Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-7cvxr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T12:37:00.943Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Valuable and Useful: Mid-Holocene Stemmed Obsidian Artefacts from West New Britain, Papua New Guinea

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 February 2014

Nick Araho ,
Robin Torrence  and
J. Peter White
Nick Araho
Affiliation:
Prehistory Department, National Museum and Art Gallery, PO Box 5560, Boroko, NCD, Papua New Guinea
Robin Torrence
Affiliation:
Division of Anthropology, Australian Museum, 6 College Street, Sydney NSW 2010, Australia
J. Peter White
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University of Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Distinctive obsidian artefacts from West New Britain appear sometime before 3950 cal BC and terminate abruptly at 1650 cal BC. We propose that they had a wide range of meanings for their users and functioned in both utilitarian and ceremonial contexts, similar to more recent ground stone axes from Highland New Guinea. They therefore represent the earliest evidence for valuables in Papua New Guinea. Here we draw together studies of the technology, spatial distribution, and chemical sourcing of the artefacts, along with considerations of fragility and brightness, to evaluate competing models for their function as utilitarian items and as exchange goods. Whereas many artefacts were probably useful tools integrated within a mobile settlement pattern, others were clearly reserved for special functions, and many may have operated in both the utilitarian and ceremonial spheres.

Résumé

Les objets manufacturés en obsidienne, bien particuliers, de l'ouest de la Nouvelle Bretagne font leur apparition à un certain moment avant 3950 av. J.-C. en années calibrées et disparaissent soudainement en 1650 av. J.-C. en années calibrées. Nous suggérons que, pour leurs utilisateurs, ils avaient une gamme étendue de significations et servaient aussi bien dans un contexte utilitaire que cérémonial, tout comme les haches en pierre polie plus récentes de Hautes Terres, Nouvelle Guinée. Ils constituent done les plus anciens témoignages d'objets précieux en Papouasie, Nouvelle-Guinée. Nous rassemblons ici des études sur la technologie, la répartition spatiale et l'origine chimique des objets, qu'accompagnent des considérations sur leur fragilité et leur éclat, afin d'évaluer des modèles conflictuels quant à leur fonction en tant qu'objets utilitaires et produits d'échange. Tandis que beaucoup de ces objets étaient probablement des outils utiles intégrés à l'intérieur d'un système d'occupation itinérante, d'autres étaient clairement réservés à des fonctions spéciales et nombreux sont ceux qui pouvaient opérer à la fois dans la sphère de l'utilitaire et dans celle du cérémoniel.

Résumén

Un tipo característico de artefactos en obsidiana procedente de West New Britain aparece en algún momento antes de 3950 cal aC y desaparece bruscamente alrededor de 1650 cal aC. En este trabajo, proponemos que tales artefactos tuvieron una amplia gama de significados para sus usuarios, y que fueron utilizados en contextos tanto funcionales como rituales, de modo similar a un tipo más tardío de hachas pulidas procedentes de las montañas de Nueva Guinea. Estos artefactos representan, por tanto, la más temprana evidencia de objetos de lujo en Papua Nueva Guinea. En este trabajo, analizamos conjuntamente los resultados de los estudios sobre la tecnología, distribución espacial y análisis químicos de procedencia de estos artefactos, junto con consideraciones sobre su fragilidad y brillo, para evaluar diferentes modelos sobre su función como objetos utilitarios y como objetos de intercambio. Si bien muchos de los artefactos probablemente constituyeron herramientas útiles integradas dentro de un modelo nómadico de asentamiento, otros estuvieron claramente reservados para ocasiones especiales, y muchos pudieron haber sido utilizados tanto en un contexto utilitario como ceremonial.

Zusammenfassung

Auffällige Obsidianartefakte aus West-Neubritannien treten von 3950 cal BC auf und verschwinden plötzlich um 1650 cal BC. Wir sind der Auffassung, dass sie ein breites Spektrum von Bedeutungen für ihre Nutzer hatten und ihre Rolle sowohl in funktionalem als auch zeremoniellem Kontext spielten, ähnlich jüngeren geschliffenen Steinäxten aus dem Hochland Neu Guineas. Deshalb stellen sie den frühesten Nachweis für Wertgegenstände in Papua Neu Guinea dar. Wir werten hier Studien zur Technologie, räumlichen Verteilung und chemischen Zusammensetzung aus, zusammen mit Überlegungen zu Fragilität und Aussehen, um verschiedene Modelle zu ihrer Funktion als Gebrauchsgegenstände wie auch als Austauschgüter zu bewerten. Waren viele Artefakte sicherlich nützliche Werkzeuge innerhalb einer mobilen Siedlungsweise, wurden andere offensichtlich für einen speziellen Gebrauch reserviert, und viele mögen sowohl in funktionalen als auch in zeremoniellen Sphären in Aktion getreten sein.

Type
Research Article
Information
Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society , Volume 68 , 2002 , pp. 61 - 81
Copyright
Copyright © The Prehistoric Society 2002

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ambrose, W. & Gosden, C. 1991. Investigations on Boduna Island. In Allen, J. & Gosden, C. (eds), Report of the Lapita Homeland Project, 182–8. Canberra: Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, Occasional Papers in Prehistory 20Google Scholar
Araho, N. 1996. Obsidian Stemmed Tools from West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Unpublished MPhil thesis, University of SydneyGoogle Scholar
Bühler, A. 1935. Versuch einer Bevölkerungs-und Kulturanalyse aus den Admiralitätsinseln. Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 67, 1–32Google Scholar
Bühler, A. 1946–1949. Steingeräte, Steinskulpturen und Felszeichnungen aus Melanesien und Polynesien. Antbropos 41–4, 225–74, 577–606Google Scholar
Bulmer, S. 1977. Waisted blades and axes: a functional interpretation of some early stone tools from Papua New Guinea. In Wright, R.V.S. (ed.), Stone Tools as Cultural Markers: change, evolution, complexity, 40–59. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal StudiesGoogle Scholar
Burton, J. 1984. Axe Makers of the Waghi: precolonial industrialists of the Papua New Guinea Highlands. Unpublished PhD thesis, Australian National UniversityGoogle Scholar
Burton, J. 1989. Repeng and the salt makers: ‘ecological trade’ and stone axe production in the Papua New Guinea Highlands. Man 24, 255–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Casey, D.A. 1934. An uncommon type of stone implement from Australia and New Guinea. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 8, 94–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Casey, D.A. 1939. Some prehistoric artefacts from the Territory of New Guinea, Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 11, 142–50Google Scholar
Chinnery, E.W.P. 1919. Stone-work and goldfields in British New Guinea. Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute 49, 271–91Google Scholar
Chowning, A. & Goodale, J.C. 1966. A flint industry from Southwest New Britain, Territory of New Guinea. Asian Perspectives 9, 150–3Google Scholar
Clark, J.E. 1987. Politics, prismatic blades and Mesoamerican civilization. In Johnson, J.K. & Morrow, C.A. (eds), The Organisation of Core Technology, 259–84. Boulder: WestviewGoogle Scholar
Crabtree, D.E. 1968. Mesoamerican polyhedral cores and prismatic blades. American Antiquity 33, 446–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dalton, G. 1977. Aboriginal economies in stateless societies. In Earle, T.K. & Ericson, J.E. (eds), Exchange Systems in Prehistory, 191–212. New York: AcademicCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Frederickson, C., Spriggs, M. & Ambrose, W. 1993. Pamwak rockshelter: a Pleistocene site on Manus Island, Papua New Guinea. In Smith, M.A., Spriggs, M. & Fankhauser, B. (eds), Sahul in Review, 144–54. Canberra: Department of Prehistory, Australian National University, Occasional Papers in Prehistory 24Google Scholar
Fredericksen, C.F.K. 1994. Patterns in Glass: obsidian and economic specialisation in the Admiralty Islands. Unpublished PhD thesis, Australian National UniversityGoogle Scholar
Fredericksen, C.F.K. 1997. Changes in Admiralty Islands obsidian source use: the view from Pamwak. Archaeology in Oceania 32, 68–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fredericksen, C.F.K. 2000. Points of discussion: obsidian blade technology in the Admiralty Islands, 2100 BP to 50 BP. Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 20, 93–106Google Scholar
Friedman, J. 1981 Notes on structure and history in Oceania. Folk 23, 275–95Google Scholar
Fullagar, R. 1992. Lithically Lapita. Functional analysis of flaked stone assemblages from West New Britain Province, Papua New Guinea. In Galipaud, J.-C. (ed.), Poterie Lapita et Peuplement, 135–43. Noumea: ORSTOMGoogle Scholar
Fullagar, R. 1993a. Taphonomy and tool-use: a role for phytoliths in use-wear and residues analysis. In Fankhauser, B.L. & Bird, J.R. (eds), Archaeometry: current Australasian research, 21–7. Canberra: Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Occasional Papers in Prehistory 22Google Scholar
Fullagar, R. 1993b. Flaked stone tools and plant food production: a preliminary report on obsidian tools from Talasea, West New Britain PNG. In Anderson, A., Beyries, S., Otte, M. & Plisson, H. (eds), Traces et Fonction: les gestes retrouves, 331–7. Liege: ERAULGoogle Scholar
Fullagar, R., Summerhayes, G., Ivuyo, B. & Specht, J. 1991. Obsidian sources at Mopir, West New Britain Province, Papua New Guinea. Archaeology in Oceania 26, 110–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Glover, I. 1986. Archaeology in Eastern Timor, 1966–67. Canberra: Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Terra Australis 11Google Scholar
Golson, J. 1972. Both sides of the Wallace Line: New Guinea, Australia, Island Melanesia and Asian Prehistory. In Barnard, N. (ed.), Early Chinese Art and its Possible Influence in the Pacific Basin, 533–96. New York: Intercultural Arts PressGoogle Scholar
Goodale, J.C. 1966. Imlohe and the mysteries of the Passismanua Southwest New Britain. Expedition 8, 20–31Google Scholar
Gosden, C. 1993. Understanding the settlement of the Pacific Islands in the Pleistocene. In Smith, M.A., Spriggs, M. & Fankhauser, B. (eds), Sahul in Review, 131–6. Canberra: Department of Prehistory, Australian National University, Occasional Papers in Prehistory 24Google Scholar
Gosden, C. 1995. Aboriculture and agriculture in coastal Papua New Guinea. Antiquity 69, 807–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gramley, R.M. 1980. Raw materials source areas and ‘curated’ tool assemblages. American Antiquity 45, 823–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gramley, R.M. 1984. Mount Jasper: a direct-access lithic source area in the White Mountains of New Hampshire. In Ericson, J.E. & Purdy, B.A. (eds), Prehistoric Quarries and Lithic Production, 11–22. Cambridge: University PressCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hayden, B. 1983. Social characteristics of early Austronesian colonizers. Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin 4, 123–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hayden, B. 1998. Practical and prestige technologies: the evolution of material systems, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 5, 1–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Harding, T.G. 1967. Voyagers of the Vitiaz Strait. A Study of a New Guinea Trade System. Seattle: University of Washington PressGoogle Scholar
Hughes, I. 1977. New Guinea Stone Age Trade. Canberra: Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Terra Australis 3Google Scholar
Inizan, M.L., Roche, H. & Tixier, J. 1992. Technology of Knapped Stone. Meudon: C.R.E.P.Google Scholar
Jones, L.K. 1981. New Zealand mataa from Marlborough, Nelson, and the Chatham Islands. New Zealand Journal of Archaeology 3, 89–107Google Scholar
Kealhofer, L., Torrence, R. & Fullagar, R. 1999. Integrating phytoliths within use-wear/residue studies of stone tools. Journal of Archaeological Science 26, 527–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kirch, P.V. 1988. Long-distance exchange and island colonisation: the Lapita case. Norwegian Archaeological Review 21, 103–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kirch, P.V. 1990. Specialization and exchange in the Lapita Complex of Oceania (1600–500 BC). Asian Perspectives 29, 117–33Google Scholar
Kirch, P.V. 1991. Prehistoric exchange in Western Melanesia. Annual Review of Anthropology 20, 141–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kirch, P.V. 1997. The Lapita Peoples: Ancestors of the Oceanic World. London: BlackwellGoogle Scholar
Kirch, P.V. 2000. On the Road of the Winds. Berkeley: University of California PressGoogle Scholar
Machida, H., Blong, R.J., Specht, J., Torrence, R., Moriwaki, H., Hayakawa, Y., Talai, B., Lolok, D. & Pain, C.K. 1996. Holocene explosive eruptions of Witori and Dakataua volcanoes in West New Britain, Papua New Guinea and their possible impact on human environment. Quaternary International 35–6, 65–78Google Scholar
Malinowski, B. 1922. Argonauts of the Western Pacific. London: RoutledgeGoogle Scholar
McCoy, P.C. 1979. Easter Island. In Jennings, J.D. (ed.), The Prehistory of Polynesia, 135–66. Cambridge: Harvard University PressGoogle Scholar
Monckton, C.A.W. 1903–1904. British New Guinea, Annual Report. London: HMSOGoogle Scholar
Moseley, H.N. 1877. On the inhabitants of the Admiralty Islands, Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 6, 379–429CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Muke, J.D. 1984. The Huon Discoveries: a preliminary report on the stone artefacts and a comparative analysis of the distribution of waisted tools in Greater New Guinea. Unpublished BLitt thesis, Australian National UniversityGoogle Scholar
Murray, J.H.P. 1912. Papua or British New Guinea. London: T. Fisher UnwinGoogle Scholar
Nevermann, H. 1934. Admiralitäts-Insel. Ergebnisse der Südsee-Expedition 1908–1910, Ethnographie: A. Melanesien. Hamburg: Friederichsen, De GruyterGoogle Scholar
Ohnemus, S. 1996. An Ethnology of the Admiralty Islanders: the Alfred Bühler Collection, Museum der Kulturen, Basel. Bathurst: Crawford House PublishingGoogle Scholar
Owen, W.E. 1938. The Kombewa culture, Kenya colony. Man 217–18, 203–5Google Scholar
Parry, W.J. & Kelly, R.L. 1987. Expedient core technology and sedentism. In Johnson, J.K. & Morrow, C.A. (eds), The Organisation of Core Technology, 285–304. Boulder: WestviewGoogle Scholar
Pavlides, C. 1999. The Story of Imlo: the organisation of flaked stone technologies from the lowland tropical rainforest of West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Unpublished PhD thesis, LaTrobe University, MelbourneGoogle Scholar
Pavlides, C. & Gosden, C. 1994. 35,000 year-old sites in the rainforests of West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Antiquity 68, 604–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rath, P. 2000. Stemmed Obsidian Artefacts from Garua Island: a case of coals to Newcastle? Unpublished BA(Hons) thesis, University of SydneyGoogle Scholar
Saunders, N.J. 1999. Biographies of brilliance: pearls, transformations of matter and being, c. AD 1492. World Archaeology 31, 243–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Seligman, G.C. 1915. Notes on an obsidian axe or adze from Papua. Man 19, 161–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Seligman, C.G. & Joyce, T.A. 1907. On prehistoric objects in British New Guinea. In Balfour, H. (ed.), Anthropological Essays Presented to E.B. Tylor, 325–41. Oxford: Clarendon PressGoogle Scholar
Sheets, P.D. 1975. Behavioral analysis and the structure of a prehistoric industry. Current Anthropology 16, 369–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sheets, P.D. 1978. A model of Meso-American obsidian technology based on pre-classic workshop debris in El Salvador. In Hester, T.R. (ed.), Archaeological Studies of Meso-American Obsidian, 159–70. Socorro: Ballena Press Studies in Mesoamerican Art, Archaeology, and Ethnohistory 3Google Scholar
Sheppard, P.J. 1992. A report on the flaked lithic assemblage from three southeast Solomons Lapita sites. In Galipaud, J-C. (ed.), Poterie Lapita et peuplement, 145–54. Noumea: ORSTOMGoogle Scholar
Sheppard, P.J. 1993. Lapita lithics: trade/exchange and technology. A view from the Reefs/Santa Cruz. Archaeology in Oceania 28, 121–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shutler, R. Jr & Kess, C.A. 1969. A lithic industry from New Britain, Territory of New Guinea, with possible areal and chronological relationships. Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 27, 129–40Google Scholar
Sillitoe, P. 1988. Made in Niugini. London: British MuseumGoogle Scholar
Specht, J. 1973. Prehistory poses many problems. Australian Natural History 17, 445–51Google Scholar
Specht, J. 1974. Lapita pottery at Talasea, West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Antiquity 48, 302–6Google Scholar
Specht, J. 1981. Obsidian sources at Talasea, West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Journal of the Polynesian Society 90, 337–56Google Scholar
Specht, J.R. & Gosden, C. 1997. Dating Lapita pottery in the Bismarck Archipelago, Papua New Guinea. Asian Perspectives 36, 175–99Google Scholar
Specht, J.R., Fullagar, R., Torrence, R. & Baker, N. 1988. Prehistoric obsidian exchange in Melanesia: a perspective from the Talasea sources. Australian Archaeology 27, 3–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Specht, J., Torrence, R., Fullagar, R. & Baker, N. 1989. Preliminary Report on Archaeological Research in West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Sydney: Australian MuseumGoogle Scholar
Specht, J., Torrence, R. & Fullagar, R. 1991. What was the significance of Lapita pottery at Talasea? Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin 11, 281–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Spriggs, M. 1997. The Island Melanesians. London: BlackwellGoogle Scholar
Strathern, M. 1969. Stone axes and flake tools: evaluations from two New Guinea Highlands societies. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 35, 311–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Summerhayes, G.R., Bird, J.R., Fullagar, R., Gosden, C., Specht, J. & Torrence, R. 1998. Application of PIXEPIGME to archaeological analysis of changing patterns of obsidian use in West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. In Shackley, M.S. (ed.), Archaeological Obsidian Studies, 129–58. New York: PlenumCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Swadling, P. 1981. Papua New Guinea's prehistory: an introduction. Port Moresby: National Museum and Art GalleryGoogle Scholar
Swadling, P. 1990. Sepik Prehistory. In Lutkehas, N. (ed.), Sepik Heritage, 71–86. Bathurst: Crawford HouseGoogle Scholar
Swadling, P. & Hope, G. 1992. Environmental change in New Guinea since human settlement. In Dodson, J. (ed.), The Naive Lands, 13–42. Melbourne: Longman ChesireGoogle Scholar
Swadling, P., Schaublin, B.H., Gorecki, P. & Tiesler, F. 1988. The Sepik-Ramu: an introduction. Port Moresby: National Museum and Art GalleryGoogle Scholar
Taçon, P. 1991. The power of stone: symbolic aspects of stone use and tool development in western Arnhem Land, Australia. Antiquity 65, 192–207CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R. 1986. Production and Exchange of stone tools. Cambridge: University PressGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R. 1992. What is Lapita about obsidian? A view from the Talasea sources. In Galipaud, J-C. (ed.), Poterie Lapita et peuplement, 111–26. Noumea: ORSTOMGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R. 1993. Ethnoarchaeology, museum collections and prehistoric exchange: obsidian-tipped artefacts from the Admiralty Islands. World Archaeology 24, 467–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R. 1994. Strategies for moving on in lithic studies. In Carr, P.J. (ed.), The Organisation of North American Prehistoric Chipped Stone Tool Technologies, 123–31. Ann Arbor: International Monographs in PrehistoryGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R. forthcoming. Pre-Lapita valuables in Island Melanesia. Records of the Australian MuseumGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R. & Summerhayes, G. 1997. Sociality and the short distance trader: intra-regional obsidian exchange in the Willaumez region. Archaeology in Oceania 32, 74–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R., Specht, J. & Fullagar, R. 1990. Pompeiis in the Pacific. Australian Natural History 23, 456–63.Google Scholar
Torrence, R., Specht, J., Fullagar, R. & Bird, J.R. 1992. From Pleistocene to present: obsidian sources in West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Records of the Australian Museum, Supplement 15, 83–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Torrence, R., Pavlides, C., Jackson, P. & Webb, J. 2000. Volcanic disasters and cultural discontinuities in the Holocene of West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. In McGuire, B., Griffiths, D. & Stewart, I. (eds), The Archaeology of Geological Catastrophes, 225–44. London: Geological Society of London Special Publication 171Google Scholar
White, J.P. 1982. Notes on some stone tools from Passismanua, New Britain. Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 3, 44–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar
White, J.P. 1996. Rocks in the head: thinking about the distribution of obsidian in Near Oceania. In Davidson, J., Irwin, G., Leach, F., Pawley, A. & Brown, D. (eds), Oceania Culture History, 199–209. Dunedin: New Zealand Journal of Archaeology Special PublicationGoogle Scholar
Yen, D.E. 1995. The development of Sahul agriculture with Australia as a bystander. Antiquity 69, 831–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar