^{page 280 note 1} Cf. H. Suchier and A. Birch-Hirschfeld, Geschichte der franz. Lit., pp. 8, 10; E. Wechssler, Kritischer Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der romanischen Philologie, v (1897-1898), pp. 393-396; C. M. de Vasconcellos, Cancioneiro da Ayuda (Halle, 1904) ii, pp. 836-940; C. Voretzsch, Einführung in das Studium der altfranz. Lit., pp. 188-196; Fr. Novati, Mélanges Wilmotte, pp. 417-441.

^{page 281 note 1} The review will be limited to texts coming from Latin, or Romance territory, because the documents which are of Germanic origin have been thoroughly exploited, and at the present moment are being analyzed by Philip S. Allen, in a series of monographs on Medieval Lyrics and the Medieval Mimus in Modern Philology. Allen does not confine himself to German authors, of course, but his interest draws him more to the German side. On the other hand, Romance lyric is the special object of J. B. Beck's studies on medieval music and poetry (Die Melodien der Troubadours, La Musique des Troubadours, etc.), from which we may expect considerable additions to our knowledge of medieval poetic art and perhaps a satisfactory explanation of its sources.

^{page 281 note 2} See the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, under these heads.

^{page 282 note 1} Cantilenam eandem canis. Phormio iii, 2.

^{page 282 note 2} … neque ridenda sit notissima illa veterum poetarum de Caenide et Oaeneo cantilena. Noctes Atticae ix, 4, 6. From the context this “cantilena” must be a song of the semi-mythical, popular, unclean tvpe. The alliteration of its title—but not its probable subject—reminds one of the lines: Ne l'out Basilies ne sis frere Basanz (Roland, 291), and E si i furent e Gerins e Geriers (do., 107).—A song must also be meant in “et sicut in voluptatibus cultus atque victus, ita in cantilenarum quoque mollitiis anteiretis.” O. c. xix, 9, 4. But in “ quasi quaedam cantilena rhetorica, facilius adhaerere memoriae tuae potuit” (o. c. x, 19), we are dealing with mnemonic verse.

^{page 282 note 3} See Ausonius of Bordeaux, Jerome's Vulgate, Ambrose of Milan, and, later, St. Augustine (in his commentaries on the Psalms), and Martianus Capella.

^{page 283 note 1} … adeo ut etiam ballistia, pueri et saltatiunculas in Aurelianum tales componerent, quibus diebus festis militariter saltitarent:

^{page 283 note 2} c. 7.

^{page 283 note 3} L. xxii, 4, 6.

^{page 284 note 1} Mon. Germ. Hist., Auc. Antiq. vi, p. 1, l. 16.

^{page 285 note 1} Exodus xv, 20, 21. Similar forms of public rejoicing are noted in I Samuel xviii, 6, 7, and Judith xv, 12, 13, xvi, 1, 2. The account in the Septuagint version of Judith supplies the largest amount of detail.

^{page 285 note 2} Liber de Mundo, c. 29, 35.

^{page 285 note 3} … hisque cum choris canticisque saltatum. Commentary on Matthew xiii, 22; in Migne, Patrologia Latina ix, 992.

^{page 286 note 1} Ideirco animas misit, ut res sancti atque augustissimi nominis symphoniacas agerent et fistulatorias hic artes, ut inflandis bucculas distenderent tibiis, eantionibus ut praeirent obscoenis numerositer, et scabillorum concrepationibus sonoris, quibus animarum alia laseiviens multitudo incompositos corporum dissolveretur in motus, saltitaret, et eantaret, orbes saltatarios verteret … Adversus Gentes ii, c. 42; in Migne, o. c. v, 881, 882.

^{page 286 note 2} .. choris inter eram puellarum. Epistola xxii (dated about 384); in Migne, o. c. xxii, 398.

^{page 286 note 3} Fidicinas et psaltrias, et istiusmodi chorum diaboli, quasi mortifera sirenarum carmina proturba ex aedibus tuis. Epist. lic (about 394); in Migne, o. c. xxii, 556.

^{page 286 note 4} De Civitate Dei vi, 7 (also iv, 22, cited by E. Farai in Les Jongleurs en France au moyen âge, p. 13, n. 1); Contre Julianum 4, 3, 18; Commentary on Psalm xcvi, 10; Sermo ix (Migne, o. c. xxxviii, 77, 79, 85), etc.

^{page 286 note 5} Explanatio Symboli, edited by C. P. Caspari in his Kirchenhistorische Anecdota i, pp. 342, 343 (Christiania, 1883).

^{page 287 note 1} Mon. Germ. Hist. Auc. Antiq. viii, p. 332, ll. 9-12.

^{page 288 note 1} Mansi, Sacro. Concilia, viii, 331: canon xxxix.

^{page 288 note 2} Mon. Germ. Hist., Capitularia i, pp. 2, 3.

^{page 288 note 3} Nullus ibi praesumat diabolica carmina cantare, non joca et saltationes facere, quae pagani diabolo docente adinvenerunt. Migne, o. c. cxl, 838. This canon is not given by the editor of the Mon. Germ. Hist. (Concilia i), and therefore may not be one ordered at Arles.

^{page 288 note 4} Si quis balationes ante ecclesias sanctorum feeerit … Migne, o. c. cxl, 839.

^{page 289 note 1} Exterminanda omnino est irreligiosa consuetudo, quam vulgus per sanctorum solennitates agere consuevit; ut populi, qui debent officia divina attendere, saltationibus et turpibus invigilent canticis; non solum sibi nocentes, sed et religiosorum officiis perstrepentes. Mansi, o. c. ix, 999 (canon 23).—Professor C. C. Marden tells me that boys still dance on high days before the chancel of the Toledo Cathedral, in spite of the clergy's disapproval (the so-called “seises”). Cf. Los Seises de la Catedral de Sevilla, por Don Simon de la Rosa y Lopez (Seville, 1904), p. 340, n., which Professor H. R. Lang has called to my attention.

^{page 289 note 2} Canticum turpe atque luxuriosum circa ecclesias atque in atriis ecclesiae agere omnino contradicimus, quod ubique vitandum est. Migne, l. c., 691.

^{page 290 note 1} Mon. Germ. Hist., Auc. Antiq. iv,² pp. 47, 48.

^{page 291 note 1} Again it is evident that nothing can be learned from the term canticum. The councils of Toledo and Carthage, cited above, had qualified “canticum” with the adjective “turpe.” Previous to their canons, about the year 500, the poet Tuccianus used the word without a qualifier, but in the secular sense entirely:

We are obliged to conclude, therefore, that canticum, when not specifically designated, possesses the general meaning of its etymology. It was any kind of a song secular or religious in the sixth century, as it had been in the first.

^{page 292 note 1} Die Melodien, pp. 65-69.

^{page 292 note 2} In his recent work (La Musique des Troubadours, Paris, 1910), Beck inclines more decidedly towards the opinion that the source of Troubadour music (and therefore of Romance lyric poetry) is to be found in the music of the church (see La Musique des Troubadours, pp. 19-24). In the case of Venantius particularly he has discovered that the music of the hymn. Ave maris stella, commonly ascribed to him, was worked over for the score of the Provençal poem, O Maria, Deu maire, of the end of the eleventh century or beginning of the twelfth (cf. Bartsch, Chrestomathie provençale, col. 19). The idea that Latin church poetry, especially the sequence, might be the model for the Troubadour lyric was advanced by Wilhelm Meyer in his Fragmenta Burana (cf. Gesammelte Abhandlungen i, pp. 51-55) ten years or more ago.

^{page 293 note 1} Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia i, p. 180.

^{page 293 note 2} In his Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, pp. 47, 48, and recently in the Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, Phil.-Hist. Klasse clxi (1909), no. 2.

^{page 294 note 1} Valde omnibus nuscetur esse decretum, ne per dedieationes basilicarum aut festivitates martyrum ad ipsa solemnia confluentes obscina et turpea cantica, dum orare debent aut clericus psallentes audire, cum choris foemineis, turpia quidem, decantare videantur [or chorus foemineus turpia quidem et obscoena cantica; decantare videntur, dum aut orare debent aut clericos pgallantes audire]. Unde convenit, ut sacerdotes loci illos a septa basilicarum vel porticus ipsarum basilicarum, etiam et ab ipsis atriis vetare debiant et arcere … Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia i, p. 212 (canon 19).

^{page 294 note 2} See page 310. Other documents of the sixth century that speak of singing and dancing in Romance territory include a canon of Ferrandus of Carthage († about 550): “Ut nullus Christianus ballare vel cantare in nuptiis audeat” (Migne, o. c. lxvii, 959), and canon 40 of the council of Auxerre (573-603): “Non licet presbytero inter epulas cantare nec saltare” (Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia i, p. 183). A passage in a sermon ascribed to Cæsar of Arles (†542): “Quam multi rustici et quam multæ mulieres rusticanae cantica diabolica, amatoria et turpia memoriter retinent et ore decantant ” (Migne, o. c. xxxix, 2325, cited by Gröber, Grundriss ii, p. 444), and another sometimes ascribed to Saint Augustine, sometimes to Cæsar of Arles: “Ne forte detrahendo, male loquendo, et in Sanctis festivitatibus choros ducendo, cantica turpia et luxuriosa proferendo de lingua sua … Iste enim infelices et miseri homines, qui balationes et saltationes ante ipsas basilicas sanctorum exercere nec metuunt nec erubescunt, etsi christiani ad ecclesiam venerint, pagani de ecclesia revertuntur; quia ista consuetudo balandi de Paganorum observatione remansit” (Migne, l. c., 2239), throw additional light on the prevalence of popular singing and dancing. Cf. also Migne, l. c., 2165: “et cantica luxuriosa vel turpia proferentes libenter audierit,” and 2241: “ surgit velut phreneticus et insanus baiare diabolico more, saltare, verba turpia et amatoria vel luxuriosa cantare.” Though the authorship of these sermons remains doubtful, the customs they denounce seem to antedate the seventh century at least.

^{page 295 note 1} Mon. Germ. Hist., Scrip. Rerum Mer. iv, p. 706, l. i; cf. p. 707, ll. 25, 26. St. Eloi was born near Limoges.

^{page 295 note 2} Orig., vi, 19, 6.

^{page 296 note 1} Corpus Gloss. Lat. v, p. 185 (Leipzig, 1894). The glossary is preserved in a ms. of the VIII-IX century. Isidore's definition is also given in it.

^{page 296 note 2} Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia ii, p. 15, 16 (canon 9).

^{page 296 note 3} Nullus Christianorum neque ad ecclesiam, neque in domibus, neque in trivio, nec in ullo loco balationes, cantationes, saltationes, jocus et lusa diabolica facere non praesumat. Migne, o. c. lxxxix, 1041, D.

^{page 297 note 1} Mon. Germ. Hist., Capitularia i, p. 64; cf. ii, p. 179, l. 24.

^{page 297 note 2} Verba Dei legantur in sacerdotali convivio. Ibi decet lectorem audiri, non citharistam; sermones patrum, non carmina gentilium. Mon. Germ. Hist., Epistolarum iv, p. 183, ll. 21, 22. The allusion here is to heroic poetry of German origin. See below, page 299, n. 1.

^{page 297 note 3} Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia ii, p. 191, ll. 19, 20. Note that dances are not mentioned in connection with the songs.

^{page 297 note 4} … non inanis lusibus vel conviviis secularibus vel canticis vel luxuriosis usum habeant. Mon. Germ. Hist., Capitularia i, p. 96, l. 7.

^{page 297 note 5} Sunt quidam, et maximae mulieres, qui festis ac sacris diebus atque sanctorum nataliciis non pro eorum, quibus debent .., sed ballando, verba turpia decantando, choros tenendo ac ducendo, similitudinem paganorum peragendo advenire procurant. Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia ii, p. 581 (canon 35). Similar decrees had already been voted on German territory by the councils of Salzburg (800) and Mayence (813). See Mon. Germ. Hist., o. c. ii, p. 211, no. 34, p. 272, no. 48.

^{page 298 note 1} .. de .. obscenis turpibusque canticis omnibus Christianis intellegendum et observandum est. Mon. Germ. Hist., o. c. ii, p. 670, ll. 16, 17.

^{page 298 note 2} Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia ii, p. 276, no. 9, p. 287, no. 7, p. 636, no. 38. Cf. Capitularia i, p. 334, no. 8.

^{page 298 note 3} Ne in illo sancto die vanis fabulis aut locutionibus sive cantationibus vel saltationibus, stando in biviis et plateis, ut soient, inserviant; illas vero ballationes et saltationes canticaque turpia ac luxuriosa et illa lusa diabolica non faciat, nec in plateis nec in domibus neque in ullo loco, quia haec de paganorum consuetudine remanserunt. Cited by Gröber (Grundriss i, p. 261) from Baluze, Capitularia Regum Francorum i, p. 957 (958). Migne extends this prohibition to other holy days: “Et in eisdem sanctis diebus, nec in plateis, nec in domibus, cantica turpia vel luxuriosa, saltationes, vel lusa faciant diabolica” (o. c. cxxi, 772, no. 114).

^{page 299 note 1} P. Rajna, Le Origini dell' Epopea Francese, pp. 117-199. Cf. Revue des langues romanes li, p. 49 ff. Whatever the origin of this “carmen,” Gallo-Roman or Burgundian, or whoever may be the author of the Vita S. Faronis, the evidence drawn from the biography is wholly pertinent. It shows that at the time it was written, probably the ninth century, women accompanied their dances with song. It is to be noticed that this particular song does not bear the usual title of canticum, but the more dignified one of carmen, dignified yet unusual, as applied to vernacular poetry. It will be recalled that Alcuin had used the same term in designating the songs sung at the monks' meals by a zither player. Comparing these two appearances of the word, practically contemporaneous with each other, with Eginhard's celebrated phrase in reference to Charlemagne's activity in preserving German poetry: “ Item barbara et antiquissima carmina, quibus veteram regum actus et bella canebantur, scripsit memoriaeque mandavit,” may we not assume that in the song of St. Faro we see a nobler grade of popular minstrelsy than canticum would indicate? At all events the circumstances disclosed by the account in St. Faro's life recall those dance songs with which the Roman boys celebrated Aurelian's exploits. (See page 283).

^{page 299 note 2} Ut nullus presbyterorum ad anniversariam diem … nec plausus et risus inconditos et fabulas inanes ibi referre aut cantare praesumat … Migne, o. c. cxxv, 776—quoted by Gröber, Grundriss ii, p. 447, n. 1.

^{page 300 note 1} Si quando autem in cujuslibet anniversario ad prandium presbyteri invitantur, cum omni pudicitia et sobrietate a procaci loquacitate et rusticis cantilenis caveant. Nec saltatrices in modum filiae Herodiadis coram se turpes facere ludos permittant. Mansi, o. c. xv, 507, cited by Gröber, l. c., n. 2. Notice that the “cantilenae” are not connected with dance movements. They are simply rustic songs. Also the Salome dances are not accompanied by singing but by coarse gestures. They appear to be danced by professionals.

^{page 300 note 2} Corpus Gloss. Lat. v, pp. 351, 445, and pp. 352, 633. Cf. Isidore of Seville on page 295.

^{page 300 note 3} E. Dümmler, Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini ii. The third strophe reads:

^{page 300 note 4} Benedict Levita, or the monk who assumed this name, pretended to be a resident of Mayence, but is supposed to have lived in the east of France. Whatever his sources, real or spurious, he must have written pertinently to his environment. So his capitulary on the observance of Sunday and saints' days is to the point in our discussion, and in its tenor confirms the ideas presented by the capitulary of his contemporary, Hérard of Tours. It says: “Quando populus ad ecclesias venerit tarn per dies dominicos quam et per sollemnitates sanctorum, aliud non ibi agat nisi quod ad Dei pertinet servitium. Illas vero balationes et saltationes canticaque turpia ac luxuriosa, et illa lusa diabolica non faciat nec in plateis nec in domibus neque in ullo loco; quia haec de paganorum consuetudine remanserunt.” Mon. Germ. Hist., Legum ii² (1837, folio), p. 83 (no. 196). See page 298, note 3. The same canon?

^{page 301 note 1} Migne, o. c. cxxxii, 190, 243. The second is assigned by Burchard of Worms, in his Decretorum libri xx, to some Orleans council. See Migne, o. c. cxl, 886 (canon 7).

^{page 302 note 1} Migne, o. c. cxxxii, 715 C.—It is also possible that Benoît de Sainte-More has reliable authority for the lines in his Chronique des ducs de Normandie (about 1172), when he adds to an account of the cowardice of Ebles of Poitou during a Norman invasion of 911 (furnished him by a known Latin chronicler) the statement that the French sang satirical ditties at Ebles' expense:

^{page 302 note 2} Migne, o. c. cxl, 836; Decretorum libri xx, Book x, canon 18.

^{page 303 note 1} Migne, o. e. cxv, 681.—But in the anonymous life of St. Ouen, sometimes ascribed to Frithegod of Canterbury (Xc.), carmen means an erotic song: “ In quorum domo, non ut assolet in quorumdam secularium conviviis, mimorum, atque hystrionum carmina foeda…” Acta Sanctorum xxxviii, August, iv, 810 F.

^{page 303 note 2} The same relation may be inferred for the “ cantionibus ” of Arnobius Afer's treatise. See page 286 note 1.

^{page 303 note 3} Compare the “canticum turpe atque luxuriosum” of the Mayence council of 813 (Mon. Germ. Hist., Concilia ii, p. 272, ll. 9, 10). Examples of this sort of lyric in later verse occur to us at once, especially a certain notorious poem of William IX.

^{page 304 note 1} Nullius diem Jovis absque sanctis festivitatibus nec in Madio nec ullo tempore in otio observet. O. c., p. 706. See note 1, page 295.

^{page 304 note 2} Ut nullus Kalendas Januarias et bromas ritu paganorum colere praesumat … O. c., p. 15. The Roman observance of the January Calends by singing and dancing is confirmed by a letter written to Pope Zacharias by Boniface of Mayence in 742: “Sicut adfirmant: se vidisse annis singulis in Romana urbe et juxta aecclesiam sancti Petri in die vel nocte, quando Kalende Januarii intrant, paganorum consuetudine chorus ducere per plateas et adclamationes ritu gentilium et (in-) cantationes sacrilegas celebrare. …” Mon. Germ. Hist., Epist. iii, p. 301. ll. 11-14. Quoted by Gröber, Zur Volkskunde aus Concilbeschlüssen und Capitularien, paragraph 9.

^{page 306 note 1} It is also noticeable that little help comes from abroad at this time. Towards the middle of the century some ordinances of the English kings forbid heathen songs at funerals and on holydays. They also forbid tree and fountain worship and the practice of incantations. See canon 1 of Edgar, of 960 (against “prophana cantica”), in Mansi, o. c. xviii, p. 515, no. 18; xix, p. 69, no. 54. In Germany, about the year 973, Widukind was writing an account of the battle of Heresburg, fought a half-century earlier, where “tanta caede Francos mulctati sunt, ut a mimis declamaretur” (Mon. Germ. Hist., Scriptorum iii, p. 428, ll. 17, 18).—More significant, because it comes from Romance, though not French, territory, and because it supplies interesting details, is what we gather from sermons of Atto, bishop of Vercelli, in North Italy, from 924 to 961. In sermon iii he alludes to Pagan rites at the January and March calends. In sermon IX he says that God should be praised: “ non aereis cymbalis, non canticulis platearum,” and people should rejoice not “in epithalamiis et cantilenis, ut mimi; non in saltationibus et circo, ut histriones vel idolorum cultores.” For what is worse for old men and youths “quam stupra virginum et libidines meretricum turpi gestu et blanda voce cantare…?” In sermon xiii, on the festival of Saint John the Baptist, he bewails that in many places “ quaedam meretriculae ecclesias et divina officia derelinquant, et passim per plateas et compita, fontes etiam et rura pernoctantes, choros statuant, canticula componant..” Migne, o. c. cxxxiv, 835, 844, 850.—The St. Martial's version of the Latin poem Jam, dulcis arnica, venito, which dates from the last half of the tenth century and which may have been composed in France, contains a strophe where “ cantica ” appears instead of the “carmina” of the Viennese version:

^{page 307 note 1} Could we determine the language used by the “ Francigenis poetis,” who accompanied Charles the Bald into Italy (see Johannes' Coena Cypriani (876 or 877), published by É. du Méril in his Poésies populaires latines antérieures au moyen âge (p. 200), we might approach a solution of this interesting question. For they may have composed in French or Provençal. Some verses by Paschasius Radbert, abbot of Corbie (Somme) from 844 to 851, afterwards resident at St. Riquier, near Abbeville (†865), suggest literary compositions in the vernacular. Radbert hopes that the praises of Abbot Adalhart of Corbie († 826) may be variously voiced by the clerks:

Some fifty years later, not far from Corbie, Sainte Eulalie was written.

^{page 310 note 1} On p. 120 of edition cited below.

^{page 311 note 1} .. cum seniores hujus loci .. ineptum hunc tumultum, feralesque rusticanorum vociferationes atque incompositas cantationes compescere nequivissent … Liber Miraculorum Sanctae Fidis ii, c. 12. (In the edition, by A. Bouillet, of the “Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire,” the story of the vigils and songs is given on pp. 120-122).

^{page 311 note 2} … satis pro simplicitate illorum innocens cantilena, licet rustica, utcumque tolerari potest … non tarnen ea cantilena Deus gaudere credendus sit, etc. L. c., p. 121.

^{page 311 note 3} Sic quoque idem permittit et his quae sapiunt cantare .. Tarnen ne putet aliquis hisce assertionibus me velie id concludere ut Deus pure simpliciterque haec eadem velit, cum sint rustica et inepta cantica, etc. L. c., p. 122.

^{page 312 note 1} Page 300, note 1.

^{page 314 note 1} Cf. E. Schroeder, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte xvii (1897), pp. 94-164.