehistory in Shanidar Valley, Northern Iraq’, Science (1963), pp. 179–93Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 3} Kenyon, K., Digging up Jericho, London, 1957Google Scholar. Palestine Expl. P. (1960), p. 16Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 4} R. Solecki, op. cit.

^{page 66 note 5} ‘Radiocarbon Dating and the Spread of Farming Economy’, Antiquity (1965), pp. 45–8Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 1} Notably in his Danube in Prehistory; but the theme recurs through his writings on European prehistory.

^{page 67 note 2} All the sites plotted are settlements except for no. 67 (Mogetorp) which indicates a pollen-inferred agricultural horizon.

^{page 67 note 3} Piggott, Stuart, The Neolithic Cultures of the British Isles, Cambridge, 1954Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 4} ibid., p. 380.

^{page 67 note 5} ibid., p. 102.

^{page 68 note 1} Piggott, Stuart, The Neolithic Cultures of the British Isles, Cambridge, 1954, p. 98Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 2} ibid., pp. 46 ff.

^{page 68 note 3} ibid., pp. 36 ff., p. 281.

^{page 69 note 1} Childe, V. G., ‘The Continental Affinities of the British Neolithic Pottery’, Arch. J., LXXXVIII (1932), pp. 37–66Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 2} Prehistoric Communities of the British Isles, pp. 80–3.

^{page 69 note 3} The Neolithic Cultures of the British Isles, pp. 276 ff.

^{page 69 note 4} ibid., pp. 288 ff. Unlike Childe, who attributed the trade in both flint and stone axes to the supposedly more mobile Peterborough hunters (Prehistoric Communities, pp. 83–4), Piggott distinguished clearly between the two.

^{page 69 note 5} For the definitive account, see Windmill Hill and Avebury. Excavations by Alexander Keiller, prepared by Smith, Isobel F., Oxford, 1965Google Scholar. Referred to as Windmill Hill.

^{page 69 note 6} Clark, J. G. D. and Godwin, H., ‘The Neolithic in the Cambridgeshire Fens’, Antiquity, XXXVI (1962), pp. 10–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 69 note 7} Windmill Hill, Chap. 11 and pp. 57–9; also fig. 14.

^{page 70 note 1} ibid., p. 11 and fig. 31, P 237.

^{page 70 note 2} ‘The Decorative Art of Neolithic Ceramics in South-eastern England and its Relations’. Ph.D. thesis, 1956. Unpublished. Institute of Archaeology, London Univ.Google Scholar

^{page 71 note 1} e.g. at Whitehawke and Combe Hill, see Curwen, E. C., The Archaeology of Sussex, 2nd ed., pp. 80 and 88Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 2} Treated by Longworth, I. H., ‘The Origins and Development of the Primary Series in the Collared Urn Tradition in England and Wales’, PPS, XXVII (1961), pp. 263–306Google Scholar. Longworth allows for a significant contribution from Beakers.

^{page 71 note 3} It should be noted, however, that Piggott, op. cit. p. 287, recognized that igneous rock sources were exploited by what he termed the Hembury group of his Windmill Hill Culture.

^{page 72 note 1} The status of Ehenside Tarn is unsatisfactory in the first place because the finds were made nearly a hundred years ago (1869–71) under conditions which make it impossible to attribute any single wooden specimen at present surviving to the neolithic occupation (for the account, see Archaeologia, XLIV, pp. 273–92Google Scholar). It is also unsatisfactory because the original determination made by the Chicago laboratory from a piece of charred wood from the site preserved in the British Museum (C 462. 3010 B.C. ± 300) was released at a time (1952) when a very short chronology was commonly accepted in archaeological circles: if it had been released today it would have been accepted as dead on target. W. F. Libby (Radiocarbon Dating) merely noted ‘Conventional dating is 4,000 years old’, but H. Godwin was more explicit in stating that the ‘C14 assay is perhaps 1,000 years too great’ (Am. J. Science, vol. 249 (1951), p. 305Google Scholar); later (Radiocarbon Supplement, no. 2, p. 70) Godwin noted: ‘wood of very uncertain provenance (fide S. Piggott)’. This last comment is of course correct, but as has been pointed out there was no certainty about the provenance of any single piece of wood from the original investigation. Because of the unsatisfactory position an attempt was made by D. Walker to locate the site of the original finds. Whatever other result was obtained it seems clear from the lack of diagnostic archaeological material that this was not achieved; accordingly the radiocarbon dates (Q 303. 2101 and 2175 ± 115 B.C.) obtained from a stake collected by Walker are hardly relevant. A third assay was made by the British Museum laboratory, this time from wood from an implement collected by the original discoverer; the great disparity in the BM 68 determination (1570 B.C. ± 150) and the fact that it is younger than any known occurrence of Neolithic Plain Ware might be explained by supposing that the sample came from a higher level; alternatively, the difference could be explained by the fact that, as the original account states (p. 287), the wooden implements from the site were treated with alum, something which would probably not have been considered necessary for the charred wood used for the Chicago experiment. Of the two determinations of samples from the original collection, the earlier one is thus (pace Piggott, , PPS, XXVIII, p. 234Google Scholar) to be preferred, more especially as it fits the pattern since revealed by radiocarbon dating in different parts of the British Isles.

^{page 72 note 2} Windmill Hill, III.

^{page 72 note 3} PPS, XXVI (1960), p. 245Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 4} No. 220 of the ‘Fourth Report of the Sub-Committee … on the Petrological Identification of Stone Axes’, PPS, XXVIII (1962), pp. 209–66Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 5} Robertson-Mackay, R., Archaeological News Letter, vol. 7 (1962), pp. 131–4Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 6} PPS, XXIX (1963), pp. 25 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 72 note 7} The axe was found in the Swaffham Drain, Upware, at a level referred by pollen-analysis to an early phase of Zone VIc: see Godwin, H., Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc. London, Ser. B, no. 230 (1940), pp. 260 ff.Google Scholar, fig. 10 and pl. 21 A, B. Since Zone VIc is broadly equivalent in age to the formation of the Fen Clay in the southern fen basin and since the radiocarbon age of this deposit has been determined at between c. 2700 and 2200 B.C., this axe must have reached Cambridgeshire from Langdale by the middle phase of the British Neolithic. For the radiocarbon dating of the Fen Clay, see Willis, E. H., ‘Marine Transgression Sequences in the English Fenlands’, Ann. N. Y. Acad. of Sciences, vol. 95 (1961), pp. 368–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 72 note 8} Proc. Prehist. Soc. E.A., VII, Pt. III, pl. XII, fig. 4.

^{page 72 note 9} PPS, XXVI, p. 215.

^{page 72 note 10} Curwen, E. C., The Archaeology of Sussex, 2nd edt., p. 115Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 11} Stone, J. F. S., Wilts. Arch. Mag., XLV, pp. 350–65Google Scholar; XLVI, pp. 225–42.

^{page 73 note 1} Dewar, H. S. L. and Godwin, H., ‘Archaeological Discoveries in the Raised Bogs of the Somerset Levels, England’, PPS, XXIX, pp. 17–49Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 2} van der Waals, J. D., ‘Neolithic Disc Wheels in the Netherlands’, Palaeohistoria, x, pp. 103–46Google Scholar; M. R. van der Spoel-Walvius, ‘Pollen Analytical Studies on Disc Wheels’, ibid., pp. 147–56.