It is much easier to doubt than it is to believe in the existence of prehistoric hunters on Svalbard. Few researchers categorically deny the possibility of early settlers in this region, yet fewer still advocate the possibility. Since Christiansson and Simonsen (1970) presented artifacts discovered on Svalbard that may date from the Stone Age, no one has undertaken further serious survey work for prehistoric settlements on Svalbard.

In this article the research history of prehistoric archaeology on the archiepelago is reviewed, the artifacts from the Christiansson and Simonsen study are re-examined, and the results of field surveys conducted in Bellsund during the summer of 1997 are presented. The investigation produced a negative result. The test area was one of the richest and most stable contemporary hunting areas on Svalbard, and it is proposed, therefore, that this survey provides a qualified basis for concluding that circumpolar hunting groups did not settle in Svalbard.

This article presents the results of measurements of the components of ground-surface energy balance (radiation balance, sensible heat flux, latent heat flux, and ground heat flux) taken during the 1994/95 summer season at Poland's Henryk Arctowski Station, King George Island, South Shetland Islands (62°09'42”S, 58°28'10”W). This was the first time that these complex measurements had been taken in the central part of the South Shetlands archipelago. The results are evaluated at the level of daily and seasonal fluctuations. The consequences of energy balance on the temperature conditions of the soil substrata are highlighted. The verification of the degree of influence of a subset of energy-balance components on soil temperature allowed analysis of the relationships among soil temperature, radiation balance, and sensible heat flux. This analysis leads to the conclusion that there is a rapid reaction of the soil temperature to the radiation balance and sensible heat flux to a depth of 5 cm. The boundary atmosphere and soil substrate represent the basic components of the ecotops of the Antarctic vegetation oasis, so these results are interpreted in pedological or botanical studies in the search for environmental influences on the vegetation.

The relics of polar exploration are treasured in the museums of a multitude of nations. In Australia, the focus of most such collections is Sir Douglas Mawson and his expeditions to Antarctica in 1911–14 and 1929–31. The nature of these collections divides into the two large categories of scientific specimens and expedition relics. The latter are spread among Australian and other museums in a distribution that speaks of fascination with the exotic and heroic aspects of the Australasian Antarctic Expedition and the geopolitical ramifications of the British, Australian and New Zealand Antarctic Research Expedition. The specimens, by contrast, have not been treated well, and although thoroughly documented, may be close to losing their integrity as scientific resources. Both types of material merit the renewed attention of their museum-keepers as resources on the history of Antarctica.

By any measure, 1998 was a year of conflicting domestic and international interests regarding Russia's Northern Sea Route (NSR). The European Union sponsored an international demonstration project using a Finnish tanker during an April and May voyage to the Kara Sea. Russian icebreakers escorted the tanker, which carried a cargo of gas condensate from the Ob estuary to Europe. The International NSR Programme (INSROP) continued during a fifth year of interdisciplinary research concentrating on the integration of previous results and NSR voyage simulations. Lukoil and Gazprom forged ahead with building their own tanker fleets, while advertisements appeared in the Russian press protesting the use of foreign carriers in the Russian Arctic. In November Lukoil-affiliate companies acquired more than 50% interest in Murmansk Shipping Company, making Lukoil owner of 13% of the Russian merchant marine. Difficult escort operations through heavy ice were conducted late in the year so that Pevek would be supplied with adequate fuel to survive the coming winter.

In 1957 the well-known Arctic historian Richard Cyriax sent a copy of some of his notes to the Hudson's Bay Company Archives. These notes, which are reproduced here in full, concerned the claim by Thomas Simpson to have discovered the Northwest Passage on an expedition from 1837 to 1839. The reasons for Simpson's belief that he had achieved this long-sought-after accomplishment are investigated, and the conclusion is arrived at that, despite his honest belief to have done so, Simpson did not, in fact, complete the Northwest Passage, as that term is normally understood.

In 1999 the United Nations, acting in accordance with the 1996 resolution A51/56, discussed the ‘Question of Antarctica’ again. The UN, having taken up the topic on an annual basis in 1983, is currently placing it upon the First Committee's agenda every three years. The next reference will be in 2002. In 1999 the UN First Committee discussions, guided by a report produced by the UN Secretary-General (UNSG) updating members on recent Antarctic developments, indicated that disagreements still remain about the management of Antarctica. Meanwhile, members adopted another consensus resolution, A54/45, which largely replicated the wording of its 1996 predecessor, most notably in requesting the UNSG to produce another report to guide the next UN discussion scheduled for 2002. Earlier in 1999, the Lima Declaration, adopted by the Antarctic Treaty Parties in May, highlighted the view that the ATS, although linking up increasingly with UN organisations like the United Nations Environment Program, continues to offer the way forward for Antarctica in the twenty-first century.

During the last two decades the archipelago of Svalbard has evolved as a focal point for tourism and scientific research in the Arctic. In 1995 the Norwegian authorities inaugurated a management plan in order to conserve Svalbard and to minimise environmental degradation resulting from increased anthropogenic activity. However, the potential for accelerated modification of the tundra, as a result of field camps, was not addressed. Parameters, such as percentage vegetation cover, soil compaction, and soil infiltration rate were measured before and after a four-week period of field-camp activity, under controlled conditions, during July 1997. The study site was located near Ny-Ålesund, Kongsfjorden, Spitsbergen. Statistical analysis showed that where no significant differences in the parameters were recorded at the control site, the presence of a field camp did cause a significant impact on the Arctic heath tundra surface. For example, mean soil compaction, increased from 1.16 kg cm-2 to 2.57 kg cm-2. The use of good practice procedures, such as moving tents regularly and utilising a groundsheet, did not prevent an impact on the environment. Key parameters at the main study sites were reassessed in July 1999, revealing that no significant recovery from the impact caused in 1997 had occurred. An established campsite at Ny-Ålesund was also studied in 1997, and the results support the findings of the main survey: a significant difference recorded for the parameters measured at the campsite, compared to negligible or no changes at the control site. In order to achieve a sustainable tourism and science-based community in Svalbard, i t is proposed that the existing management plan be expanded to incorporate a set of guidelines for wilderness camping, with the aim of mitigating the impact of field camps on the tundra.

A small collection of samples from terrestrial and fresh-water habitats on Deception Island in the Maritime Antarctic South Shetland archipelago yielded 14 invertebrate taxa, including four species, which are new to the island. The database of the total Deception fauna contains 57 invertebrate taxa. These, like the flora, show evidence of posteruption colonisation by Antarctic and South American immigrant species, and historic human impact. This baseline inventory allows future monitoring of natural and anthropogenic changes to invertebrate fauna of Deception Island.

Experience with using permafrost for disposal of various toxic industrialwaste products and for storage of oils and petroleum products shows that underground disposal is preferable in terms of ecology and economy. However, account must be taken of possible interaction (heat, mechanical, chemical, and physico-chemical) of the buried material with the cryogenic environment and theassociated specific processes. A study of the main types of interaction of water-soluble and water-insoluble materials with frozen soil and ice permits tentative recommendations for safe storage of these materials in the Arctic.

Richard E. Byrd's record of the 9 May 1926 flight on which he claimed to have reached the North Pole was unsealed several years ago by the archives of Ohio State University. A close examination of Byrd's writings, calculations, and erasures in this diary shows clearly that, although he and Floyd Bennett achieved a farthest-north-seen and made a heroic attempt to attain the Pole, they never reached that destination. Despite efforts by some organisations and individuals to pretend that there is still a serious controversy, Byrd's own diary data variously confirm the belief long held by most polar experts: that the expedition on the dirigible Norge—led by Roald Amundsen and Lincoln Ellsworth, and piloted by Umberto Nobile — was the first to attain the Pole, on 12 May 1926.

A review of popular writing on the subject of preservation of historic sites in Antarctica, including buildings, graves, and artefacts, has revealed many misconceptions about the existence and cause of deterioration problems. These myths include the belief that the artefacts inside the Ross Dependency huts are in a near perfect state of preservation and that there is no corrosion in Antarctica because of the dry cold. Further examination, however, shows these views to be incorrect. These and other misconceptions are classified into three groups: (1) misunderstanding or denial of deterioration processes in Antarctic conditions; (2) simplistic assumptions about how historic buildings should be conserved in Antarctica; and (3) inappropriate comparisons between dissimilar sites.

There has been considerable debate in Australia and New Zealand about how historic Antarctic buildings should be preserved. Proposed preservation methods have covered a wide range from dismantling and repatriation to a museum, re-cladding with new timber, insertion of vapour barriers inside walls to exclude ice ingress, covering buildings with a dome, and, at the other end of the spectrum of views, minimal intervention. The preservation of artefacts has also been an issue, particularly concerning whether artefacts can be effectively preserved in Antarctica or whether it is necessary to treat and store them at museums outside Antarctica. It is important to encourage consideration of all appropriate means of preservation, but it is particularly important that the causes of deterioration are understood (that is, correct diagnosis) before prescribing treatment.

Following his return from participating in Benjamin Leigh Smith's expedition that wintered at Cape Flora, Northbrook Island, Franz Josef Land, in 1881–82, William Robertson, the chief engineer on the barque Eira, wrote a brief account of the expedition. Robertson's manuscript emphasises the hunting of walrus prior to reaching Franz Josef Land, the sinking of the ship, the enforced wintering, and the successful retreat of the party by open boat to Novaya Zemlya. The original of the manuscript reproduced here, which is one of only a few first-person accounts known to exist, is held by Robertson's descendants. It has not previously been published.

The highest mountain in North America bears two official names. While most visitors to Denali National Park in Alaska are familiar with the mountain's official name ‘McKinley,’ and with the frequently used Athabaskan name ‘Denali,’ the mountain also has a second official name: Churchill Peaks. This article traces the history and politics of naming Alaska's famous mountain, including the events that led to the addition of Churchill Peaks. Those events began when President Lyndon Johnson was unable to attend Winston Churchill's funeral in January 1965. The resulting controversy surrounding the naming of the great mountain reflects the ambiguous and often troubled relations between the national government and the remote northern periphery of the country.

Temporally and spatially increasing information on the distribution of Adélie penguin (Pygoscelis adeliae) breeding sites is used as an index of various national activities in eastern Prydz Bay, East Antarctica. Recorded instances of such sites are used to indicate both exploration and enhanced local knowledge. While Norwegians discovered the area (1935), and revisited it (1937), reports of penguins were minimal. The 1938 Ellsworth expedition added few details and the potential of Operation Highjump (1947) photographs to delimit breeding sites was never realised. Observations by Australian expeditioners from the mid-1950s onwards, supplemented to some extent by those from the Soviet Union, increased information substantially. When Davis station was established (January 1957), at least five breeding sites were known around eastern Prydz Bay. By 1973 this had increased to 23 or 24 sites, mostly north of the Sørsdal Glacier, which had apparently acted as a barrier to land-based exploration. Data available to 1980 showed 20 sites in the Vestfold Hills, added two in the Rauer Group, and omitted some recorded earlier. Ground surveys of the Vestfold Hills (November 1973) increased known sites slightly, discounted erroneous records, and massively increased numbers of individual colonies. In 1981 an air survey recognised 24 sites in the Vestfold Hills and increased those known to 47. In approximately the same period, official Soviet records showed perhaps four sites in the Vestfold Hills and another in the Rauer Group. Early reports provided poor estimates of breeding population sizes — totals of some 130,000 (or 174,200) pairs in the Vestfold Hills in 1973 are compared with perhaps 196,600 in 1981, with another 129,000 pairs to the south. By 1983 locations of breeding sites in the Vestfold Hills were well established, and this was achieved in southern Prydz Bay following publication of 1981 survey results.

Progression of information regarding breeding sites in eastern Prydz Bay was slow. Initial Australian activities were slight following acceptance of its Antarctic Territory (1933). However, a Soviet Antarctic whaling fleet, uncertainty regarding American and Soviet intentions, and the imminent International Geophysical Year increased Australian interest. A station was established, local search areas expanded, and enhanced details regarding penguin breeding sites and colonies followed. Data reviews and surveys followed increasing international interest in southern ecosystems. Improved knowledge regarding the species' local populations reflected changing political agendas. Indeed, ‘knowledge’ itself gave early support to territorial claims. Participation in international surveys became an acceptable scientific endeavour, anticipated under Treaty agreements and promoted by associated organisations. In such fora, surveys and monitoring are expected, although not necessarily furthering the strength of existing claims.

On 24 December 1819 landing parties from each of Thaddeus Bellingshausen's ships, Vostok and Mirnyy, went ashore on Zavodovski Island, the most northerly of the South Sandwich group. Bellingshausen's second-hand account of these landings has long been available in English. This article presents (in translation) first-hand accounts of these landings by Professor Ivan Mikhaylovich Simonov, the expedition astronomer (from Vostok), and by Midshipman Pavel M. Novosil'skiy (from Mirnyy). Both writers comment on the vast numbers of macaroni and chinstrap penguins nesting on the island; these are still the two dominant penguin species there.

In the polar desert of the high Arctic, underlain by continuous permafrost and commonly snow-covered for much of the year, the paucity of plant growth might seem unsurprising. Although low temperatures and lack of moisture exert a strong influence on plant life and can greatly diminish the rate at which plants can grow, these are nevertheless not the only factors involved. Lack of mineral nutrients, in an environment where chemical weathering is inhibited, may play an even greater part. In consequence, where nutrient-rich decaying animal bones are present, it is not uncommon to find growing upon them a luxuriant vegetation of mosses and vascular plants, together with less spectacular algae and lichens, which show up in striking contrast to the barren ground around them. These microhabitats, in turn, carry their own fauna of invertebrates. This paper examines, in detail, one such specimen and its flora and fauna — a 2000-year-old shed caribou antler from the ground surface at Cape Herschel, Ellesmere Island, 78°N.

When the Geographical Society of Berlin officially welcomed Alfred Wegener's expedition back from Greenland in 1931, a memorial address was made in honour of the expedition leader who died on the Greenland icecap in 1930. This address included a report that shed light on the difficulties that had confronted the expediton. Wegener was remembered as a researcher who provided an example of ‘a magnificent conception of his duty as leader’ and who risked his life to rescue his comrades. Wegener's death was blamed on a chain of unfortunate accidents, especially bad weather conditions. Using material that was hidden in the archives, this paper examines several additional aspects of the story, such as the influence of the Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft (Emergency Society for German Science), which financed the expedition; the erroneous judgements of the expedition leader as well as some expedition members; and the lack of radio transmission. The conclusion is that no single individual can be blamed for Wegener's death, despite the fact that one expedition member, Johannes Georgi, was made the scapegoat.