^{page 16 note 1} The inquiries leading to this paper have called for help from many quarters, acknowledgment of which is made below. I must, however, generally express my gratitude to Mr R. B. K. Stevenson, whose unique knowledge of the Scottish material has been made available to render mine less incomplete; and also, when working in the National Museum of Antiquities, for the expert help of Mr Ross. Prof. Childe has, as so often, given me much assistance, and parts of the paper have been discussed with him and with Prof. Piggott. Neither can be held responsible for the conclusions reached, but the exchange of ideas which has taken place has rendered the attribution of particular ideas an impossible task. I must therefore ask them to excuse the unacknowledged appearance throughout the paper of suggestions of which they may in fact be the authors.

^{page 16 note 2} The most useful works consulted have been:—for Pacific maritime trade, C. G. Seligman, The Melanesians, B. Malinowski, Argonauts of the Pacific, and R. Firth, Primitive Economics of the Maori; for pack-animal trade, C. Bell, The People of Tibet; for pack-man trade, C. von Fürer-Haimendorf, Ethnographic Notes on the Tribes of the Subansiri Region and Exploration in the Eastern Himalayas; for early Mediterranean trade, T. J. Dunbabin, The Western Greeks, M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World and (for Phoenician trade) Harden, D. in Antiquity, 1948, 141Google Scholar. In the main, however, economic facts have had to be picked out of anthropological works in which they were mentioned incidentally, and seldom with precision; some guidance can be got from the general works on primitive economics of M. J. Herskovits and R. Thurnwald. No doubt none of the trade dealt with in the above works is narrowly comparable with that done in 2nd millennium Britain, but there is fortunately a great deal that is common as between the different forms of elementary trade.

^{page 17 note 1} Even among the tribes studied by Dr Haimendorf (Subansiri Region, 35).

^{page 17 note 2} In their most developed form in Melanesian trade studied by Malinowski.

^{page 17 note 3} The common Anglo-Saxon kenning for a chief is ‘ring-giver.’

^{page 17 note 4} For gifts to the spirits of the land, see Frazer, J. G., Golden Bough, III, 103 ff.Google Scholar; the permanent establishment of St. Columba's colony on Iona demanded a human sacrifice to the spirits of the land. The propitiation of the spirits is of particular importance when mining is undertaken (ibid., 407 ff.)

^{page 17 note 5} The fetching of stone for axes in Melanesia and New Zealand is fully dealt with by Malinowski and Firth respectively; for the working of metals by the Chinese in Siam, see Graham, W. A., Siam, II, 72 ffGoogle Scholar. The exploitation of tin, which the Siamese themselves would not work, provides an example of an early settlement established solely for metal-getting, but becoming a colony of mixed population under Chinese chiefs.

^{page 17 note 6} Assuming that the local population was capable of organising manufacture and export. An example of the problem posed is provided by the occurrence together of Graig Lwyd axes and Peterborough pottery at Avebury and also on the Menai Strait; the pottery cannot owe its presence on the strait to Menai traders visiting Wessex, but might have been introduced into the North by Wessex settlements, such as the Chinese ones mentioned in the last note, which developed from Wessex expeditions to work the stone.

^{page 18 note 1} Even as late as 1689, when for a period caravans carrying skins, and returning with textiles, tea, gold and silver, passed between Russia and China, the whole cost of the feeding of the expeditions during several months spent in China fell upon the hosts, and the burden led to the Chinese limiting the numbers in a caravan to some 200. (Cahon, G., Some Early Russo-Chinese Relations, 49Google Scholar).

^{page 18 note 2} For descriptions of trading expeditions in Melanesia and the manner of their organisation, see Malinowski and Seligman. Examples of seasonal expeditions on land are the Tibetan caravans to Manchuria, which depart twice yearly (Bell, 122); and, by sea, the yearly expeditions which sailed from Red Sea ports for India from the 2nd century B.C. and are believed to have made use of the monsoons (Rostovtzeff, 11, 925 ff). Strabo says that the fleet sailing amounted to 20 ships in Ptolemaic times and to as many as 120 in his own. For local markets held at short intervals, see Herskovits, 190 ff.

^{page 18 note 3} Even if whole-time craftsmen, as distinct from farmer-craftsmen, existed in the 2nd millennium, which may well be doubted.

^{page 18 note 4} For a most valuable account of this trade, see C. von Fürer, Haimendorf, Ethnographic Notes on the Tribes of the Subansiri Region and Exploration in the Eastern Himalayas. For access to these Assam Government publications I am indebted to Dr Haimendorf's kindness.

^{page 19 note 1} It may be noted as a warning against using pottery as a certain index of tribal identity that the relatively civilised Apa Tanis import nearly all their pots from their primitive neighbours, and this despite the fact that they often have to take them unfired, and to fire them in the forest on their way home, some of the vendors having no fuel.

^{page 19 note 2} A small stretch of virgin forest surviving on the uninhabited east coast of Colonsay gives some idea of the obstacle to movement once presented.

^{page 20 note 1} For examples of settlement resulting from trading activities in Melanesia, see Malinowski, 288; instructive examples of modern migration over the borders of China into Tibet will be found in R. B. Ekvall, Cultural Relations on the Kansu-Tibetan Border.

^{page 20 note 2} Topographia Hibernica, Opera, v, 186Google Scholar.

^{page 20 note 3} We lack estimates of the mesolithic population, or even a clear classification of the mesolithic cultures surviving into the 2nd millennium; but comparison with the density of population of modern hunting tribes shows how slight the numbers we have to take into account must have been.

^{page 20 note 4} Examples are provided by the Greek colonies, on which see particularly Mr Dunbabin's The Western Greeks, and by the Phoenician trading stations mentioned below. The Chinese settlement in Siam has already been noticed.

^{page 20 note 5} For example Tyre, Gades, Syracuse, Suakin; in more recent times, Singapore and Hong Kong. Settlements for trade with more primitive peoples are illustrated by the Phoenician trading stations on the west coast of Africa in the 6th century B.C., and notably Cerne on an island probably lying at the mouth of the Senegal river. For Cerne, and for this early trade route generally, see Dr Harden's valuable discussion in Antiquity, 1948, 141 ffGoogle Scholar. For commercial exchanges made on off-shore islands compare the tin market on Ictis (doubtfully St. Michael's Mount) described by Diodorus (quoted in Hencken, H. O'N., The Archaeology of Cornwall, 171Google Scholar) and the Aran Island market used by traders with Anglo-Norman Galway (O'Sullivan, M. D., Old Galway, 1942, 24, 5Google Scholar).

^{page 21 note 1} Thus in the Greek trade with the West its position on an isthmus enabled Corinth to secure a large part of the Aegean exports for onward transmission in its own ships; while the Strait of Messina allowed Zancle and Rhegion to limit Etruscan shipping to the Tyrrhenian coasting trade, and it became worth while to incur the high cost of diverting some traffic to a land route from Sybaris to the Tyrrhenian Sea which was 50 miles long and rose to 3000 feet (T. J. Dunbabin, op. cit., 205).

^{page 21 note 2} Gades and London are examples; early shipping sailed straight up-river to Cordoba and beyond and to Oxford.

^{page 21 note 3} The Phoenician expansion if Africa may be quoted. Carthage, a colony founded in 814 B.C., had thrown off by the 6th century the series of trading settlements on the west coast of Africa of which Cerne was the most remote; Hanno's expedition (c. 525–500 B.C.) carried 30,000 geople in 60 ships to establish or enlarge these settlements. Malta had been colonised already by 1000 B.C.

^{page 21 note 4} As will appear below the cost of transport forms so large a part of selling price in early trade that only objects of high intrinsic value moved over long distances.

^{page 21 note 5} Herodotus (III, 115, 6) discussing the islands called Cassiterides ‘whence the tin comes which we use’ is forced to record that all inquiries had failed to find any eye-witness to a sea on the further side of Europe.

^{page 21 note 6} We may note the self-subsistent character of successive groups of Norse settlements on the trade routes to the Black Sea; as also the distance of some groups from their next neighbour.

^{page 22 note 1} Parkman, F., The Jesuits in North America, 53Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 2} Idem, La Salle and the Discovery of the West, 153.

^{page 22 note 3} MacGill, C. E., History of Transportation in the United States, 4Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 4} ibid., 8.

^{page 22 note 5} ibid., 94–117.

^{page 23 note 1} ibid., 208.

^{page 23 note 2} Statistical Account of Scotland, 1791–1799, XXI, 349Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 3} Pratt, E. A., History of Inland Transport, 117Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 4} Birch, , Royal Society, III, 208Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 5} Priestley, J., Navigable Rivers of Gt. Britain, 1831, 9 ffGoogle Scholar. and passim.

^{page 23 note 6} MacGill, op. cit., 78.

^{page 23 note 7} Additional Note to Guy Mannering.

^{page 23 note 8} Pratt, op. cit., 160. The lower cost reflects the better roads.

^{page 23 note 9} Mason, O. T., Primitive Transport, Smithsonian Institute Report, 1896, 451Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 10} Baker, J. E., ‘Economic Value of Railroad Transportation,’ China Weekly Review, XXXII, 1925Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 1} Tawney, R. H., Land and Labour in China, 56Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 2} Bell, C., The People of Tibet, 114 ff.Google Scholar; Tawney, op. cit., 57.

^{page 24 note 3} Frank, Tenny, Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. II (Egypt), 402 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 24 note 4} It is in fact very unlikely that farm carts were used in the 2nd millennium; in the remote farms of Britain they were introduced only in the later 18th century. In Shetland carts were still unknown in 1814.

^{page 24 note 5} Dr Johnson to Mrs Trale, letter dated 3rd September, 1773.

^{page 24 note 6} Statistical Account of Scotland, XVI, 180Google Scholar. Even where military roads had been made, as between Fort Augustus and Glenelg, they might become impassible by horse traffic within half a century through lack of maintenance (Ibid. 274).

^{page 25 note 1} The presumption from modern conditions that the Lowlands were easier to traverse than the Highlands will be found below to be erroneous; they were probably more difficult, owing to the lack of drainage in the Midland Valley, and much of the Southwest, and to the denser growth of trees.

^{page 25 note 2} We have no early record for Britain but may note the similar advantages of Gaul, which so impressed the Mediterranean geographers. Thus Strabo (IV, i, 2):— ‘The whole of this country is watered by rivers flowing from the Alps, the Cevennes and the Pyrenees and discharging themselves, some into the Ocean and some into the Mediterranean. The districts through which they flow are mainly plains with intervening watersheds approached by navigable channels. The courses of these rivers are so happily disposed that you can move merchandise from one sea to the other, carrying it only a short distance and that easily over upon country, but for the most part by water, working up one river and down another.’

^{page 25 note 3} The pamphlets are reprinted in The Works of John Taylor, 1872.

^{page 26 note 1} J. Priestley, op. cit., 37.

^{page 26 note 2} The development of inland navigation became of major concern in England in the 17th century and numerous petitions and bills presented to Parliament propose the improvement of the rivers; the building of canals belongs to the later 18th and earlier 19th centuries. From these documents, which are recorded in the work of Joseph Priestley cited above, and from other records, notably Defoe's Tour, the then navigability of English rivers can be ascertained. (Much of the information is summarised in tabular form in the appendices to MrWillan, 's River Transport in England (1600–1750)Google Scholar. The improvements aimed at in the bills are generally modest; the opening of passages (‘flashes’) through the weirs of mills, the deepening of shallows and the clearing of weeds; provision is made for only small expenditures. The depths existing and contemplated are seldom stated, but depth can often be inferred from records of boats used, which range from 4-ton boats drawing as little as 1 foot 4 inches on the Wye up to Hereford to 130-ton vessels on the Great Ouse; the common range was 20 to 40 tons. Since the building of the canals, which drew their water largely from the rivers they displaced, all but the principal rivers have been abandoned, but knowledge of their present state is of assistance, and can be got from modern canoeing records, e.g. W. Bliss, Canoeing. The changes which have taken place in the river since prehistoric times are necessarily unknown, but it is probably fair to suppose that, in the conditions of the lowland rivers of England, the silt of three millennia has worsened rather than improved navigability. While there are many uncertainties, the extent of navigability recorded above for the rivers there mentioned is likely to be an understatement in terms of the needs of the shallow-draught canoes of the 2nd millennium. For evidence of a similar decline in the navigability of the rivers of France since Roman times, see Bonnard, L., La Navigation Intérieure de la Gaule, 1913, 7 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 26 note 3} O. T. Mason, op. cit., 447.

^{page 28 note 1} Thucydides, VI, 30, 44; VII, 26, 33. The avoidance of passages out of sight of land will be noted.

^{page 28 note 2} This is marked by Palmella pottery on the Madrid plateau, at the cave of Somaen on the pass between the Henares and the Jalon (the Roman route between Segontia and Arcobriga) and in Catalonia. How far this route is workable as a water route I have been unable to find out, though the Ebro is now navigable to its junction with the Jalon.

^{page 28 note 3} The 50-mile gap between the Garonne at Toulouse and the Aude at Carcassonne is spanned by tributaries, the l'Hers and the Fresquel. There is no record of the condition of these before their water was drawn off by the Canal du Midi, which was made by Louis XIV; but the Col de Naurouze, the watershed dividing them, is only 200 feet above Toulouse and 300 feet above Carcassonne. In Roman times shipping went little above Narbonne and there was an overland route of some 90 miles (700-800 stadia) to Toulouse, where navigation began on the Garonne (Bonnard, L., La Navigation Intérieure de la Gaule, 77–80Google Scholar, quoting Strabo and Pomponius Mela). The condition of the Aude worsened further during the Roman period and Narbonne gradually lost its importance as a port. In the 2nd millennium, and with the dug-outs then used, we can assume navigation of the Aude to Carcassonne and of some part of the l'Hers and the Fresquel, but there is no means of ascertaining whether the residual gap was short enough for canoes to be carried across it (as stated by DrCary, , Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History, 250Google Scholar), or whether there was a market in the gap and re-shipment from the further side. M. Héléna places the establishment of the port at Narbonne in the Greek period, but offers no detailed archaeological evidence to show how much further up the waterway it was in the 2nd millennium (Les Origines de Narbonne, 137 and 337, n. 2).

^{page 28 note 4} Despite the gloomy forests of Central France, it seems likely that Rhône Mouth cultures, albeit sporadically and in diluted form, did reach Northern France by the excellent waterways of the Rhône-Saône and Seine systems; for example by the short land passage of the Plateau de Langres. A study of the routes, and of the movements along them, and a comparison of these movements with those along the Aude-Garonne route, might go far to resolve the competing claims for eastern and western derivation of British cultures of ultimate Rhône Mouth origin. Whether from the Seine or Brittany, the Cross-Channel passage chosen is likely to have been the short one from Cherbourg to Christchurch.

^{page 28 note 5} Lecture to Institute of Archaeology, March, 1949.

^{page 28 note 6} Arch. Newsletter, Oct. 1949 and Jan. 1950.

^{page 29 note 1} Gallia, V, 235 and Sandars, N. K. in Inst. Arch. Report, 1949, 44Google Scholar. The relief decoration included lines of embossed lozenges and scalloped rims as in Catalonia and the Orkney hamlets. It has long been known that the simpler elements of the relief decoration, such as the cordons, also reached Chassey.

^{page 29 note 2} G. and Leisner, V., Die Megalithgräber der Ibersichen Halbinsel, I, 586 ffGoogle Scholar. Reliance is not placed on the tentative derivation of two segmental bone objects found in Los Millares, Tombs 1 and 7, from Egyptian copper axes.

^{page 29 note 3} Faulkner, R. O., ‘Egyptian Seagoing Ships’ Journ. Egypt. Arch., 1940 6 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 29 note 4} The ‘five-part canoe’ of Haddon and Hornell's classification in Canoes of Oceania, III, 5.

^{page 29 note 5} Hornell, J., Water Transport, 1946, 213 ff.Google Scholar; Herodotus, II, c. 96.

^{page 29 note 6} The representations are usually of uncertain interpretation, but those on Early Cycladic pottery (Palace of Minos, II, 241Google Scholar, fig. 138) show that Aegean ships had the Egyptian high vertical stempost and raised sternpost raking aft.

^{page 30 note 1} Taramelli, A., Monumenti Antichi, XIX, 398 ffGoogle Scholar. and figs. 46, 69 and 70.

^{page 30 note 2} Péquart and le Rouzic, Corpus des Signes Gravés, particularly Mané Lud, Allée Couverte de Lufang and Dolmen de Kerveresse; H. Breuil Les Peintures Rupestres de la Péninsule Ibérique, e.g. Grand Abris de las Vinas.

^{page 30 note 3} G. Coffey, New Grange, fig. 40; Breuil, H., P.P.S.E.A., 1934, 289 ffGoogle Scholar. and figs. 10, 11 and 29.

^{page 30 note 4} J. Hornell, op. cit., 191. Hawaiian canoes 24 by 1 by 1 foot weighed only 50 lbs., the skin thickness being 1 to 1½ inches (Haddon and Hornell, op. cit., 1, 24). (But from the dimensions given the weight must be an error; it should probably be about 2 cwt.).

^{page 30 note 5} The Brigg canoe (Arch. L, 361Google Scholar) was 48 feet 6 inches long with a maximum beam (at the stern) of 4 feet 6 inches and a depth of 2 feet 8 inches at bow and 3 feet 4 inches at stern. The Deeping canoe (Camb. Ant. Soc., IV, 198Google Scholar) was 46 feet long, of 5 feet 8 inches beam at stern and a depth of 3 feet from amidships to stern, through which length there was considerable tumble home, thus excluding the possibility of a wash strake. Canoes of this size are known also from Scotland and Ireland.

^{page 30 note 6} The outrigger is unknown in Europe and we have no evidence that canoes were ever lashed together in pairs for greater stability to form double canoes, though this can be done without any fittings of which we should have archaeological record. Nor should we assume on the slight evidence in P.S.A.S., XXXI, 268, that the beam of British dug-outs was increased by wedging the sides out after soaking in hot water; the inserted frames which this method of increasing stability requires have not been found.

^{page 30 note 7} The ancient and modern evidence regarding skin boats is collected in Hornell, J., British Coracles and Irish Curraghs, 1938Google Scholar. The importance of skin boats in the circumpolar zone has been rightly emphasised by Mr Hornell.

^{page 31 note 1} For a technical opinion on British dug-outs, see Hornell, J., Water Transport, 187Google Scholar, and for dimensions of the widely varying types of canoe in recent use in Oceania see Haddon and Hornell, op. cit., passim.

^{page 31 note 2} Ant. J., 1941, 133 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 31 note 3} The smaller of the dug-out trunks of oak from the Dysgwylfa Fawr barrow, Cardiganshire (Ant. J., 1939, 90Google Scholar) was worked to a skin-thickness of as little as half an inch. The assumption that these and other dug-out coffins were actual or model boats (P.P.S., 1949, 101) is highly questionable.

^{page 32 note 1} West Coast of Scotland Pilot, 6th edn., 1, 8, 9, 20, 44Google Scholar. The Crinan Canal was built at the end of the 18th century less to save sea time than to enable shipping to avoid the heavy seas so often met off the Mull of Kintyre (ibid., 116).

^{page 32 note 2} When boats up to 10 tons were drawn across the tarbert by horses to avoid the dangers of the Mull of Kintyre (Pennant, , Tour in Scotland, II, 190, edn. of 1790Google Scholar).

^{page 32 note 3} For a recent survey of western Islay, Oronsay and Colonsay for prehistoric sites, see Stuart, and Piggott, C. M., P.S.A.S., LXXX, 83 ffGoogle Scholar. The suspected chamber tomb in Colonsay has not, I understand, stood up to excavation. P.S.A.S., xv, 105 and 125 record a greenstone axe and a fiat bronze axe from Colonsay and cist burials of indeterminate age.

^{page 32 note 4} For Seil Sound see Admiralty Chart No. 2476; in the 2nd millennium it was probably open only at high water. By hugging the coast from Craignish Point northwards boats would avoid the risk of being carried through the Gulf of Corryvreckan and also the strong tides and overfalls of the channel outside Luing and Seil (West Coast of Scotland Pilot, Pt. 1, 116, 150).

^{page 32 note 5} The only certain 2nd millennium site in Barra is R.C.A.M. Outer Hebrides, no. 457. No. 458 is a little doubtful and no. 459 has been shown by excavation to be an aisled roundhouse farm.

^{page 33 note 1} For this coast see West Coast of Scotland Pilot, II, 70–82Google Scholar; for the passage, Admiralty Chart no. 2386, Cape Wrath to the Flannan Isles.

^{page 33 note 2} There is no evidence that Cape Wrath was avoided by the long portage over bad ground from Rhiconich to the Kyle of Durness.

^{page 33 note 3} The severity of the navigational difficulty is due to the low speed of the canoes, which may well have made no more than 50 miles a day, even in a calm, and the high probability of clouded skies during some part of the passage. Without sun or stars the canoes would have to steer by the wind and, if that shifted, would be put correspondingly off their course. The chance of keeping their course throughout the passage can clearly not have been good.

^{page 33 note 4} Passage graves are scattered over some 100 miles of coast north of Gothenburg with a concentration round the sheltered sounds west of the outfall of Lake Wener; elsewhere on the coast there are only dysser and cists (see Sarauw-Alin's map in Ebert, Reallexicon, s.v. Nordische Kreis, fig. 62). C. A. Nordman, Megalithic Culture of Northern Europe, illustrates in figs. 7, 36 and 37 Bohuslän tombs which can in fairly convincing detail be paralleled structurally in the Hebrides (e.g. Rudh' an Dunain) and the Orkneys (e.g. Unstan).

^{page 34 note 1} On the inland waterways of Scotland I have had the great advantage of the advice of Mr J. L. Henderson, author of River Voyage (forthcoming). Mr Henderson's wide knowledge and practical experience of the navigability of the rivers by modern canoes has provided a basis for this section of the paper and his generous help is acknowledged with much gratitude.

^{page 34 note 2} II, 32.

^{page 34 note 3} A portage is required round the Torcastle narrows on the R. Lochy and another across the two mile gap between Loch Lochy and Loch Oich; precise information about the R. Oich, which joins Loch Oich to Loch Ness, is not available, but a portage, if required at all, would be short. (Old Statistical Account, VIII, 410Google Scholar; New Statistical Account, s.v. Inverness).

^{page 34 note 4} In considering the possibility of such movements account must be taken of the preference felt for western over eastern sea-routes into quite recent times. The difficulties presented by the North Sea coasts were the long stretches without sheltered bays or river inlets to which shipping could run when caught in on-shore winds, and, from the Humber northwards, the dangers of the persistent sea-fogs to boats navigating without a compass. Cf. Pennant, , Tour in Scotland, III, 133, edn. of 1790Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 1} The Deveron below the Turriff Bend is a broad and relatively slow-moving river meandering through meadows except for a linn below the Bridge of Alvah; with a portage of perhaps a mile past this linn, it should have been navigable to the bend and thence for some distance up a tributary. The Ythan is slow-running and tidal for 6 m. from its mouth; it was thought in the 18th century to be capable of being made navigable by large boats as far as Fyvie parish, and was probably navigable by canoes for some distance above Fyvie. The portage between the two rivers would be a minimum of 2½ m. depending on the water conditions. (O.S.A. and N.S.A. s.v. Banff, Alvah, Turriff, Methlick and Ellon).

^{page 36 note 1} The low pass, which leads from Auchterarder by Gleneagles to the head of Strath Allan, is that followed by the railway. The Roman route was higher, running direct from Strageath on the Earn to Greenloaning further down Strath Allan (O. G. S. Crawford, Roman Scotland, ch. 3).

^{page 36 note 2} N.S.A., Ayrshire, 571.

^{page 36 note 3} ibid., 427, 212, 691; Bleau's map of 1654.

^{page 36 note 4} N.S.A., Renfrewshire, 82; O.S.A. xv, 483, n.; Imperial Gazetteer of Scotland, s.v. Castle Semple Loch.

^{page 37 note 1} For geological records see Heddle's Mineralogy of Scotland and the Geological Survey Special Report on Mineral Resources, 1921. The official records of prospecting in the 16th and 17th centuries, when the right in metals was claimed by the Crown, are collected in Cochrane-Patrick, R. W., Early Records of Mining in Scotland, 1878Google Scholar. The king gave special protection to miners, as was indeed necessary, since murders occurred despite it; the protection was, however, valueless beyond the Highland Line, and there prospecting, and thus reports, fail. For 18th century workings throughout the country see Statistical Account of Scotland, 1791–99 (index in vol. XXI). The New Statistical Account gives some additional information but is poorly indexed by counties.

^{page 37 note 2} The types and distribution of metal objects are discussed below and are noted here only in so far as relevant to the distribution of metal-working.

^{page 37 note 3} I am greatly indebted to Mrs Margaret Stewart for the use of the list of Scottish flat-axe finds which she is preparing for publication. This is used here only to draw broad inferences, since it is not quite complete and moreover the chances of the finding and recording of axes in different parts of Scotland vary too widely.

^{page 38 note 1} The group is distributed: Largs; Fairlie; Kilwinning; Gavel Moss; Kilmacolm; beyond which there are no axes in the Clyde valley before the Biggar Gap is reached.

^{page 38 note 2} The distribution is: southwards from copper-field by Lauderdale to Old Melrose Bend (four); thence westwards to Innerleithen and southward to Teviot (six); Forth from Dunbar westwards to the Almond, but not beyond (nine); eastward from the copper-field in the Whitadder, Blackadder and Lower Tweed valleys (none).

^{page 38 note 3} An aisled roundhouse under excavation in Barra has produced copper slag identified by Dr Dunham by mineral analysis as deriving from the Loch Duich or Crinan areas. The former is the nearer.

^{page 38 note 4} The mould sites are listed on p. 57, n. 6 below.

^{page 38 note 5} P.S.A.S., LXIX, 172; LXVI, 42.

^{page 39 note 1} The North-east Irish moulds were found on and near Belfast Lough, Lough Neagh and Strangford Loch; the last had an alternative source of raw copper on the east coast of the Isle Of Man (Coffey, G., Bronze Age in Ireland, 9Google Scholar, supplemented by C. Fox, Personality of Britain, pl. II). The trade routes to Ireland seem to have been by the North Channel, or from Cumberland by the Isle of Man, throughout prehistoric times; to judge from B.G. v, 13, this was still true in Caesar's time. The reason was no doubt to avoid a passage out of sight of land.

^{page 39 note 2} The pot in which the hoard was found was not described.

^{page 39 note 3} Chambers's Encyclopaedia, 1950, s.v. Gold.

^{page 40 note 1} Whittlesey, C., Ancient Mining on the Shores of Lake Superior, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, XIII, 1863Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 2} This important flint industry has never been expertly studied and the above account, no doubt incomplete, has been pieced together from the informative accounts of the early local antiquaries (Stat. Acct. Scot., XVI, 559Google Scholar and P.S.A.S., IV, 285, 385; VI, 240; X, 507; XIV, 314; XXX, 346 and 385—see also LI, 117). For the Dornoch and Golspie Links sites see P.S.A.S., LXXX, 31, and for Caithness P.S.A.S., LXXXI, 179; for flint axes Childe, V. G., Prehistory of Scotland, 97, n. 4Google Scholar, but note that 9 such are recorded from Orkney, though all but one are small and of poor local flint (P.S.A.S., LXV, 78).

^{page 41 note 1} For the Scanian flint trade see Dr Grahame Clark's valuable discussion in P.P.S., 1948, 219; and for the distribution of flat axes, Arch., LXXXVI, 276Google Scholar. The following list, no doubt incomplete, gives the distribution of flint-working sites between the Moray Firth and the Don:—Culbin Sands and a line of sites along the south side of the Firth; these sites from the immediate neighbourhood of the flint bed: Annochie, Skelmuir Hill, Bulwark, Kinmundy, Blackhill, Ravenscraig Castle, Den of Bodham, Moreseat, Fernie Brae in moss of Loch Laudie, Hill of Arnage; sites on the shores of the Ythan Estuary and of Belhelvie parish; five sites in the Urie valley: Bass of Inverurie, Torries 5 m. W.N.W. of Inverurie, Moss of Wartle 7 m. N.W. of Inverurie, Wraes 3 m. W.N.W. of Insch, Hill of Skares 4 m. N. of Insch; four sites in Strathdon: Broomhill near Kintore, Ardtannes, Alford, Kildrummy. Transport of material to the southern sites was presumably up the Don.

^{page 41 note 2} No general account exists of the distribution of flint in Scotland and I am greatly indebted to Mr J. B. Simpson of the Geological Survey, Edinburgh, for the information summarised below which is not otherwise authenticated. He has also given me the following information about the chert sources known to him:—near Carham, 5 m. E. of Kelso, in dolomitic limestone (a flesh-coloured and a pale blue opalescent variety); near Robert Lynn's Bridge, S. of Hawick (reddish); in a carboniferous limestone nearer Edinburgh (nodules as large as turnips but not very common); Lossiemouth, an outcrop of whitish chert in the New Red Sandstones which matches well with fragments found in a mesolithic site at Nairn. According to P.S.A.S., LXI, 326, chert occurs on the Ayrshire coast at Ballantrae and Irvine.

^{page 41 note 3} For this site see P.S.A.S., XXXI, 115.

^{page 41 note 4} For these implements see Beveridge, Erskine, Coll and Tiree, 175–7Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 5} P.S.A.S., LXV, 78; P.O.A.S., XII, pl. p. 19; XIV, pls. pp. 52, 54.

^{page 42 note 1} P.S.A.S., LXII, 173; R.C.A.M. Berwickshire, XXIX; E. Lothian, XXXII; Mid and W. Lothian, XVIII. H. H. Thomas thought the material probably chalk flint ploughed up from the bed of the North Sea in glacial times.

^{page 42 note 2} P.S.A.S., XI, 580; LXVII, 28; Arch. Coll. Ayr and Galloway, 1, 4; Smith, J., Prehistoric Man in Ayrshire, 42 and 113Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 3} Childe, V. G., Scotland before the Scots, 36Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 4} P.S.A.S., XXVIII, 270; LXXV, 60. The local origin of the nodules on the beaches has been the subject of a curious and unresolved controversy.

^{page 42 note 5} P.P.S., 1949, 19. Mr Stevenson has kindly given me an additional list, covering a much wider area, of identifications of this stone made visually but, until more sectioning has been done, I have not quoted these.

^{page 42 note 6} Book of Arran, 1, 88, 274; P.S.A.S., LII, 140 and LXXXII, 263, where a further site is mentioned in Lauderdale.

^{page 42 note 7} P.S.A.S., LXIII, 224.

^{page 42 note 8} I am indebted to Mr T. C. Lethbridge for the loan of the Ardentrive material and to Mr Simpson and Dr Macgregor of the Geological Survey for its examination.

^{page 43 note 1} P.S.A.S., LXVIII, 222.

^{page 43 note 2} Childe, V. G., Prehistory of Scotland, 103Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 3} P.S.A.S., XXXVI, 733; P.P.S., 1947, 28, n. 5.

^{page 43 note 4} The farmhouse already mentioned in Barra was roofed with spruce, which has been shown to be of North American origin (Antiquity, Sept., 1951).

^{page 43 note 5} For a very broad classification by structural type see ProfChilde, 's maps in Scotland before the Scots, 5Google Scholar, and P.S.A.S., LXXVIII, 27; but note his qualifications regarding the adoption of a typological classification as a basis of the study of the tombs on p. 98 of the former work.

^{page 44 note 1} The much-discussed ‘Clava Group’ of tombs stretching from the Black Isle to Aviemore does not stand up to examination, and, with the exceptions noted below, is excluded from the map accompanying this paper. The group is much wrecked, but the structures were admirably planned and described by a civil engineer in 1884 (P.S.A.S., XVIII, 330) and his record is supplemented by P.S.A.S., XVI, 303; XX, 350; XL, 245; LXXVIII, 37, and by Lauder, T. Dick, The Great Floods of August, 1829, in the Province of Moray, 2nd edn., 1830, 15–17Google Scholar and pls. I and 1a (opp. p. 427). The fifty odd structures surviving, or recently wrecked, in 1884, were triple circles of orthostatic boulders: in the outer circle these were tall and spaced; in the middle and inner circles they were 3–4 feet high and set contiguously. In a few cases the annular space between the middle and inner circles was packed with cairn material. In two cases in the Lower Nairn valley (Balnaruan of Clava I and II) the inner ring of orthostatic boulders had been built up with dry walling to form a corbelled chamber, which was approached by a passage leading inward from the middle ring; one of these chambers produced cremations in coarse plain jars of flowerpot shape with flat bases, and the other a few bones. In four other cases (Crofteroy in the Upper Nairn valley, Balnagrantach in Glen Urquhart, and Leys and Kinchyle of Dores in the Ness valley) there were passages leading inward from the middle ring, though the inner ring was not built up to form a chamber and in one case had apparently never existed. In all the above cases the inner ring was about 12 feet in diameter. In a seventh case, Corrimony at the head of Glen Urquhart, an apparently intact cairn covers the area within the middle ring and presumably a chamber. While these seven structures may fairly be claimed to represent chamber tombs, the remainder, some fifty in number, offer neither existing nor recorded evidence of chamber, passage, bones or grave-goods, and their inner rings, so far as measurable, are 14, 18, 18, 22, 24, 24, 25, 26 and 32 feet in diameter. It seems clear that they cannot be built up into chamber tombs, and that there is no ground for rejecting the uniform witness of tradition that they were stone circles; indeed, on the evidence, they were probably not funerary. If so, the Clava Group presumably belong to a family of structures independent of the chamber tombs, even though a few of them were adapted—apparently at a late date—to use as chamber tombs. (As noted by the excavator in P.S.A.S., XLIV, 197, the structure at Avielochan, near Aviemore, is not of Clava type; it is doubtfully a tomb, producing charcoal, bone fragments not identifiably human and a jet armlet).

^{page 45 note 1} Only two Orkney cists can be definitely attributed to the 2nd millennium from their grave goods and at most six others on the strength of indecisive references to stone axes, arrowheads, etc. Numerous cists, most rather small, are known from Ordnance Survey or other records and seem to be of the type marked by steatite pots or situliform urns belonging to the later 1st millennium. But see Scotland before the Scots, 16. Cists in Caithness are almost confined to a group of nine in Wick parish.

^{page 45 note 2} Childe, V. G., Dawn, 24Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 3} Siret, , Les Premiers Ages, 36Google Scholar; da Vega, Estacio, Antiguidades do Algarve, IV, pls. XI–XIVGoogle Scholar.

^{page 45 note 4} Leisner, G., Die Megalithgräber der Iberischen Halbinsel, I, 582–6Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 5} Forde, , Ant. J., VII, 21 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 45 note 6} Åberg, , La Civilisation Enéolithique, 173–5Google Scholar. Another related type is Mrs Hawkes' ‘Jersey bowl’. A good example, almost undecorated, has turned up close to the Bristol Avon route at Bath; appropriately it was at the centre of a cairn, deposited with a cremation simultaneously with an A beaker inhumation in a shallow, excentrically-placed pit (Ant. J., 1950, 34Google Scholar). Note also the food vessel of fine ware and virtually undecorated which occurred with a beaker-type battle-axe at the important North Cornish port of Harlyn Bay (Arch. J., CI, 38Google Scholar); and the food vessels which occurred in Badbury Barrow, Dorset, with inhumations and strong Breton associations (Ant. J., 1939, 291Google Scholar).

^{page 46 note 1} Proc. London Internat. Congr., 1932, 133Google Scholar. The original illustrations from Materiaux are conveniently reproduced in P.S.A.S., XXXVI, 179, pl. III.

^{page 46 note 2} A contributary cause of the present deadlock is the dating of Irish food vessels from their association with encrusted urns assumed, following Fox's typological sequence in Ant. J., VII, 121Google Scholar, to be late; but that sequence can be reversed, and it is unreasonable to deny their derivation (recently re-stressed by ProfChilde, in P.S.A.S., LXXVII, 190Google Scholar) from Rinyo II ware.

^{page 46 note 3} Based on Bryce, T. H. in The Book of Arran, 1Google Scholar, and P.S.A.S., XXXVIII, 17 ff. and LXVIII, 423 ff. and checked as regards pottery from P.S.A.S., LXIII, 46 ff. and LXVIII, 181. Two of the chambers included have only a single segment with portal (both Glecknabae) and a third survives only as a single segment (Tormore Farm).

^{page 46 note 4} Giants Graves, and possibly as many as six others for which the evidence is not conclusive.

^{page 46 note 5} Probably more than 11 such pots are represented by the fragments.

^{page 47 note 1} P.S.A.S., LXVIII, 161.

^{page 47 note 2} The Breton and Iberian relationship is still more clearly brought out by the cists with carvings on their cover slabs or on loose slabs deposited in or above them. These have been studied and illustrated by ProfBreuil, (P.P.S.E.A., 1934, 289 ff.)Google Scholar and recently by MrMacWhite, (J.R.S.A.I., 1946, 59 ff.)Google Scholar who gives a distribution map. Reference to the original authorities shows, however, that both distribution and associations must be treated with some caution and it is unwise to say more than that cremations are included as well as inhumations, and that beakers were deposited as well as food vessels. (Reasonably secure examples are: Clyde Estuary 4, Crinan 2, Moray Firth 2, Orkney 1, Kincardine 1, Clackmannan 1, Linlithgow 2). The patterns include, in addition to concentric circle and spiral types, wavy lines, lozenge, triangle and ‘metal work’ designs; all fall within the repertory of Iberian-Breton-Irish art.

^{page 49 note 1} A food vessel cremation simultaneous with cremations with beakers, including a B beaker, has recently been recorded from Yorkshire in Barrow no. 4 on Broxa Moor (Arch. Newsletter, 1950, 87Google Scholar).

^{page 49 note 2} Dr Savory has pointed out that the group of Dutch beakers which closely resemble the C beakers is restricted to a small area in Holland, and might represent a settlement from Britain; on this thesis the great concentration of graves with C beakers which is centred in Aberdeenshire would presumably fall to be explained by sea movement from Northumbria. In that event the absorption of beaker-using immigrants into cistburying communities might already have commenced in Northumberland, where cist burials with beakers occur.

^{page 49 note 3} La Civilisation Enéolithique de la Péninsule Ibérique, 21.

^{page 49 note 4} The term ‘dagger’ should be understood as including the humbler ‘knife.’

^{page 50 note 1} P.R.I.A., 1898, 651.

^{page 50 note 2} U.J.A., 1938, 164.

^{page 50 note 3} J.R.S.A.I., LXXI, 139Google Scholar; da Veiga, Estacio, Antiguidades do Atgarve, III, pl. 9Google Scholar.

^{page 50 note 4} P.P.S., 1938, 78. In Wessex the discs appear in an orthodox B beaker grave as well as in ‘Wessex Culture’ graves.

^{page 50 note 5} The inclusion of chance finds of midrib and grooved daggers would extend the range to Orkney (P.S.A.S., XXI, 340), and of finds in hoards to the Garnock-Black Cart pass (infra App. VI).

^{page 50 note 6} The machairs and raised beaches were so used. Grain, or the impression of grain on pots, has been recognised from the following habitation sites:—Luce (wheat and barley), Rothesay (wheat), Culbin Sands (wheat), Easterton of Roseisle (barley), Gullane (barley), North Berwick (barley); the Luce and Culbin cultivations are not closely dated, that at the other sites is dated by Western Neolithic pottery or Western Beakers. Barley impressions also occur on pots from Orkney chamber tombs. Flax is known, uniquely in Britain, from a pot from the Westwood cremation cemetery on the Tay Estuary Narrows; it occurs also as impressions on Argar pottery and on a sherd from a passage grave at Drouwen, Drenthe. (Jessen, K. and Helbaek, H., Cereals in Great Britain and Ireland, Copenhagen, 1944Google Scholar; also, for flax, P.P.S., 1950, 140).

^{page 51 note 1} Two scraps occurred also at the Cairnpapple sanctuary (P.S.A.S., LXXXII, 102).

^{page 51 note 2} There is a possible example from Hedderwick, near Dunbar, but the stepped rim suggests Rinyo II ware (P.S.A.S., LXXX, 143).

^{page 51 note 3} P.S.A.S., LXVIII, 132, with distribution map; conclusions on pp. 159–62.

^{page 52 note 1} Bonsor, G., Les Colonies Agricoles, 119Google Scholar. This site at Acebuchal produced bowls up to 17 inches diameter; the slightly earlier storage pits there and at Campo Real, Carmona, produced undecorated bowls of Unstan shape up to 14 inches.

^{page 52 note 2} The thickness of these jars seems unduly stressed by Prof. Childe; they are not generally thicker than the earthenware pans used for various farm purposes today.

^{page 52 note 3} Analogous jars at the Clacton habitation sites were up to 13 inches diameter (P.P.S., 1936, 190.)

^{page 53 note 1} I have had the advantage of discussing these beakers with Mr Rawson, instructor in pottery at the Institute of Archaeology. The hard burnishing of the ware, would, as I understand, serve to prevent the pot absorbing liquids; while the material of these beakers is such that they could safely be stood in the red ash of a wood fire, as indeed their bulging lower part would suggest they were. I had suggested that the cord wrapping, which would take up moisture from the damp clay and in doing so would contract, might have served to prevent these thin vessels from sagging whilst drying; Mr Rawson is doubtful whether this would be necessary, though he tells me that the method has been used with large vessels.

^{page 54 note 1} P.P.S., 1938, 55. For a recent discussion of corded B beakers generally see Childe, V. G., Actas y Memorias, XXI, 196Google Scholar. In Northern England the only example of classical form and fine technique is from high in the Pennines at Grassington, where it could be of either western or eastern origin. For the Breton corded beakers see N. Åberg, op. cit., 176.

^{page 54 note 2} Cf. V. G. Childe, Scotland before the Scots, App. II.

^{page 55 note 1} P.S.A.S., LXIX, 529.

^{page 55 note 2} P.S.A.S., LXVIII, 146–9, and references there given.

^{page 55 note 3} Prof. O'Riordain has argued that the three halberds from the Lubas Port hoard, and one of the three from the New Park hoard, are of Irish manufacture and not merely of Irish type (Arch., LXXXVI, 271Google Scholar).

^{page 56 note 1} ibid., 79; Childe, V. G., Prehistoric Communities, 125Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 2} Coffey, G., The Bronze Age in Ireland, 79Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 3} The 18th century record quoted includes a drawing and makes the character of the castings reasonably certain. It also records that the copper workings were still regarded as potentially valuable; while a stone mould found on the copperfield (P.S.A.S., LXIV, 300) supports its early exploitation.

^{page 56 note 4} Large ceremonial blades were not hafted; they indeed had hafts, though too small to take the blades, and on great occasions blade and haft were laid out for display one against the other. Except on these occasions they were kept hidden in the house or buried in a hide. (Malinowski, B. in Essays presented to C. G. Seligman, 194 ffGoogle Scholar.).

^{page 56 note 5} The Dores hoard was found ‘in a cairn in a wood,’ but no suggestion was made that there was evidence of a burial. At that date (before 1865) collapsed round houses were frequently recorded as cairns, which indeed they often resemble. A ‘small cairn’ was vaguely remembered to have covered the Law Farm hoard.

^{page 56 note 6} For example the Dafla tribes between Tibet and Assam; Dr Haimendorf, establishing his camp beside a village, saw a woman hurry out to grub under a fallen log for a pot containing her valuable bracelets (Exploration in the Eastern Himalayas, 77). It should be noted that the burying of valuables does not imply a state of war; while among the Daflas inter-village feuds are frequent, in the Melanesian case mentioned in the last note but one the raids of former times had long ceased.

^{page 56 note 7} In primitive trading reciprocated ceremonial giving may to a point serve an economic end in effecting a circulation of goods, but is sharply distinguished from commercial barter (cf. DrHaimendorf, 's Notes on Tribal Groups in the Subansiri Region, 34–49Google Scholar). A trading expedition is of course only one of the occasions calling for ceremonial gifts.

^{page 57 note 1} Early habitation appears to have been around and above the loch, and not in the lower valley where the present coalmining and fishing village stands (R.C.A.M. Sutherland and the place-name evidence for cemeteries).

^{page 57 note 2} Historical record shows that Elgin was the medieval port; Lossiemouth was founded in the 17th century, when silt and blown sand had built up the bar across the estuary into the present line of dunes, reduced the estuary to a series of lochs and marshes, and diverted the river outlet.

^{page 57 note 3} Both rivers were navigable above the bridge and the weirs by canoes.

^{page 57 note 4} The famous salmon pool of Sluie was the limit to which nets could be worked from boats; above it the fishermen worked from the banks (Old Statistical Account, VIII, 556Google Scholar).

^{page 57 note 5} On Backhill Farm (P.S.A.S., XXXVII, 122). The character of these lost armlets is unrecorded.

^{page 57 note 6} Flat-axe moulds from Culbin Sands; Elgin (two); Marnoch Parish 6 m. w. of Turriff; from New Deer parish 10 m. E. of Turriff; From Pitdoulzie Farm 3 m. s. of Turriff; from the south face of the Hill of Foundland 10 m. WSW. of Fyvie; from Boroughmoor, by Kintore on the Lower Don. The other sites are: Strathconan at the head of the Cromarty Firth; North-east Ireland (five); Durham and Northumberland (three); Carnarvonshire; Cornwall.

^{page 59 note 1} Arch., LXXXVI, 278Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 2} P.P.S., 1938, 291.

^{page 59 note 3} Arch., LXXXVI, 278, mapGoogle Scholar. Prof. O'Riordain's equation of the distributions of halberds and chamber tombs in Sweden (ibid. 277) does not seem to be correct.

^{page 59 note 4} MrsMegaw, in P.P.S., 1937, 465Google Scholar, and references there given.

^{page 59 note 5} In The Early Cultures of North-West Europe, 85, Mr de Navarro takes the view here expressed that the western flat axes and halberds, and perhaps the lunulae, which are found in Northern Europe, are the work of actual settlers from the British Isles, though he supposes these settlers to have come from Ireland, either by the Great Glen or by the Midland Valley.

^{page 59 note 6} ‘Tara torques’ formed by twisting a square-sectioned bar of gold are here omitted as only doubtfully of 2nd millennium date, but it should be noted that a triangular-sectioned example occurred in the Sands of Luce at Stoneykirk (Arch. Coll. Ayr and Galloway, V, 38Google Scholar).

^{page 59 note 7} P.P.S., 1938, 106, no. 95; Hoare, Colt, Ancient Wiltshire, 1, 124Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 8} Matériaux, II, 494Google Scholar and Forde, C. D.American Anthropologist, XXXII, 88Google Scholar; for an E.M. II armlet from Mochlos, see Evans, A., Palace of Minos, 1, 95Google Scholar. The ribbed armlets, but not the repoussé ones, have more or less close analogues in Southern England; they are cast and are supposed to be related to the Nordic ribbed bracelet of Montelius III–IV (Piggott, C. M., P.P.S., 1949, 120Google Scholar). The Scottish series of strap armlets is related to the Breton-Iberian one by the early associations of the Melfort and Migdale examples, and by their northern distribution, which is at variance with that of M.B.A. bronzes.

^{page 60 note 1} The cemetery is studied by ProfChilde, in P.S.A.S., LXXVI, 91Google Scholar. A cist on Law Hill across the estuary produced a jet plate like in shape and decoration to the plate of the Bush Barrow object, but having V-grooved perforations at the back instead of a hook in front (P.S.A.S., XXIV, 10). All the objects are presumably dress fittings.

^{page 60 note 2} ProfPiggott, 's map in P.P.S. 1938, 81Google Scholar, suggests that Salisbury Plain was the market, the routes leading to it being the Salisbury and Bristol Avons. Ireland drew very little, if any.

^{page 61 note 1} As noted by ProfChilde, in Prehistoric Communities, 112Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 2} The gardener failed to distinguish.

^{page 61 note 3} Soham, Burwell and Feltwell Fens (Fox, C., Cambridge Region, 55Google Scholar). This settlement includes the ‘Wessex Culture’ barrows of Cressingham and Bircham and the inhumation in a slab-built cist at Icklingham on the River Lark. The recently reported Snailwell group of barrows between Newmarket and the Lark also belonged to the settlement; it produced cremations with collared urns and inhumations one of which was accompanied by a damaged necklace of two plates, and disc and fusiform beads (P. Camb. A. S., XLIII, 30). The settlement was a maritime one and it may have derived from Wessex by the Thames and coast route rather than by land movement along the Icknield Way.

^{page 61 note 4} P.P.S., 1938, 82, noting that Oakley Down (no. 14) is in Dorset.

^{page 62 note 1} The abbreviated argument above cannot do justice to the careful discussion of Craw, Hewat in P.S.A.S., LXIII, 163 ff.Google Scholar, to which reference should be made. His reconstruction of the necklace design is followed, including his placing at the back of the neck of the triangular piece which corresponds with the twisted ends by which the lunula was secured. The difficulty felt by him and others about the plain central part of both lunulae and necklaces may perhaps be resolved by the consideration that this was covered by the beard.

^{page 62 note 2} A confirmatory test of the date of the opening up of the Garnock–Black Cart Route to the Clyde is provided by the arrowheads of the settlement at its starting point at Stevenston; of 54 arrowheads in a collection from Stevenston Sands, 48 were barbed and tanged, whereas among the Luce Bay arrowheads in the National Museum leaf-shaped outnumber barbed and tanged types by two to one. (P.S.A.S., LXVII, 29).

^{page 62 note 3} Jet V-bored buttons, which are thinly but widely distributed in Scotland (P.S.A.S., L, 218), are noted in the appendix where they occur with necklaces but are not separately studied. As Prof. Childe has shown (Prehistoric Communities, 94, 124Google Scholar) they are an adjunct of Mediterranean-Atlantic costume too widely associated to serve as an index of tribal identity.

^{page 63 note 1} P.S.A.S., LXXIII, 25, 6.

^{page 63 note 2} For a discussion and references to the Breton examples, see P.S.A.S., LXXXII, 41.

^{page 63 note 3} As is done by ProfChilde, in Prehistoric Communities, 155Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 4} That the deposits in the Gilchorn mound were contemporary appears from the pottery; the two urns were of the same shape and had the same decoration on the shoulder, while the overhanging rim of that containing the dagger had the same pattern as one of the cups contained in the other urn. Since the pit grave below the mound contained midrib daggers, it also was probably substantially contemporary. The Wexford dagger occurred in the mound of Harristown chamber tomb (J.R.S.A.I., LXXI, 130). The mound was a cremation cemetery containing two other tripartite urns, a food vessel and a biconical cup; these burials may or may not be significantly later than the unurned cremations in the chamber and in a pit at the entrance. For another south-east Irish cup also of Iberian type see Abercromby, 11, 506. Notched daggers occur also in Languedoc (Héléna, P., Les Origines de Narbonne, 101, fig. 63Google Scholar). The notched dagger, depending on a lashing, is a more primitive type than the riveted dagger.

^{page 64 note 1} Arch., LXXXIX, 105–8Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 2} P.S.A.S., LXXXII, 43.

^{page 64 note 3} It does not seem to have been noticed that the Genoch cup has a lid with central string-hole, which seems to be decisive as to the purpose of the holes in the side of incense cups. For another derivation of the cups from West Mediterranean vessels, see DrSavory, in Arch. Camb., 1941, 37Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 4} Supra, p. 61, n. 3.

^{page 64 note 5} P.P.S., 1935, pl. VII; 1947, pls. XXIV, XXVI; and discussion with Mr Megaw.

^{page 64 note 6} Arch., LXXXVIII, 132Google Scholar and fig. 3 and pl. XLVI. The two types may have a common ancestor in the Languedoc-Pyrenean area, where the jars in question can be fairly closely matched. Compare also the Cornish flowerpot jars with plain or finger-tipped cordons (Arch. J., CI, 38Google Scholar).

^{page 65 note 1} A map showing the distribution of all types of cinerary urn is at fig. 15 of Scotland before the Scots, and it is remarkable, considering the long period of time which the map covers, how slight the ultimate spread of urned cremation was beyond the area of its early use as indicated above. The overhanging rim urns included in Prof. Childe's map can in part be distinguished from App. VIII to his book, and he has most kindly given me access to the notebook on which the map was based. Using this and the published sources, the only overhanging rim urns beyond the area mentioned appear to be two-on the northern borders of Berwickshire in Upper Lauderdale and at Cockburnspath (P.S.A.S., XXXVII, 32; LXIX, 12).

^{page 65 note 2} Found only in two chamber tombs, Quoyness in Orkney and Kenny's Cairn in Caithness (Childe, V. G., Skara Brae, 177Google Scholar). The sacrificial burial under a wall at Skara Brae is not evidence of an inhumation rite and other burials on the site did not belong to the original occupation (idem, 139 ff.). Dr Stone has argued (Ant. J., 1948, 154Google Scholar) that the early ‘henge’ monuments in the South are attributable to tribes using Woodhenge pottery, and there is some evidence (P.S.A.S., LXXXII, 41 and n. 5) that these tribes were further distinguished by fixing their clothing with the long bone pins which are characteristic of Skara Brae.

^{page 66 note 1} There have been no excavations worth the name (R.C.A.M. Orkney, no. 875) and the only superficial evidence is:—that the surface within the circle is irregular, which may be due merely to the uneven spread of the upcast from the surrounding ditch, there being no bank; that outside the ditch there are a dozen or more green patches of grass in the heather, 3 to 5 feet across and some slightly mounded, which must represent disturbance and probably slight structures, such as very small cists. No other Orkney tribe has been identified as a claimant to this sanctuary; such enclosures are not associated with the builders of chamber tombs, despite the tiny tomb within the Callernish sanctuary on Loch Roag in Western Lewis; and in Orkney the distinguishable 2nd millennium cists are few (supra, p. 45,n. 1); while the rare cinerary urns appear to belong to the later 1st millennium. And in Orkney the claims to the sanctuaries which have elsewhere been rather freely made for ‘beaker folk’ can hardly be pursued.

^{page 67 note 1} P.S.A.S., LXXXII, 38 ff.

^{page 68 note 1} C. Bell, The People of Tibet; E. Candler, The Unveiling of Lhasa; R. B. Ekvall, Cultural Relations on the Kansu-Tibetan Border; for Egypt, Frank, Tenny, Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, II (Egypt)Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 1} The vessel described in the excavation report as? food-vessel is now classified as? Rinyo II.

^{page 73 note 2} Description supplemented from the numerous sherds stored in the Burghead Museum (a room in the Harbourmaster's Office). These, though unlabelled, can be identified with fair certainty by comparison with the few sherds in the National Museum and with the description in the Reliquary. (The site is probably the only excavated one represented by early pottery in the museum, the other early sherds stored there being strays.)

^{page 74 note 1} Following Dr A. Curle's original report; Mrs Stewart gives the numbers as o and 18 respectively in P.S.A.S., LXVIII, 182 (nos. 162·179).

^{page 75 note 1} The association has been questioned by Prof. O'Riordain (loc. cit.) on the ground of the difference of patination, but the tin coating of the axes, however produced, makes this ground invalid. The technical report in P.S.A.S., IX, 428 concluded, pace Anderson, that the tin coating of the axes, and also of one from the Inverkeithney I hoard, was probably deliberate.

^{page 75 note 2} Found close to The Law, the most northerly and conspicuous of a number of barrows on the ridge running N. from Brandston Farm; it covered an inhumation cist with five bone pendants in the shape of dogs' teeth and a beaker omitted from P.S.A.S., LXVIII, 174. (P.S.A.S., XXVI, 67).

^{page 75 note 3} Mr R. B. K. Stevenson suggests that, the axes being broken, the deposit was a ritual one; he adds (in a letter) that the buckle-like object, which is known only from description, may really have been a ring. If really a buckle it would argue for the hoard being a founder's one and dating to the ist millennium.

^{page 76 note 1} There are no axes of Mr Megaw's type II in Scotland.

^{page 77 note 1} I am indebted for this reference to Mrs Margaret Stewart. The find was described as ‘a plate of gold’ and is correspondingly uncertain.

^{page 82 note 1} Cup II lost and description uncertain; it was thrown into the fire to prevent the ‘craetur at wis buried there seekin its cuppie.’ From a manuscript source of 1808 the author records that another cup containing oblong jet beads and globular beads of silver was found in one of four large urns in a mound at Bryan ton which he concludes, questionably, to be the same mound.

^{page 82 note 2} The surviving fragment of the large urn is differently described in Chalmers and in P.S.A.S., xv, 6.